TheAthensID Issue 3 2008

TheAthensID 3, - 2008

A 2008

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008

[ Green Roofs] [ ] 281 [Wind power generation in the islands of the Aegean Sea: a labyrinth in need of a thread] [by Theoharis Tziovaras] 317 [ ] [ ] 334 [-. ] [ ] 351 [ : ] [ ] 391 [ ] [ ] 418 [] [ ] 438 [:Jared Diamond, , , . , 2006.] [ .] 451

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[Wind power generation in the islands of the Aegean Sea: a labyrinth in need of a thread] [by Theoharis Tziovaras]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [317]

Wind power generation in the islands of the Aegean Sea: a

labyrinth in need of a thread1

Theoharis Tziovaras

Abstract

The recent developments in wind power generation in the Greek islands of

the Aegean Sea are examined with the aim of understanding the complex

system at hand and coming up with policy recommendations. Analysis focuses

on the legislative, technical, behavioral, infrastructural, economic and

institutional aspects. While technical studies show a remarkable wind potential

and cost-benefit analyses suggest that in most cases it is economically

rational to invest in wind parks in the area, wind power penetration remains

limited and narrow, reaching only 56 MW, or 8.9% of the overall capacity

installed in Greece (745.56 MW) at the end of 2006. All this despite the

strategic goal of expanding wind energy production in Greece. Main proposals

are that an institutional shift is necessary, comprising of encompassing all

relevant administrative power under a single entity, and also that policies

enacted by the state must be more consistent with proclaimed goals. Finally,

that increased public participation and awareness is necessary in order to

ensure a future marked by sustainability in economy, society and

environment.

Keywords: wind power, Greece, policy, legislation

Introduction

Even a slight look at the situation regarding the development of wind power

generation in the islands of the Aegean Sea is enough to depict the extreme

complexity of the issue. Technical studies show a remarkable wind potential

1 Delivered for Lund Universitys International Masters Programme in Environmental Studies and Sustainability Science


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [318]

that remains largely untapped; cost-benefit analyses suggest that in most

cases it is economically rational to invest in wind parks in the area; the

endeavour of fulfilling energy needs through wind power fits with the

strategic goal of expanding wind energy production in Greece and is

concurrent with the relevant legislation; however, wind power penetration

remains limited and narrow in the area, reaching only 56 MW, or 8.9% of the

overall capacity installed in Greece (745.56 MW) at the end of 2006 (ELETAEN

2007).

This paper will analyze the exact reasons that have led to the extremely slow

penetration of wind power in the Aegean Sea and offer suggestions for a

more efficient course that will help Greece fulfil its target of promoting

renewable energy sources. In order to come up with a concise analysis,

several factors will be examined. These include the physical potential for wind

power generation in the Aegean Sea, the technical and infrastructural

arrangements that are in place or are needed, the legal framework and the

ensuing investment opportunities arising and the role of several business

actors in the market. Moreover the role and attitude of the public will be

examined. Throughout the analyses the opportunities and obstacles will be

highlighted, so as to lead to a concise set of recommendations that would

help the Greek state in its policy-making.

It must be made explicable from the beginning that the situation is far from

clear; the interaction of several actors in different levels and the bureaucratic

strain that underlines the entire procedure create a labyrinth of contested

interests, where the thread of sustainability is translucent and evasive.

Background

Greece is a country highly reliable on fossil fuels for its electricity production:

according to EUROSTAT (2007), 52 from 57.4 GWh produced in 2006 were

from fossil fuels. This trend seems to be changing, albeit slowly. In 2005,


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [319]

55.9% of electricity needs were covered by lignite, 13.5% by oil and 12.9%

by natural gas, while 9.1% was covered by large hydroelectric and 5.5% by

imports. The share of renewable energies reached 3.1%, with wind power

showing a spectacular increase of 30% (YPAN 2005), but still remaining

limited to a capacity 746 MW (end of 2006). A capacity that increased only by

2.27% in 2006 (EWEA 2006)

A complex scheme of separate events has led to this contesting situation

non the least, the inertia in the system. Among those, most prominent is the

renewed interest about global warming, within the framework of the Kyoto

Protocol, which has affected Greek policy-making mainly through the

intervention of the European Union. Within the EU-bubble of the Kyoto

Protocol, Greece has gained the right to increase its emissions by 25% from

the base level of 1990. However, the adoption of directive 2001/77/EC in

September 2001 for the promotion of electricity production from RES, led to

the formulation of a strategic target within Greek policy of generating 20.1%

of electricity production through RES (including large-scale hydro) until 2010.

