Post on 07-Mar-2018
Prosodic structure in morphology
Tomas RiadStockholms universitet
2
Traditional description of morphology
•
Word class•
Meaning
•
Etymology
•
Combination of morphemes for the purposes of derivation and compounding.
•
Possible mention of ’stressability’
(betonbarhet), hardly of tone accent (some mention in SAG, however).
3
Traditional description of prosody
•
Phonological stress algorithm–
calculate the placement of stress
–
Localise places to stress based on quantity and/or foot structure, rather than morphological information.
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Kristoffersen (2000: chapter 6) Phonological stress algorithm for Norwegian
a. The stress foot in East Norwegian is quantitative: [μμ]σ
or [μσ
μσ
] (moraic trochee)
b. Stress placement is calculated from the right end of the word.
c. Words have no (lexical) segmental quantity (it is assigned later)
d. Syllables can be heavy by position (CV.CVC.CV)
5
Kristoffersen (2000: chapter 6)
6
Kristoffersen (2000: chapter 6)
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Kristoffersen (2000: chapter 6)
•
Penultimate stress comes out as regular from the algorithm.
•
Final stress comes out under weight (and absence of extrametricality)
•
Exceptions galore, exceptionally represented. –
extrametricality
–
diacritic specification of e.g. vowel quantity and stress.
•
Tone accent 2 tends to be described as a ”disyllabicity accent”
(”tvåstavighetsaccent”) (Danell 1947, Öhman
1967, a.o.)
8
Aprioristic arguments for the lexical specification of prosodic
information.•
Main stress has been located to the root syllable for a very long time.
•
No L2 effects pertaining to stress (cf. Finnish and French people)
•
French loans retain stress on the original syllable (garˈdin, balˈkong, friˈsyr)
9
Elert (1981)
•
The tone accent distinction is important for the recognition of certain suffixes.
•
Morphological complexity is an important correlate of accent 2.
•
Connectivity
•
Prosody comes on top of morphology
10
Prosodic morphology
•
Morphemes can exhibit demands on prosodic form
•
Minimality–
Root, stem, affix
•
Subcategorisation–
Tonicity, avoid clash, seek out stress
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Minimality Javanese nasal fusion (min 2 σ)
(Downing 2006, 102, based on Uhrbach 1987)
polysyllabiska rötter: cukur ɲukur ’raka någon’ bali mbaleni ’återlämna något’ tulis nulis ’skriva’
monosyllabiska rötter: cet ŋəcet ’trycka’ *ɲet bom ŋəbom ’bomba’ *mbom tik ŋətik ’skriva (med skrivmaskin)’ *nik dol ŋədol ’sälja’ *ndol
12
Minimality in Swedish morphemes
•
Roots branch:nat-, posi-, elektr-, ben, stol, be:
•
Affix need not branch:be-, -a, -e, -t, -li(g), -o, -(n)iŋ, -iker
Branching=branching rhyme (not quantity)
13
Canonical stems in nicknames: two σ, two morphemes ty. Gabriele Gab + i Waldemar Wald + i Gorbatchow Gorb + i Trabant Trab + i sv. Katarina Kat + is Kattis Elisabet Bet + an Bettan Sven Sven + e Svenne Einar Ei + e Eje Magnus Mank + an Mankan
14
Gravitations (subcategorisation?)
”Germanic”:ˈstyr-ning, ˈfinn-as, ˈlys-ande, (*lys-ant)
”Foreign”:naviga-ˈtion, exist-ˈera, brilj-ˈant, (*brilj-ande)
How do we explain this patterning without referring to etymology?
15
Gravitations should be explained by surfacy properties (like stress status) that the child can interpret and generalise from.•
Prosodically specified–
Tonic, [Ft
morpheme …–
Pretonic, prefix-[Ft
…–
Posttonic, …Ft
]-suffix
•
Prosodically unspecified
16
Tonic morphemes[ˈglöm- [ˈglöm-sk] [ˈtrev- [ˈtrev]-lig [ˈtvätt- [ˈtvätt]-are -[ˈskap ˈfränd-[ˌskap] -[ˈhet ˈstor-[ˌhet] -[ˈV:n ku[b-ˈa:n], ru[m-ˈä:n], chi[l-ˈe:]n-are [ˈur- [ˈur]-ˌtrevlig [ˈo- [ˈo]-ˌmärklig
17
Pretonic
Posttonic
be-[ˈσ be-[ˈhov], be-[ˈred]a för-[ˈσ för-[ˈdel]a, för-[ˈakt]
ˈσ]-lig fi[ˈnur]-lig, ˈo-[ˌro]-lig ˈσ]-ning [ˈladd]-ning, be-[ˈtal]-ning ˈσ]-iker [ˈman]-iker, mate[ˈmat]-iker
18
Prosodically unspecifiednat- nat-[ˈion] man- ma[n-ˈi], [ˈman]-isk parl- parl-a-[ˈment] -ment fund-a-[ˈment] -tion posi-[ˈtion] -ell konstitutio[n-ˈell] trans- trans-[ˈport] pre- pre-dik-[ˈtion] in- in-aktu-[ˈell] -eri troll-eˈri, bag-e[ˈri]
19
•
Roots are tonic or unspecified
•
Affixes occur of all four types
•
Roots are never dependent in the prosodic sense.
20
Cf. Biscaya Basque, Lekeitio
oaccentuerad accentuerad sagar ’äpple’ arbóla ’träd’ ama ’mor’ léku ’plats’ itturri ’fontän’ mái ’bord’ etxe ’hus’ béste ’annan’
21
Cf. Tokyo Japanese
oaccentuerad accentuerad hi ’sol; dag’ hí ’gnista, eld’ san ’tre’ sán ’tvärstycke’ denki ’biografi’ dénki ’elektricitet’ hasi ’kant’ hási ’ätpinnar’ hasí ’bro’ kakera ’fragment’ kokóro ’hjärta’ kakeró ’bryt av!’ garasudama ’glaskulor’ áimitagai ’hjälp varandra’ omáwarisan ’polisman’
22
Greek
Grekisk accent, rötter a. oaccentuerade /anθrop-/ ’man’, /θalas-/ ’hav’ c. accentuerade /fantár-/ ’soldat’, /stafíð-/ ’russin’ d. postaccentuerande /uran^-/ ’himmel’, /aγor^-/ ’marknad’
Grekisk accent, suffix a. oaccentuerade /-os/ nom.sg. b. accentuerade /-ón/ gen.pl. c. preaccentuerande /-^u/ gen.sg.