This effectively means that Greece is obliged to increase by more than 100%

its 2000 electricity generation by RES until 2010 (IEA 2002). The share of

wind power is projected to be 3,372 MW (which means an almost five-fold

expansion from current levels).

Mirasgedis et al. (2002) conducted a feasibility analysis on the issue,

concluding that under a BAU scenario total electricity production in 2010 will

not be above 9.5%, since most investors are more inclined into safer

natural gas plants. Moreover, it must be stated that already since 1995 the

Climate Action Plan of Greece stipulated an increase of RES energy to 10% of

primary energy supply by 2000. The goal was not met; the share finalized

into 5.2% (IEA 2002).

It remains to be seen whether this time the target will be achieved. Many

changes have occurred since then and a more beneficial environment has


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [320]

been constructed. In the following sections the most important of these shifts

will be discussed, so as to assess the benefits stemming from them, along

with various obstacles. These broad sectors include the changes in legislation

that led to the liberalization of the electricity market in 2001, the ensuing

inflow of relevant investment and business opportunities, the upgrade of

several parts of the infrastructure and the studies for the interconnection of

many islands to the mainland grid, and a shift in public opinion due to worry

about global warming have impacted significantly. But, firstly, the wind power

potential in the islands will be examined.

Wind power potential in the islands of the Aegean Sea

The Aegean Sea boasts over 2,000 islands, many of which are populated.

Most of them are not inter-connected to the mainland, and the approximately

one million Greeks who live on them are dependent on imports that fuel local

oil- and lignite-based plants. Electricity consumption in these islands is about

4% of total electricity consumption in Greece, yet the electricity demand is

increasing at the rate of 8% annually, almost twice the rate observed in the

mainland (Hatziargyriou et al. 2006). In order to satisfy this growing demand,

the Greek Public Power Corporation (PPC) can either build more plants,

increase the efficiency of the existing ones or take advantage of the

significant wind potential that these islands possess (Papathanassiou and

Boulaxis 2006).

The geographical location allows for a reliable wind source throughout the

years, with the Etesian winds in the summer and the Vardar in the winter

months (Lalas et al. 1983). In the central region of the Aegean Sea, where

most of the islands are located, the wind energy density peaks, ranging from

20 to 635 W/m2 at 10 meters height, with average annual wind speed of 9

m/s (IEA 2002) and a peak velocity of 11 m/s (Lalas et al. 1983, Kaldellis and

Gavras 2000). Kaldellis and Gavras (2000) suggested that wind energy can

cover all electricity needs of the islands in the area. According to Lalas et al.


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [321]

(1983), this potential constitutes the specific site an ideal candidate for the

development of wind farms.

Infrastructure and grid connectedness of the Aegean islands

Greece possesses over 12,000 km transmission lines, while distribution lines

are over 200,000 km long. However, most of the islands of the Aegean Sea

remain disconnected from the mainland grid, mostly due to distance. This lack

of interconnectedness is one of the major obstacles in diffusing wind power

generation, since currently the limitations imposed by the capabilities of the

local networks allow only 30% of wind power to be absorbed, according to

the Ministry of Development (YPAN 2005). Papathanassiou and Boulaxis

(2006) have noted that wind farms which operate in island systems

(especially if these are small) are prone to output power limitations that need

to be taken into consideration when calculating the expected wind energy

yield. Such limitations depend on total load demand. Since most of these

islands are sparsely populated, investments are equally spare.

Moreover, lack of inter-connectedness with the grid does not allow the sale of

electricity produced therein into areas with higher demand (Kabouris and

Perrakis 2000). Therefore, the need to tap into the wind power potential of

the Aegean and use the power generated to satisfy demand in other parts of

Greece has led to the ambitious project of connecting most of the islands to

the mainland. The goal is not only to cease using the conventional power

plants in the islands, but also to limit the dependence on foreign oil and gas

in the entire country (RAE 2005).

However, this project has met with resistance by locals, who have taken the

issue to the Council of State (the highest court of the country), hindering its

realization. So, currently, the infrastructural problems do not allow for a large

number of islands to be effectively deployed as sites of wind farms. Therefore

focus has been given to those islands which are connected to the mainland,

since they are situated close to it (such as Eyvoia and Skyros). This creates


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [322]

further tensions with locals, who object into their land bearing the cost of

the national target for electricity production from RES as will be discussed

on the relevant section.

This problem can be rectified through an even more ambitious project:

abandoning the idea of using some islands as distribution centres (where

high-voltage transmission lines would be sited) and connecting the region

solely through underwater cables with a significantly increased cost. This

project has already been decided for the islands of the Northeast Aegean Sea,

with preliminary studies having been concluded in 2005 (YPAN 2005). The

Ministry of Development holds that part of the project will have been

completed until 2010. The Regulatory Authority for Energy estimates the total

cost of connecting all islands to be 1.5 billion euro (half obtained by EU

funds), while the time horizon stretches to 15-20 years from 2007 (RAE

2007).

Another important aspect is that the changes that must be made in the

infrastructure of the islands burden not the PCC but the private investors. This

is not only a disincentive, but also works as a competitive disadvantage for

investors, since subsequent investors may use the upgraded infrastructure

free of charge.

Moreover, the fact that the grid is still under control of the PCC (essentially a

player/competitor in the market) raises several issues. A characteristic

example is a complaint filed against the PPC by the Greek Association of

Renewable Energy Sources Electricity Producers (ESHAPE), in which it is

claimed that the PPC does not inform (as it is obliged by law) the producers

about how much electricity the grid will absorb the next 24 hours and

furthermore that it schedules electricity absorption based on wind velocity: it

absorbs mostly when no wind is blowing (ESHAPE 2007).


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [323]

Finally, another issue that needs to be taken into consideration is the

necessary upgrades that must be implemented in the mainland system if

connection with the islands is to occur and the local power plants are to be

phased out. Wind power is not constant throughout the year and therefore at

certain times the islands will have to be powered from the mainland (RAE

2007). There is discussion though that this issue can be solved through the

use of hybrid systems that can store electricity for further use (YPAN 2005).

Relevant legislation

Legislation is the most important factor influencing the future course of

action. The principle of sustainability has already been included in the

Constitution of Greece. However, laws are always open to interpretation.

Within the relevant literature, the various reports and the newspapers there is

a constant dialogue about what is exactly meant by different laws, while more

than once a piece of legislation is found conflicting with others. Especially as

far as RES are concerned, the pertinent laws are relatively new and have not

been tested in action, therefore are in many cases needing of amendments

(as environmental NGOs are keen on reporting). The two basic laws that

direct the legal framework are 2244/1994 and 2773/1999.

The biggest change in Greek legislation came under law 2244/1994 which

established feed-in prices for electricity from RES (IEA 2002). The main

provision of the law enables the construction and operation of wind farms by

private investors, with all electricity produced sold to the PPC (Karagiannis

2000). Under the law, the electricity produced by renewable sources is sold

to local utilities at a fixed percentage (e.g. 90% for the islands and 70% for

the mainland) of the corresponding retail/market price (Kaldellis 2002: 267).

Retail prices of 2006 were 8.15 ct/kWh for the islands, significantly higher

than the 6.45 ct/kWh for the mainland (Hatziargyriou et al. 2006). According

to Karagiannis (2000), a Power Purchase Agreement of ten-years has also

been established, so as to create a safe economic framework that will attract

investors. However, the law does not allow private investors to access directly


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [324]

the transmission network, due to the fact that the PPC still manages it (IEA

2002).

Another keystone law was 2773/1999, which led to the liberalization of the

electricity market, following the provisions of Directive 96/92/EC. The law

established the Regulatory Authority for Energy (RAE) as an independent

administrative body that oversees the electricity market in Greece. Moreover,

it amended significantly law 2244/1994. As YPAN (2005) stated, the same

prices for purchasing electricity produced by RES were kept, however the

right of lowering these was offered to the Minister of Development

(Greenpeace has criticized fiercely this provision). A new feed-in tariff regime

was created, in which no capacity reimbursement was offered to the

producers (IEA 2002). Moreover, the law provides priority to electricity

created by RES in network dispatching, if the capacity installed is lower than

50 MW (IEA 2002). Finally, in order to curb local opposition, the law

established a 2% tax to wind turbines, with the benefits directed to the local

communities.