23
GreekGrekiska kombinationer betydelse utfall oaccentuerad + oaccentuerad anθrop- -os ánθrop-os ‘man, nom.sg’ default=antepenultima oaccentuerad + accentuerad anθrop- -ón anθrop-ón ‘man, gen.pl’ harmoni oaccentuerad + preaccentuerande anθrop- -^u anθróp-u ‘man, gen.sg’ harmoni
accentuerad + oaccentuerad fantár- -os fantár-os ‘soldat, nom.sg’ harmoni accentuerad + accentuerad fantár- -ón fantár-on ‘soldat, gen.pl’ konflikt: roten vinner (*fantar-ón)
24
GreekGrekiska kombinationer betydelse utfall accentuerad + preaccentuerande fantár- -^u fantár-u ‘soldat, gen.sg’ harmoni
postaccentuerande + oaccentuerad uran^- -os uran-ós ‘himmel, nom.sg’ harmoni postaccentuerande + accentuerad uran^- -ón uran-ón ‘himmel, gen.pl’ harmoni postaccentuerande + preaccentuerande uran^- -^u uran-ú ‘himmel, gen.sg’ konflikt: roten vinner (*urán-u)
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Word formation
•
Morphology:Form derivations and compounds. Inflect.
•
Prosody:Form prosodic words (one or more)ωmin, ω’, ωmax
26
Correlation between morphological and prosodic words
ett prosodiskt ord flera prosodiska ord morfologisk term (agora+foˈbi)ω (indusˈtri)ω+(produkˈtion)ω sammansättning (ˈmellan)ω+(ˈmål)ω (ˈspindel)ω+(foˈbi)ω (dis-harmoˈni)ω (ˈo)ω(ˈlycka)ω prefixavledning (be-ˈröva)ω ((ˈför)ω- (ˈan)ω+(ˈleda)ω)ωmax (ˈvän-lig)ω (ˈkraft)ω-(ˈfull)ω suffixavledning (kub-ˈan)ω (kontrolˈler)ω-(ˈbar)ω (gris-eˈri)ω (temperaˈments)ω-(ˈfull)ω (transplanta-ˈtion)ω (rekorˈder-lig)ω (ˈjobb)ω (ˈar)ω(ˈbete)ω simplex (ˈsommar)ω
27
Properties of the minimal prosodic word (ωmin)
Culminativity-ωmin
•
Every minimal prosodic word has exactly one head(e.lek.tri.fi.ˈe.ra)ω
, (e.pi.de.ˈmi)ω
, (o.ˈre.ra)ω
, (em.bal.ˈlage)ω
,(ˈhus)ω
•
Every maximal prosodic word has exactly one head((ˈmel.lan)ωmin
+(ˈmål)ωmin
)ωmax
28
Properties of the minimal prosodic word (ωmin)
•
The minimal prosodic word is also the domain for syllabification.
•
True of all Germanic languages (cf. Hall and Kleinhenz 1999)
•
Diagnosis can be had with the help of the Onset principle (Onset):A sequence VCV is syllabified V.CV
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Onset and ωmin
(ˈhärm)ω(ˌapa)ω härm.a.pa *här.ma.pa(favoˈrit)ω(antipaˌti)ω fa.vo.rit.an.ti.pa.ti *fa.vo.ri.tan.ti.pa.ti (ˈBred)ω(ˌäng)ω bred.äng *bre.däng (ˈsokrates)ω(ˌanda)ω so.kra.tes.an.da *so.kra.te.san.da (ˈvan)ω(ˌartad)ω van.a.ʈad *va.na.ʈad(ˈfuling)ω *ful.ing fu.ling(ˈhärmande)ω *härm.an.de här.man.de(ˈgrinar)ω *grin.ar gri.nar
30
Properties of the minimal prosodic word (ωmin)
•
Rythmic grouping –
trochee vs. iamb(ˈtetra-)(ˌvinet) vs
(ˈbäck-)(raˌvinen)
.] [x [. x
•
Accent assignment is sensitive to ωmax
–
Only one accent per
ωmax
31
Non-isomorphy between morphology and prosody
•
Morphological head: branching root morpheme
•
Prosodic head:stressed foot
•
Sometimes there is a lack of correlation between stress and morphological head.
32
Unspecified morphemes: few or no traces of vowel length after stress shiftfonem allofoner lång betonad kort obetonad /i/ iː ~ ɪ pol[ˈiː]tiker pol[ɪ]tiˈsera /y/ yː ~ ʏ f[ˈyː]siker f[ʏ]siˈkalisk /e/ eː ~ ɛ prof[ˈeː]t prof[ɛ]ˈtera obsc[ˈeː]n obsc[e]niˈtet (äv. obsc[ˌeˑ]niˈtet) /ø/ øː ~ ø milj[ˈøː] ”milj[ø]ˈdi” œː ~ œ (_r) kommend[ˈœː]r f[œ]rˈändra /a/ ɑː ~ a dr[ˈɑː]ma dr[a]ˈmatisk, dr[a]maˈtik /o/ oː ~ ɔ/ʊ elektr[ˈoː]n elektr[ɔ]ˈnik /u/ uː ~ ʊ positi[ˈuː]n positi[ʊ]ˈnera fas[ˈuː]n fas[ʊ]ˈnera /ʉ/ ʉː ~ ʉ komm[ˈʉː]n komm[ʉ]ˈnard, komm[ʉ]naliˈsera kult[ˈʉː]r kult[ʉ]ˈrell / kult[ɵ]ˈrell
33
General stress rule•
Align-R(Ft, ω)Stress the rightmost available
syllable in the
prosodic word
•
1) Unspecified morphemes only (posi-tioˈn-ell, kommenˈd-ör).