An obstacle that needs to be surpassed is the law 2971/2001 regarding

coastline management. Under current provisions, it is forbidden to create off-

shore wind parks (YPAN 2005). This must change as soon as possible, since

this possibility would open the road for more investments and would put an

end to the most pressing issue of public disapproval of using land for wind

parks.

Another issue that should be tackled with is the licensing and permitting

procedure. According to Kabouris and Perrakis (2000), the two main problems

that create severe obstacles in the construction of more wind farms generally

in Greece are the complicated administrative procedures for wind farm

licensing; and the lack of grid infrastructure (418). Hatziargyriou et al.

(2006) noted that an investor must pass through a complex process where

installation and operation licenses must be obtained from 30 different


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [325]

agencies, such as the Archaeology Department, the Ministry of National

Defense, the Forest Management Service, the radio and television

broadcasting authorities etc. The International Energy Agency (2002)

describes the process as cumbersome and time-consuming (81), although

law 2491/01 simplified it significantly. Albeit the government proclaims that

this procedure lasts 4-12 months, on average the entire procedure takes 19

months (IEA 2002). A significant aspect is that law 2647/98 provides local

municipalities with the authority to forbid the construction of wind turbines,

creating a host of problems.

Finally it must be stated that there exist several beneficial decisions of the

Council of State regarding wind power generation. Most important of those is

that wind power generation is considered to be the most environmentally

friendly form of energy production and that wind turbines can be sited within

forest areas (ESHAPE 2004).

Economic considerations and business opportunities

As has already been stated, significant financial benefits exist from developing

wind-farm units in the Aegean Sea. Kaldellis and Gavras (2000) conducted a

cost-benefit analysis, taking into consideration parameters such as capital

cost, local inflation rate, cost of operation and maintenance, size of turbines

used etc., concluding that the vast majority of wind energy applications in

Greece is one of the most promising investments in the energy production

sector (517). When also taking into consideration the uncertainty entailed

currently in the world energy market (due to rising oil prices and speculation

about the future availability of reserves) and the environmental deterioration

procured by the emission of greenhouse gases and pollutants, it becomes

clear that the economic benefits for investors in wind power outweigh the

costs.


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [326]

The government also provides various market incentives (e.g. tariffs or

subsidies ranging from 40% to 50% of capital cost) in order to create a

welcoming atmosphere for foreign investments (Kabouris and Perrakis 2000).

The International Energy Agency (2002), citing the Greek Ministry of

Development, reports that in certain isolated geographical areas (such as

some islands of the Aegean Sea), wind power generation could be profitable

even without subsidies (fuel cost of diesel in small islands is ct 6-7/KWh,

while wind electricity with an annual mean wind speed of 6 m/s is 4.7

ct/KWh). In some areas of the Aegean Sea, as has been already been

stated, annual average speed is 9 m/s, constituting even less expensive

electricity production through wind turbines.

This is most probably the reason that many international investors have been

drawn to the region. Companies such as Windsolar, Gemesa and Iberdrola

(which currently controls 49% of the company Rokas owner of 30% of wind

turbines in Greece) have made a dynamic presence in the deregulated market

since 2001. Currently the Regulatory Authority for Energy has received

applications for more than 14,500 MW of wind farms (Kabouris and

Hatziargyriou 2006). However Greek business newspapers write that a show-

down is about to occur, with the RAE pondering to withdraw half of the

licenses it has issued thereby strengthening certain players in the market

(Christodoulakis & Kotsis 2007). This is only speculation, yet if such a scenario

is realized it would affect the market radically.

Understanding public opinion and its importance

These changes in the market have created turmoil in the investors, with the

big companies requesting grand projects in order to benefit as much as

possible from the current legislation, according to the highly credible

newspaper Eleytherotypia (Kaitantzidis 2007). However, proclamations of

projects ranging up to 400 MW (for instance, in the island of Serifos) have

sparked protests from local authorities and residents, who are afraid that their

small islands will be filled with wind turbines.


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [327]

In order to deal with this issue, the Regulatory Authority for Energy suggested

that the total capacity installed in an island cannot surpass the maximum

demand observed therein (RAE 2007). If this suggestion is followed by law,

then the plans to power the mainland and deploy to the maximum the wind

potential of the islands will be buried, perhaps for years.

This incident demonstrates the power that the public opinion holds

especially since with law 2647/98 municipalities are responsible to issue

permits for construction, siting and function of wind turbines. Indeed, in many

cases projects have been either stalled or cancelled due to local resistance.