•
2) posttonic suffix after unspecified morpheme (rekorˈder]-lig, meˈkan]-isk).
•
3) unspecified or posttonic morpheme after unspecified morpheme–
charlat[aˑn]eˈri, [noˑrd]-ˈist, [hant]-ˈer]lig
–
past]or-ˈat, profess]-ˈor]-lig
34
Tonic morphemes: traces of vowel length after stress shift
fonem allofoner lång betonad halvlång obetonad /i/ iː ~ iˑ gr[ˈiː]s gr[iˑ]seˈri /y/ yː ~ yˑ pr[ˈyː]d pr[yˑ]deˈrier /e/ eː ~ eˑ l[ˈeː]k l[eˑ]koˈtek ch[ˈeː]f ch[eˑ]feˈri kin[ˈeː]s kin[eˑ]seˈri /ø/ øː ~ øˑ s[ˈøː]ka (fel)s[øˑ]keˈri g[ˈøː]ta- g[øˑ]tiˈcism œː ~ œˑ ___r n[ˈœː]rd n[œˑ]rdeˈri /ɛ/ ɛː ~ ɛˑ kl[ˈɛː]der kl[ɛˑ]deˈri æː ~ æˑ ___r b[ˈæː]ra (brev)b[æˑ]reˈri
35
Tonic morphemes: traces of vowel length after stress shift
fonem allofoner lång betonad halvlång obetonad /a/ ɑː ~ ɑˑ b[ˈɑː]gare b[ɑˑ]geˈri d[ˈɑː]tor d[ɑˑ]torˈtek charlat[ˈɑː]n charlat[ɑˑ]neˈri /o/ oː ~ oˑ sk[ˈoː]da (navel)sk[oˑ]deˈri /u/ uː ~ ʊˑ/ʊ k[ˈuː]ka k[ʊˑ]keˈri, k[ʊ]keˈri pr[ˈuː]sa pr[ʊˑ]saˈist, pr[ʊ]saˈist n[ˈuː]rden n[ʊ]rˈdist / ʉ/ ʉː ~ ʉˑ/ʉ gj[ˈʉː]ta gj[ʉˑ]teˈri, gj[ʉ]teˈri m[ˈʉː]ra m[ʉˑ]reˈri l[ˈʉː]ta l[ʉˑ]teˈnist
36
mask[ˈiː]n mask[ɪ]n-eˈri
sv[ˈiː]n
sv[iˑ]n-eˈri
37
Suffix behaviour also signals the boundary between tonic and unspecified
toniskt morfem ospecificerat morfemspar[Ftˈtan-sk meˈkan-isk (*spar[Ftˈtan-isk) (*meˈkan-sk) [Ftˈsyn-sk ˈcyn-isk isra[Ftˈel-sk (< isra[Ftˈel) israˈel-isk (< ˈIsrael) [Ftˈdolsk, [Ftˈfalsk aristoˈtel-isk
38
Posttonic suffixes
specificerade ospecificerade ˈtrev-lig, ˈoˌvan-lig, ˈlandˌskap-lig rekord-ˈer-lig, profess-ˈor-lig, presid-ˈent-lig, naˈtur-lig ˈgrek-isk, ˈdan-sk mot-ˈor-isk, siˈsyf-isk ˈvin-are, brasiliˈan-are krimiˈnal-are, markeˈtent-are, sovˈjet-are, kaˈnot-are, bogˈser-are, sekreˈter-are ˈsnygg-ing, ˈhövd-ing, för-ˈsäkr-ing diskrimiˈner-ing, plaˈcer-ing, rekryˈter-ing proˈfess-or, ˈmot-or, ˈvekt-or meˈkan-iker, algeˈbra-iker
39
Violations of posttonicityˈheder ˈheder-lig *hedr-lig fonotaxˈsyster ˈsyster-lig *systr-lig ˈsamˌhälle samˈhälle-lig *samhälllig
ˈallˌmän allˈmänne-lig +ˈallˌmänlig arkaismˈvän ˈvänlig ˈglad ˈglade-lig +ˈgladlig ˈljud ˈljudlig ˈmånad ˈmånat-lig *ˈmånadlig
+ˈpäronlig, +ˈärolig, +ˈsommarig, +ˈsenapig, +ˈbyggnadslig, +ˈgryningig
40
Pretonic prefixesbe-ˈhov be-ˈreda för-ˈakt för-ˈdela
Huvudbetoning på obetonat prefix ˈbeˌarˌbeta ˈförˌorˌsaka, ˈförˌoˌrätta, ˈförˌanˌleda, ˈförˌödˌmjukelse
Variabel betoning ˈbeˌledˌsaga ~ beˈledˌsaga ˈförˌallˌmänliga ~ förˈallˌmänliga
41
Combinations ett prosodiskt ord fler prosodiska ord 1 ospec ospec (nat + ion)ω
(nation + ell)ω (transplanta+tion)ω (agora + fobi)ω
avl sms
(national)ω+(produktion)ω (trans)ω +(poesi)ω
sms
2 ospec posttonisk (rekorder + lig)ω (sisyf + isk)ω
avl avl
3 tonisk posttonisk (vän + lig)ω avl 4 tonisk tonisk (kraft)ω +(full)ω
(mellan)ω +(mål)ω avl sms
5 pretonisk tonisk (be+(röva)ω)ω’ avl (be)ω +(ar)ω(beta)ω avl 6 ospec tonisk (kampuche + ˈa:n)ω avl (effekt)ω +(full)ω
(kontroller)ω +(bar)ω (temperament)ω +(full)ω (effekt)ω +(skatt)ω
avl sms
7 tonisk ospec (svin + eri)ω avl (spindel)ω +(fobi)ω sms
42
Formation of the prosodic word
a. Align a morphological word with a prosodic word (edge alignment)
b. Restart at a tonic morphemec. Syllabify (+ other phonology,e.g. epenthesiss)
Ospecificerade morfem i sekvens Kulminativitet Input trans-planta-tion-ell Bilda prosodiskt ord (trans-planta-tion-ell)ω * Generell betoning (trans-planta-tion-[Ftˈell])ω OK Output (transplantatioˈnell)ω
43
Ospecificerade morfem följt av posttoniskt morfem Kulminativitet Input rekord-er Ft]-lig Bilda prosodiskt ord (rekord-er-lig)ω * Generell betoning (rekord-[Ftˈer]-lig)ω OK Output (rekorˈderlig)ω
Toniskt + posttoniskt morfem Kulminativitet Input [Ftˈvän Ft]-lig Bilda prosodiskt ord ([Ftˈvän]-lig)ω OK Generell betoning –– Output (ˈvänlig)ω
44
Toniskt + toniskt morfem Kulminativitet Input [Ftˈkraft [Ftˈfull Bilda prosodiskt ord ([Ftˈkraft)ω-([Ftˈfull)ω OK Generell betoning –– Output (ˈkraft)ω(ˌfull)ω
Pretoniskt prefix+tonisk rot Kulminativitet Input för-[Ft [Ftˈenkla Bilda prosodiskt ord för-([Ftˈen]kla)ω OK Anslut prefix (för-([Ftˈen]kla)ω)ω’ Generell betoning –– Output (för(ˈenkla)ω)ω’
45
Unspecified root + tonic suffixkampuche-ˈa:n, kub-ˈa:n, angol-ˈa:n, bolivi-ˈa:nrum-ˈä:nchil-ˈe:n-are, itali-ˈe:n-are
Ospecificerad rot + toniskt suffix Kulminativitet Input kuba -[FtˈV:n Sammansmältning kub[Ftˈa:n Bilda prosodiskt ord (kub[Ftˈa:n])ω OK Generell betoning –– Output (kuˈban)ω
46
Tonisk rot + ospecificerat suffix gr[ˈiː]s (gr[iˑ]seˈri)ω, *(ˈgris)ω(eˌri)ω br[ˈyː] (br[yˑ]deˈrier)ω l[ˈeː]k (l[eˑ]koˈtek)ω g[ˈøː]ta- (g[øˑ]tiˈcism)ω pr[ˈuː]sa (pr[ʊˑ]saˈist)ω, (pr[ʊ]saˈist)ω Tonisk rot+ospecificerat suffix Kulminativitet Input [Ftˈgris -eri Bilda prosodiskt ord ([Ftˈgris -eri)ω OK Generell betoning ([Ftˈgris -er[Ftˈi)ω * Stryk lexikal betoning ( ○ gris -er[Ftˈi)ω OK Output (griseˈri)ω
47
-eri
is unspecified (rather than tonic)
Culminativity sometimes cleans out all previous stresses. As in derived compounds (is this a prediction?)
a.
0fyr0
verkeˈri, 0an0
giveˈri0sko0
makeˈri, 0hant0
verkeˈri, 0lant0
mäteˈri, 0rätts0
haveˈri, 0gäst0
giveˈri
b.
0är0
bareˈriet, 0land0
skapeˈri, 0blå0
guleˈri
48
Tonic+unspecified has the ring of the unusual in less productive
derivation Last-ˈage, busk-ˈage, läck-ˈage segl-a-ˈtion, byggn-aˈtion, lustifik-aˈtion, muntr-aˈtion, (jon-isaˈtion, flot-aˈtion) sold-ˈnär, tull-ˈnär, körs-ˈnär era förskott-ˈera, biljett-ˈera, frukost-ˈera, halv-ˈera, arvod-ˈera, lack-ˈera, spalj-ˈera, pik-ˈera isera bolag-iˈsera, pulvr-iˈsera, (stil-iˈsera) ifiera kod-ifiˈera, dan-ifiˈera, vers-ifiˈera, snutt-ifiˈera gälde-ˈnär, borge-ˈnär falsifik-ˈat
49
-or yields (but only -or)Typ 8: posttoniskt + posttoniskt (proˈfess]-or)ω (kompens-ˈat]-or)ω (pro0fess]-ˈor]-lig)ω (kompens-0at]-ˈor]-isk)ω
Typ 9: posttoniskt + ospecificerat (proˈtekt]-or)ω (pro0tekt]-or-ˈat)ω (proˈfess]-or)ω (pro0fess]-or-ˈat)ω (ˈpast]-or)ω (0past]-or-ˈat)ω, (0past]-or-ˈal)ω
50
Posttonicity in inflection suffixes a. ˈhutu huˈtu]-er, äv. ˈhutuer ˈbaryton bariˈton]-er, bariˈtäng]-er ˈharlekin harleˈkin]-er
b. ˈpast]-or past-ˈor]-er proˈfess]-or profess-ˈor]-er jfr profess-ˈor]-lig
c. ˈbyˌrå byˈrå]-er jfr ˈbyˌrå]-ar
d. hant-ˈer]-ar jfr hant-ˈer]-lig paus paus-ˈer]-ar kompens-ˈer]-ar
51
But often inflections must give up their posttonic demands
ˈcirkus-ar ˈtid-ning-ar ˈkomp-is-ar anˈsjovis-ar poˈtatis-ar ˈkamer-or ˈoper-or ˈtro-lig-a ˈsjabb-ig-a ˈkom-isk-a ˈväpn-ad-e ˈgul-nad-e ˈheder-lig-are
ˈklematisarna
52
Prosody instead of etymology morfem 1 morfem 2 interaktion exempel
10 tonisk pretonisk ingen magbesvär, oförstånd 11 ospec pretonisk ingen balansförskjutning 12 posttonisk pretonisk ingen motorförening 13 posttonisk tonisk ingen partiskhet, kuratorskap, förnyelsebar 4 tonisk tonisk ingen kraftfull, mellanmål 6 ospec tonisk ingen effektfull, effektskatt, kampuchean
14 pretonisk posttonisk omöjlig *be-ning (jfr betalning) 15 pretonisk pretonisk omöjlig *beförkomma, *förbelåna 16 pretonisk ospec omöjlig *besalutera, *förindignera 1 ospec ospec harmonisk nationell, agorafobi 2 ospec posttonisk harmonisk rekorderlig 3 tonisk posttonisk harmonisk vänlig 5 pretonisk tonisk harmonisk beröva, bearbeta 7 tonisk ospec kulm.konfl. svineri, byggnation, spindelfobi 8 posttonisk posttonisk frusterad professorlig ; *gryningig 9 posttonisk ospec frusterad protektorat ; *muntligtion
53
These combinatorics pose certain expectations on the form of the lexicon.