According to the highly reliable newspaper To Vima (2007), at least 85

projects are stuck in the Council of State due to complaints mainly by

hunters associations.

Hatziargyriou et al. (2006) have suggested that this problem is worse in

mainland Greece, while in the islands the situation is better, the residents

themselves invest in renewable energies and the authorization procedure is

much quicker () due to very effective co-operation of local authorities

compared to the mainland (6). Kaldellis (2005) reached the same conclusion,

noting also that the people in mainland Greece seem to accept the existing

wind parks but are rather negatively inclined towards new installations, while

islanders are clearly supportive. Yet, the recent example of the island of

Skyros, where last June a big percentage of the local population reacted

strongly against the creation of a wind farm that would generate over 300

MW of power. It is surely the scale of the project that has fueled such a

massive reaction.

Kaldellis (2005) noted that this attitude stems from the fact that the largest

part of new scheduled installations is concentrated in a few geographical

regions, in an attempt to take advantage of the existing electrical network

capabilities and the acceptable infrastructure situation (595): this significant


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [328]

concentration of mega-projects (at least for Greek standards) is the cause of

the peoples reaction.

The comments of an MP from the island of Eyvoia (reported in the newspaper

Eleytherotypia (Apostolou 2007) are enlightening. The MP notes that in the

southern part of the island there have been installed 352 wind turbines with a

capacity of 206 MW, while proposals from the state are that the maximum

capacity of the area should be 2,672 MW, needing an additional 1,250 wind

turbines and covering by approximately 80% the national target set for 2010.

The residents main concern, he says, is that the development of their local

region falls prey to national and corporate interests, while other areas remain

untouchable.

Another problem that influences directly the policy-makers is the resistance

from the residents of the island Tinos in having high-voltage transmission

lines passing through their island, as part of the project of connecting the

islands to the mainland grid. The municipality took the issue to the Council of

State, which decided that this should not happen, since it would alter the

character of the islands (Apostolou 2007)

Kaldellis (2005) noted also that the most troublesome outcome (601) of

their survey was the revealing of a small minority that is absolutely against

wind energy, whatever the potential gain. Unfortunately no clear reason for

this bias was provided in his study.

It must be stated though that this reaction might be justified, if the

communities do not have the incentive to allow the development of mass-

scale projects in their islands. Moreover, the fact that off-shore wind turbines

are forbidden by law denies the one perhaps plausible solution to the

situation. The Greek people, although exhibiting an attitude characterized by

localism in certain occasions, do worry about climate change and know that

this is caused directly from energy production and consumption. According to


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [329]

a recent Eurobarometer study, Greeks show one of the highest percentages

of concern for climate change in the entire Europe (68%), while the

percentage aware that energy production and consumption has a negative

impact on climate change is 85% (Eurobarometer 2007).

Proposed policy recommendations

The solution provided by the RAE in this exact problem is for each island to

develop sufficient wind power capacity to cover exactly its needs (RAE 2007),

since this would bring not only energy independence, but would also protect

the local environment and lower carbon dioxide emissions. Although this

would not lead (in the foreseeable future) in the maximum deployment of the

wind potential existent in the islands, it leads to a decentralized pattern that

fosters social commitment and participation and is surely more desirable

than the present situation.

However, the problem is deeper and needs to be tackled from various sides.

To begin with, the case of law 2971/2001 regarding the coastline is a clear

example of the fragmentation of Greek legislation as far as the environment is

concerned. When different authorities are responsible for issues systemically

interrelated, the result is rarely a sustainable practice. The fact that there is

no Ministry of Environment as a separate entity (let alone a Ministry of

Sustainable Development) responsible for everything related to the issue, is

the cornerstone of the countrys environmental policy (or lack thereof). This is

portrayed in all relevant subjects, renewable energy notwithstanding. The

most basic change necessary is the attribution of all policy-drafting regarding

renewable energy and wind power to a single authority. This should be

supplemented by an integration principle, through which new legislation will

be incorporated in all relevant laws and provisions.

Furthermore, the government should decide upon a set of targets and stick to

it, trying to achieve it by all means possible. The failures of the past create a

sense of foreboding regarding the future, especially since three years remain


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [330]

up to the deadline for the targets of achieving 3,372 MW of wind power

generation and the needle is stuck at 750 MW. Incentives for investment are

not enough if they are not accompanied by consistency through time and

policy. The competitive practices of the PPC, which still holds a firm grip over

the internal electricity marker despite the liberalization, can only harm the

national goals of expanding and attracting investors. This would ensure

economic sustainability, for a technology that is bound to have many years of

life ahead of it.