They can be investigated empirically•
Productivity
•
Combinability•
Children’s and adolescents’
intuitions
•
”Misstressings”: proˈfessoren, studieˌrektorna, dokˈtor
54
Stress information in the lexicon
•
Constitutive, will determine the shape of the lexicon
•
Unstressed endings are posttonic•
Unspecified morphemes get final stress by rule
•
This harmonizes with the posttonicity of inflection
•
As a result, penultimate stress is an extremely common surface pattern.
55
Tone Accent
56
Tone accent•
What is the relation between prosody and morphology regarding the tone accent?
•
The general answer is that accent isn’t constitutive in the same way as stress, but …
•
Tone accent is reactive and signals relative wellformedness
57
Tone accent
Local
Non-local
2ˈnunn-a2
’nun/s’
1ˈoper-a2
’opera/s’2ˈnunn-or2
1ˈoper-or21ˈbil ’car/s’
1ˈkaktus ’cactus/es’
2ˈbil-ar2
1ˈkaktus-ar2
In SSw compounds (Skåne) locality matters for post-lexical accent, too, in the form of a stress clash requirement.
Relative well-formedness: locality
58
Tone accentHypothesis 1 •
Accent 2 has two sources –
Lexical representation, mostly in suffixes
(2gubb-e2
, 2tal-a2
) –
Regular effect in structures containing two or more ω
(2ˈmellanˌmål, 2ˈbarnsˌben).
Hypothesis 2•
Accent variation arises as the result of interaction –
Between accent strength and prosodic Auftakt (anacrusis)
–
Between accent and closeness to stress (locality)
59
Tone accent
Part of the recurring unclarities (2tala~be1tala) are due to unclarities in the sorting of sources (lexical / post-lexical accent)
Other unclarities depend on insufficient empirical insight (ser1vera~Cer2vera).
60
Privative distinction•
lexical tone
+ prominence tone
= accent 2
•
prominence tone
+ Ø
= accent 1
Accent 1 Accent 2
ˈs y r a k ˈe l a k ǀ ǀ L*H L% H*LoHL%
In unfocused forms accentuation is HL in both accents, differently timed.
61
•
Lahiri et al. (2005): accent 1 is specified•
Morén (2006): neither accent is specified
•
Riad (1996 et seq.): accent 2 is specified •
Bruce (1977 et seq.): both are specified, but accent 2 is marked.
•
There are some differences in the conceptualization of ’specification’, ’markedness’
and ’representation’
here.
•
I’ll look for support for the morphological specification of accent 2, primarily in suffixes.
•
Specified=marked=represented
62
Polysyllabic simplex forms
Accent 2 Accent 1σˈσ Ø ka1ˈmel, gar1ˈdin
ˈσσ 2ˈsommar, 2ˈbyx-or, 2ˈtvätt-a
1ˈtango, 1ˈfänrik, 1ˈfeg-is
ˈσσσ 2ˈlöp-are, 2ˈglad-are 1ˈsyfilis, 1ˈKanada
σˈσσ ve2ˈrand-a, go2ˈrill-a bog1ˈser-a, bo1ˈlero, be-1ˈtal-a
σσˈσσ kara2ˈok-e, pape2ˈgoj-a mili1ˈtär-er,
σσˈσσσ speci2ˈal-are speci1ˈell-are
63
One and the same suffix may vary
Accent 2 utan upptakt Accent 1 vid upptakt Accent 2 vid upptakt ˈbet-a, ˈtrev-lig; ˈap-a, ˈkant-ig
σˈσσ bogˈser-a, person-lig veˈrand-a, goˈrill-a, gelé-ig
ˈvank-ar; ˈgubb-e, ˈtran-a
σσˈσσ promeˈner-ar karaˈok-e, papeˈgoj-a
ˈfin-are; ˈsjå-are, ˈmamm-or
σσˈσσσ speciˈell-are, influˈens-er speciˈal-are, influˈens-or
ˈtrevlig-are; ˈspel-are σσσˈσσσ traditioˈnell-are instrumenˈtal-are
64
Pattern
•
Most syllabic suffixes correlate with accent 2 in the canonical context (ˈσ-σ); a few don’t (-is).
•
It is primarily suffixes that carry/correlate with accent 2 and that are stable across dialects (Bruce 1998):-are2
, -a2
, -e2
, -ning2
, -ig2
, -nad2
, -ar2
, -or2
, - ande2
, …
65
Pattern
•
Unsuffixed Auftakt forms get accent 1mi1ˈnister, bo1ˈlero, an1ˈsjovis
•
Suffixed Auftakt forms vary between accent 1 and 2bog1ˈser-a,
go2ˈrill-a
•
There is a difference between
suffixes regarding Auftakt.
66
Conflict
•
Auftakt favours accent 1•
Lexical specification in suffix favours accent 2
67
Central Swedish ”strong acc 2 suffix”
-areN
, -aN
, -eN
,-orPl
, -orN
, -skaN
, -igA
prosodic Auftakt
”weak acc 2 suffix”-ingN
, -andeVAN
, -arPl
, -aV
, -arV, -ligA
, -arecomp
, -astsup
a ˈglad-are2 2
b speciˈell-are2 1 2
c ˈlöp-are2 2
d speciˈal-are2 2 1
e bogs-ˈer-a2 1 2
f bogs-ˈer-ing2 1 2
g bogs-ˈer-are2 2 1
”Strong”
>> Auftakt >> ”Weak”
68
More Auftakt words in Central Swedish
“starka” suffix -areN, -aN, -orPl,
-eN, -orN, -skaN, -igA
prosodisk upptakt
”svaga” suffix -(n)ingN, -andeVAN,
-arPl, -aV, -arV, -adeV -ligA, -arekomp, -astsup
a göteˈborg-are 2 1 b veˈrand-a, -or 2 1 c karaˈok-e, reˈal-e 2 1 d proˈfess-or, profess-ˈor-ska 2 1 e geˈlé-ig, moˈras-ig 2 1 f kaˈlas-a, kaˈlas-ade 1 2 g profess-ˈor-lig, perˈson-lig 1 2 h preˈdik-ning, kaˈnot-ing 1 2 i stuˈder-ande, krumˈbukt-ande 1 2 j miˈnistr-ar 1 2 k speciˈell-ast 1 2
69
The asymmetry between weak and strong roughly correlate with ”verbal”
and ”nominal”
(cf. Smith 2001, Kabak & Plank ms. 2007)
”verbal”
”nominal”2ˈtal-a2
2ˈtal-are2
bog1ˈser-a2
bog2ˈser-are2
han1ˈter-ande2
han2ˈter-are2
han1ˈter-ing2
kara2ˈok-e2
dis1ˈträ-are2
ve2ˈrand-a2
pru1ˈdent-lig2
ge2ˈlé-ig2
70
BUT…
•
It is not possible to reduce
the division between strong and weak to word class.
•
Cf. North Swedish
71
”strong acc 2 suffix”
prosodic Auftakt
”weak acc 2 suffix”
Central Swedish -areN
, -skaN
, -eN
, -aN
, -orPl
, -orN
, -igA
-ingN
, -andeVAN
, -arPl
, -aV
, -arV, -ligA
-arecomp
, -astsup
North Swedish -areN
, -skaN
, -eN:Lat
-ingN
, -andeVAN
, -arPl
, -aV
, -arV, -ligA
-arecomp
, -astsup
-aN
, -orPl
, -orN
, -igA
North Swedish
ve1ˈrand-ago1ˈrill-orpro1ˈfessorge1ˈlé-ig
re2ˈal-e kara1ˈok-e
72
North Swedish “starka” suffix
-areN, -eN:Lat, -skaN,
prosodisk upptakt
”svaga” suffix -aN, -orPl, -eN:Övr -orN, -igA
-(n)ingN, -andeVAN, -arPl, -aV, -arV, -adeV -ligA,
-arekomp, -astsup
a göteˈborg-are 2 1 b veˈrand-a, -or 1 2 c karaˈok-e, regeˈmente 1 2 c proˈmill-e, reˈal-e 2 1 d proˈfess-or, profess-ˈor-ska 1 2 e geˈlé-ig, moˈras-ig 1 2 f kaˈlas-a, kaˈlas-ade 1 2 g profess-ˈor-lig, perˈson-lig 1 2 h preˈdik-ning, kaˈnot-ing 1 2 i stuˈder-ande, krumˈbukt-ande 1 2 j miˈnistr-ar 1 2 k speciˈell-ast 1 2
73
The variation between strong and weak follows the boundaries of the
suffixes.
•
That’s an argument for the fact that accent 2 is coded in the suffixes.
•
Those who maintain that accent 2 is a function of disyllabicity here run into difficulty.
•
The root does not carry accent information (cf. bog1ˈsera~bog2ˈserare)
74
Syllabification in ω: Strong and weak suffixes behave the same way
They are all ωmin-internal
(2ˈgla.d-a.re)ω
(2ˈba.g-a.re)ω
(spe.ci.1ˈel.l-a.re)ω
vs. (spe.ci.2ˈa.l-a.re)ω
speciˈalarespeciˈellare
ω
75
•
The pattern is therefore due to suffix
rather than prosodic shape.
• lexical coding of tones in the suffixes
(for1ˈmell-are)ω
vs. (lun2ˈdell-are)ω
(speci1ˈell-are)ω
vs. (speci2ˈal-are)ω
(traditio1ˈnell-are)ω
vs (instrumen2ˈtal-are)ω
•
The distance to the initial boundary does not seem important
76
Auftakt without prefix.
•
Prosodic auftakt, that is, whether stress is initial or not, interacts with…
•
lexical specification of tone (=morphological, lexical) in suffixes regarding the resultant accent of simplex forms
•
The stress behaviour requires a more sophisticated grammatical description than [±accent]
77
Auftakt with prefix.
•
The unstressed (pretonic) prefixes be-
and för-
always inhibit accent 2 in Auftakt in
simplex (betala, förklara, etc.)•
Should this be considered a more severe kind of Auftakt?
•
Lahiri et al. (2005) consider this a strong argument in favour of lexical specification of accent 1 in the prefixes.
78
The unstressed prefixes be-
and för-
•
The prefixes are adjoined
to the prosodic word (rather than incorporated)
a. be1lasta, be1tala, för1klara, be1redning, för1älskelse, be1klädnad, för1läggare (2lasta, 2tala, 2klara, 2redning, 2reda, 2älska) b. ve2randa, go2rilla, kara2oke, re2ale, ; Fa2tima, My2kene bo1lero, ven1trikel, mi1nister; Zam1besi, Car1negie, He1rodes
σbe- tala
ω
ω’ Projections av ω
(Ito &
Mester 2006)
ωmax ǀ ω’ ǀ ωmin
Compounds
betala
Simplex
79
Non-isomorphic structures: Prosodic and morphological structure often don’t coincide
(be-(tal-a)ω)ω’
(för-(gubb-ning)ω)ω’
be-jaka ‘acknowledge’ jaka ‘say yea’ be-frynda ‘make friends’ †frynda be-segla ‘seal’ †segel ‘seal’ be-tala ‘pay’ tala ‘speak’ för-leda ‘lead astray’ leda ‘lead’ för-gråa ’become grey’ grå ’grey’ för-spröda ’become brittle’ spröd ’brittle’ för-gubbning ’geezering’ gubbe ’geezer’
Evidence for certain productivity
80
Diagnosing ω’
Simplex
(be-1(ˈtala2
)ω
)ω’
(för-1(ˈära2
)ω
)ω’
σbe- tala
ω
ω’
The prefixes be-
and för-
are not included in the minimal prosodic word (ωmin)
81
Syllabification in ωmin and ω’
Onset challenge:för-.ä.r-a
rather than *fö.r-är.-a
or *fö.r-ä.r-athus:(för.-(ä.r-a)ω
)ω’
rather than *(för.-(är.)ω
-a)ω’(be.-(ta.l-a)ω
)ω’
or *(fö.r-ä.r-a)ω
Differently for ha.v-an.de, hå.r-ig
This test is little unstraightforward but works in slow motion.