Moreover, the state and local municipalities should cooperate more closely

with one another and with the people. The locals can hardly be blamed for

reacting when they are not being consulted in decision-making and when they

are not active components of it. Ecological sustainability cannot last if social

sustainability is not ensured, and this is constructed through participation,

justice and awareness. The state and the local authorities should enact

information campaigns, showing to the locals exactly what wind power is and

dispelling the myths that one reads in the newspapers (some locals, in their

ignorance, are even afraid that wind turbines hurt sexual prowess!).

Finally, all the players involved should do as much as possible to tackle the

issues of growing CO2 emissions and air pollution, two of the most challenging

projects of our times. This should be done with a true respect for local

capabilities (e.g. for a region to hold wind turbines or not), taking into

consideration the distinct properties of a place and capitalizing on that to

choose the best available method of tapping its natural resources. This should

be accompanied by economic incentives, in order to create a thriving market

that only the past ten years has started its first steps in Greece.

The combination of economic benefit, social cohesion and ecological

soundness can be realized in the policies surrounding wind power generation

in Greece. This is why also the Council of State (a court esteemed by almost


TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [331]

everyone in the country) proclaimed that wind power generation is the

friendliest source of energy known.

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Brink, Une Saison Blanche et Sche, 1979, Le Livre de Poche. Paris 1992)

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TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [352]

3,2

5 2030,

. 2020

- , , , , , ,

, - 20 .

,

, ,

.

,

. 1789

.

:

1950 30% , 2007

1980 2000 , , Tianjin , Hyderabad Lahore

. 2010

(: Prof. Guido Martinotti, Analisi dello sviluppo urbano,

Lezione 11: Le megacitt del mondo,

http://www.sociologia.unimib.it/wcms/file/materiali/1851.pdf )

37% , 75%

300 ,

100

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [353]

( Bombay) 12 (1990) 15,1

(1995)

2002 , 1960

600%.

2000

35 (megacities), 1950

. ( : Der

Spiegel Special, Bevlkerung, Jahrbuch 2004).

600 ( 10% )

10 , 13%

(: Alex De Sherbinin, Andrew Schiller and Alex Pulsipher, The

vulnerability of global cities to climate hazards, Environment and

Urbanization, 2007, 19, p. 40)

15 15

, 16,5%

(: De la

Urbanizacin acelerada a la consolidacin de los asentamientos

humanos en Amrica Latina y el Caribe: El Espacio Regional, Cepal

2000, http://www.cepal.cl/publicationes/XmI/01507016-2116-e.pdf ).

, .

1

1 H.G.Wells, o 1906, The Future in America, ,

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [354]

Blade Runner, Gotham City

, -

, , ,

,

, Ecotopia, .

, .

( Stalker )

(

, Robocop

, Jungle Fever, Boyz in the

Hood Colors).

Kliptown. Soweto. apartheid

,

, , .

homelands,

- -

,

shacks,

2.

Siem Reap, .

, .

Phnom Penh,

.

, Mike Davis, Blade Runner. - , Futura, 1998, . 11. 2 Colette Braeckman, Paysans sans terre d Afrique du Sud, Le Monde Diplomatique, Septembre 2003, . 25 Philippe Rivire, Quand les Sud-Africains rclament un toit, Le Monde Diplomatique, Avril 2008, . 8-9.

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [355]

,

.

,

, ,

3.

3,3 400 ,

-, .

.

, .

,

- .

4.

, .

, , ,

,

,

de facto ,

- ,

, -

- .

. ,

5,

: 3 Sbastien de Dianous, Les Damns de la terre de Cambodge, Le Monde Diplomatique Septembre 2004, . 20-21. 4 , , -, , , 30 2005, . 25. 5 , , . Futura (5), 1999, . 43.

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [356]

,

.

. ,

.

.

.

-

-

, - ,

,

(deterritorialisation) (reterritorialisation)6,

;

, ,

,

.

6 , firmitas, . ( , 1983), , ; , . Futura (8), 2001, . 192, . 190.