82
More evidence for adjunction: 1. Adjunction in the phrasal context
(många2
)
a. Rostbiff och lax –
det är (för 1(många2
)ω
)ω’ läckerheter
b. Rostbiff och lax –
det är för 2(många2
)ω läckerheter
eg. (för 2(många2
)ω
)Ф
Example from Malmgren (1992)
83
2. Adjunction is morpheme dependent
be-, för-, but not des-
or kon-de.sin.fi.ce.ra ;
des-infi2cer-are2
de.sin.te.gre.ra ;
des-inte2grer-are2
kon-1ter-a2
~kon-2ter-are2
The adverb
för, but not the preposition för.För
but not alltför.
84
2. Adjunction is morpheme dependent
There is a certain sensitivity for the head in phrase adjunction (Sara Myrberg, p.c.):
för 1liten2
, för 1stora2
, för 1vanlig2
but
för 2/1egen2
, för 2/1dyig2
No phrase adjunction to compoundsför
2ˈfårˌaktig, för
2ˈhemˌtrevlig
(*för
1ˈfårˌaktig)
85
3. Norwegian ”stress retraction”……is also sensitive to the difference between ω
and
ω’.
Kristoffersen (2000, 165)protes1ˈtere
>
2ˈprotesˌtere
bekka1ˈsin >
2ˈbekkaˌsin
selek1ˈsjon >
2ˈselekˌsjon
be1ˈtong
> 2ˈbeˌtong
be-1ˈtone
> 2ˈbe-ˌtone
This phenomenon can more reasonable be considered formation of formal compounds.
86
3. Norwegian ”stress retraction”…More general versions of this phenomenon
occur in e.g. Ärtemark, Dalsland (Noreen 1915, 39):2ˈbe-ˌsked
be-1ˈdrövlig
2ˈge-ˌmen för-1ˈstå
2ˈKatˌrina, 2ˈfranˌsoser, etc.
cf also poˈlice > ˈpoˌliceDeˈtroit > ˈDeˌtroit
87
4. Prosodic adjunction of be-
and för-
in compounds; special behaviour
2ˈför-ˌan-ˌleda2ˈför-ˌor-ˌsaka2ˈför-ˌo-ˌrätta2ˈför-ˌöd-ˌmjuka2ˈför-ˌall-ˌmänliga
~0för-ˈall-ˌmänliga
2ˈbe-ˌled-ˌsaga
~0be-ˈled-ˌsaga2ˈbe-ˌar-ˌbeta
Often a causative meaningMarginal pattern (not in phrase *ˈför-ˌfår-ˌaktig)
88
Adjunction to compound only happens with full ω. Culminativity forces stress insertion
((ˈöd)ω
(ˈmjuka)ω
)ωmax
0för
X
((ˈöd)ω
(ˈmjuka)ω
)ωmax
unstressed prefix
(ˈför)ω
((ˈöd)ω
(ˈmjuka)ω
)ωmax form prosodic word
2((ˈför)ω
(ˈöd)ω
(ˈmjuka)ω
)ωmax adjoin
2((ˈbe)ω
(ˈled)ω
(ˈsaga)ω
)ωmax
89
Exhaustive parsing•
Adjunction of unstressed prefixes indicates that compounds are exhaustively parsed into lower projections of ω.
( ω ω ω )ωmax
((för)(an)(leda))
( ω ω ω ω’ )ωmax
((hem)(kun)(skaps)(be(tyg)))
90
•
Sometimes unstressed functions words must form prosodic words in phrase final position (Selkirk 1996, Itô & Mester 2007, 200ff)
(He wanted [tu]ω
/*[tə])Φ
but he couldn’t.(What did you look [æt]ω
/*[ət])Φ
yesterday?
Similar phenomena in English phrases
91
The unstressed prefixes be-
and för- Två
beton-ingar
prosodisk anslutning
av pretoniskt prefix (be-,
för-)
“starka” suffix
-areN, -aN, -orPl, -eN,
-orN, -skaN, -igA
prosodisk upptakt
”svaga” suffix -(n)ingN, -andeVAN,
-arPl, -aV, -arV, -adeV -ligA,
-arekomp, -astsup
(kaˈnot-)ω(ˌtur)ω)ωmax 2 1 ((be-(ˈtal-ω)ω’(kaˌnal)ω)ωmax 2 (1) 1 (för-(ˈakt-lig)ω)ω’ 1 1 2
(be-(ˈstämm-are)ω)ω’ 1 2 1
(speciˈal-are)ω 2 1
(karaˈok-e)ω, (veˈrand-a)ω 2 1
(preˈdik-ning)ω 1 2
(anˈsjovis)ω 1
(ˈtok-ig)ω 2
(ˈvan-lig)ω 2 (beˈkväm-ing)ω 2 (karaˈok-a)ω 2
92
•
Assume that it is true that there is a prosodic structural difference between {be-,
för-} and other Auftakt syllables in
their relation to the main stressed syllable.
•
How does this explain the absence of accent 2?