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [357]

,

7, slums

1812

, 1820

,

,

, (tenement

house/ districts) (deteriorated neighborhoods),

, ,

: neighborhood

hood

Los Angeles8.

tanake,

taudis= , massaken aswakiyyah=

habitat insalubre= 9,

barrios de indigentes,

, barrios insalubres comunidades de transito,

,

10.

19

, -

- 921 slums,

78,2%

( 19,6%

slums).

, slums bustees Kolkata ( 7 , -slums . 8 The challenge of Slums: global report on human settlements, 2003/ United Nations Settlements Programme, p. 9, http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/getPage-asp?page=bookView&book=1156 9 Mona Fawaz and Isabelle Peillen, The case of Beirut, Lebanon, pp. 25-26, http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Beirut.pdf 10 . Mario Coyula and Jill Hamberg, Understanding Slums: The case of Havana, Cuba, The David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, Working Paper, pp. 9-11.

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [358]

), chawls11 zopadpattis , katchi abadis

, kampungs , iskwaters , shamassas

, umjondolos Durban , intra-

murios , bidonvilles

12, baladis , gecekondus

, conventillos Quito , favelas

villas miseria colonias populares 13.

11 , . Our Home is a slum: An exploration of a Community and local Government collaboration in a tenants struggle to establish legal residency, p. 8, http://www.unrisd.org/.../ab82a6805797760f80256b4f005da1ab/OfOb606baa3ac25380256b660046004d$FILE/dp107.pdf 12 , mudun safi, , brarek, , lahbach, , . Francoise Navez-Bouchanine, The case of Rabat-Sal, Morocco, pp. 8-9, http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Rabat.pdf 13 Mike Davis, Planet of Slums. Urban Involution and Informal Proletariat, New Left Review 26, March 2004, p. 14, http://abahlali.org/files/NLR26001.pdf

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [359]

1. .

.

,

20 .

, .

barracas ,

1929 1945,

. slums,

(communalky),

, ,

(vethi/ avariyni),

, .

Jordaan,

, ,

,

Ponticelli Scampia ,

,

.

,

. (: The challenge of Slums:

global report on human settlements, 2003/ United Nations Settlements

Programme, pp.65, 82, 202-203, 218,

http://www.unhabitat.org/pmss/getPage-asp?page=bookView&book=1156 )

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [360]

.

(,

-, - , )14. H

5, 8 10

,

,

. 2000 2015

(

500.000 ) 23%, 1 5

27%.

,

,

.

Las Vegas Los Angeles

Brighton (

) .

gated regions( ). ,

, Goyang,

Montpellier,

,

,

14 O Jean Gottmann 1950 , 500 (Megalopolis). Brian Berry (1970) . Joel Garreau (1991) - (Edge City) , , , Dr. Kingsley E. Haynes, Infrastructure: The Glue of Megacities, Megacities Lecture 9, pp. 13-15, www.megacities.nl/lecture_9/lecture.html

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [361]

15. T

:

- ,

- ,

55 2,5

,

. ,

,

, ,

,

, Los Angeles, ,

, ,

, Sao Paolo,

16.

( supra-cities)

.

,

3,5%

.

,

. ,

17.

15 Boomtowns, Hot Cities. Special Report, . Newsweek July 3-July 10, 2006, pp. 52-53. 16 John Friedmann, Peter Hall, Megacities, World Cities and Global Cities, Megacities Lecture1, www.megacities.nl/lecture_1/lecture.html 17 : ciudades emergentes, ciudades en transicin ciudades maduras, Desafis de las Megaciudades, pp. 17-18, http://w1.siemens.com/innovation/megacities/index.htm

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [362]

.

.

slums shantytowns

,

,

,

-

-. . ,

- ,

,

,

18 .

SAPS (Structure Adjustement Programmes),

,

, ,

,

. ,

, ,

:

(

)

18 Yves Chalas, Mutations urbaines contemporaines, Gopolitique(81), Janvier-Mars 2003, p. 45.

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [363]

19.

, 1970

,

,

. ,

,

20.

27.000 ,

1

, 50%

21.

, Hayy el Sellom

,

,

,

,

22.

,

.

,

19 Mike Davis, Planet of Slums. Urban Involution and Informal Proletariat, pp. 17-21 The challenge of Slums: global report on human settlements, 2003/ United Nations Settlements Programme, p. 3 20 Andr Bourgey, L explosion urbaine contemporaine dans le monde arabe, Gopolitique(81), Janvier-Mars 2003, pp. 76-78. 21 Ulrich Dilger, Informelle Siedlungen am Rand der Megastadt Kairo. Analyse einer ungeplanten Stadtentwicklung, 2007, s. 51, http://opus.bsz-bw.de/fhnu/volltexte/2007/7701 22 Mona Fawaz and Isabelle Peillen, The case of Beirut, Lebanon, p. 17 The case study of Lagos, http://www.water.tkk.fi/wt/tutkimus/glob/publications/Haapala/pdf-files/CASE%20STUDY%200F%20LAGOS.pdf

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [364]

23.

,

,

/ . 1974

1947

.

. 1970

1991 300.000 170.000

slum

24 , 94%

.

2. Desakota.

Desacota

.

.

(exurbia),

.

,

, .

,

23 Urbanizacin, migracin y exclusion social: vietas desde las villas miseria, trad. de Berna Wang, p. 88, http://www.fuhem.es/.../BASTIA%Tanja_urbanizacion_migracion_y_excluxion%20social.pdf 24 ( cutcha semi-pucca ), AKM Ahsan Ullah, Bright city lights and slums of Dhaka city: Determinants of rural-urban migration in Bangladesh, Migration Letters 1(1), October 2004, pp.26-41, http://www.migrationletters.com/200401/Ullah200401.pdf

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [365]

. -

.

project,

-, -

(: Sirajul Haq Talukder, Managing

Megacities: A case study of Metropolitan Regional Governance for Dhaka,

January 2006, http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/pubfiles/adt-

MU20070508145238/01Front.pdf Isidoro R. Malaque and Makoto

Yokohari, Urbanization process and the changing agricultural landscape

pattern in the urban fringe of Metro Manila, Phillipines, Environment and

Urbanization 2007, 19, p. 204)

.

1980

,

. ,

slums , ,

.

(tribalization)

,

,

25.

,

,

,

(informal

25 Prof. Mahmoud El Zain, The political potential of displacement to urban areas, Peace & Conflict Review, July 2006, www.review.upeace.org/index.cfm?issue=22

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [366]

economy). O

.

,

,

26.

slum Kibera Nairobi

.

,

(

) . ,

,

.

, Mumbai,

.

27.

(squatter settlements)

slums,

.

squatter settlements.

To

.

26 The challenge of Slums: global report on human settlements, 2003/ United Nations Settlements Programme, pp. 43-55. 27 The strange allure of the slums, The world goes to town. The Economist. A special report on cities, May 5th 2007, pp. 5-6.

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [367]

. ,

,

( )

,

, 28.

, 1950

.

gecekondus, shantytowns

.

,

, ,

.

gecekondus

,

, gecekondu 29.

30.

slums

1950 1960

,

Bogota slums Martires Santa Fe hostels

, ()

.

28 Ulrich Dilger, Informelle Siedlungen am Rand der Megastadt Kairo. Analyse einer ungeplanten Stadtentwicklung, 2007, ss. 88-91. 29 Tahire Erman, The Politics of Squatter (Gecekondu) Studies in Turkey:The Changing Representations of Rural Migrants in the Academic Discourse, Urban Studies, Vol.38/7, 2001, pp. 985-986. 30 Rabat , . , , Junio M. Ragragio, The case of Metro Manila, Philippines, http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Manila.pdf

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [368]

slums ,

squatter settlements

. , Villa el

Salvador ,

300.000 ,

- , ,

-, Phnom Penh

, barbacoas

La Habana Vieja, mudukku Colombo,

corticos Sao Paolo,

, Quito

,

barrios perifricos, Ibadan

5 . ,

:

Dharavi slum umbai, Orangi Kibera

, Ashaiman

, ,

,

pocket-sized slums31.

,

(jhupri), (khaldar) ,

(udbastu)32.

,

(bidons-bidonvilles) (imjondolos

Zulu) (mudun safi )

(corrugated iron

31 The challenge of Slums: global report on human settlements, 2003/ United Nations Settlements Programme, pp. 82-95. 32 slums bustees, Dr. Nitai Kundu, The case of Kolkata, India, http://www.ehs.unu.edu/file.php?id=277

[-. ] [ ]

TheAthensID / 3, - 2008 [369]

). ,

,

-

-,

, (

)33.

. , Sindh, 40%

TheAthensID Issue 3 2008

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