93
Lahiri et al. (2005), Wetterlin (2007): Accent 1 is specified
…and accent 2 is default.A central argument for them is the very
behaviour of be-
and för-words: If 2tal-a
gets accent 2, why doesn’t
be-1tal-a
get accent 2? Their answer: Lexical specification of be-1
, för-1
.Lexical specification always dominates.
94
Structure-based analysis•
I have proposed a difference in prosodic structure.
•
We must now make that structure responsible for the accentual pattern, rather than the prefixes themselves,
•
Since we cannot
specify accent 1.
•
NB! There are no comparable (unstressed) prefixes which induce/allow accent 2,
•
So we might as well derive the accent behaviour to the structure (as to some lexical specification)
95
Reminder regarding compounds: Postlexical accent
ignores
lexical
accent and/or default accent
•
2sommar2
klänning2
•
2vår1
klänning2
•
2vår1
kjol1•
2neder1
länderna1
96
Whatever explanation we have for the fact that lexical accent is invisible in compounds could (I’d say: should) apply also to the
be1tala2
type
(since lexical accent appears to be invisible there too)
97
Defaults:
•
Accent 2 is default for forms containing two stresses
•
Accent 1 (no word tone) is default for forms containing one stress
98
Proposed analysis for be-
and för-
•
Lexical information is no longer relevant at the post-lexical level:
2(ˈsommar2
)
2((ˈmid)(ˌsommar2
)(ˌdansen))2(ˈför-a2
) (för-1(ˈföra2
))
•
What unifies compounds and be-and-för- formations
is the fact that they are
projections of
ω.
”ert”
inert
99
Proposed analysis for be-
and för-
•
Lexical tonal information is only visible/present when ωmin
= ωmax
•
Every projection (ω’, ωmax) of ωmin
means that lexical tones become invisible (i.e. that the analysis ends up in the post-lexicon)
•
Unless accent 2 can be motivated post-lexically, we should expect
accent 1 (=absence of a word
tone) in forms like be-tala
and för-föra.
100
•
Postlexical accent 2 is the result of two tonal events assigned to a maximal prosodic word (ωmax).–
A phrase final accent (L*H, the prominence tone, corresponding to Bruce’s (1977) focus tone),
–
An initial word tone (H*).
Why not post-lexical accent 2 in betala?
101
•
The tone bearing unit (TBU) is a stressed syllable (head of ω)It takes two TBU for the assignment of
postlexical accent 2, e.g. a compound.
ˈtull+ˈpack+ˈhus+ˈkarl-s+ˈlag
ω ω ω ω ω
ω
H* -------------------------------L*HL%
In Central Swedish, West Swedish, and other dialects, both tones must be associated.
102
Asymmetry:•
In simplex just as in compounds, the word tone is always associated.
•
Unassociated word tone = non-realised word tone
•
The prominence tone (LH) can be bumped by the lexical
word tone (H*) and remain
unassociated in simplex (and still be realised)•
But the prominence tone (LH) can not be bumped by the post-lexical
word tone (H*)
•
in Central Swedish
103
Accent 1 Accent 2
ˈs y r a k ˈe l a k ǀ ǀ L*H L% H*LoHL%
’angry’ ’mean’
Accent 2, compound
ˈm e l l a n ˌm å l ˈm e l l a n ˌm å l ǀ ǀ ǀ H* L*HL% H*LoH L%
’snack’
*
Lexical
word tone can bump the prominence tone, but
Postlexical
word tone can’t
104
•
So, post-lexical accent 2 is not an option in betala.
Accent 1 Accent 2
b e ˈt a l a b e ˈt a l a ǀ ǀ L*H L% H*LoHL%
*
Själva processen finns inte (i centralsvenska i alla fall)
105
Lexicalized phrases
106
Compounds containing lexicalized phrases. •
The prosody does not seem to incorporate larger units in compounds, even if the morphology does
ω ω
Där går första-maj-tåget
ωmax
107
Compounds and lexicalized phrasesData from Masja Koptjevskaja-Tamm (p.c.)ˈAstrid 0Astrid ˈLindgren 0Astrid ˈLindgren-ˈböcker
0Gustav ˈAdolf-ˈdagen0Drottning ˈSilvia-ˈbrytningen 0Helan och ˈHalvan-parˈtiet 0Romeo och ˈJulia-förˈälskelsen 0duktiga ˈAnnika-synˈdromet 0Svarte ˈPetter-ˈrollen min Me0nuhin och Grapˈpelli-ˈskiva
108
Lexicalized phrases
0första ˈmaj-ˈtågetmy I-can’t-be0lieve-it’s-not-ˈbutter ˈsandwich
Possible structures((0första ˈmaj)ω
(ˈtåget)ω
)ωmax
?(0första (ˈmaj)ω
(ˈtåget)ω
)ωmax0första ((ˈmaj)ω
(ˈtåget)ω
)ωmax
*
109
Lexicalized phrases
0första ((ˈmaj)ω
(ˈtåget)ω
)ωmax
The structure can be tested with derivational endings (strong and weak) which are differently sensitive to Auftakt.
Hon är en riktig första
2(maj-are2
)ω
strong
Vi ska första
2(maj-a2
)ω
hela dagen. weak
110
Lexicalized phrases
•
By transitivity, the same structure should hold in compounds.
0första ((ˈmaj)ω
(ˈtåget)ω
)ωmax0Helan och ((ˈHalvan-)ω
(parˈtiet)ω
)ωmax
min Me0nuhin och ((Grapˈpelli-)ω
(ˈskiva)ω
)ωmax
111
Entrenchment, the diachronic dimensionThe prosodic structure of lexicalized phrases
might shed some light on a ”deviant” pattern.
a. ka1ˈlasa, ki1ˈnesa, bog1ˈsera (alla -era-verb) b. ka1/2ˈnota c. kara2ˈoka, ka2ˈnela, ane2ˈmona, rama2ˈdana
112
The contrast between established and newly formed
•
Established:Vi har ka1ˈlasat
hela dagen (*ka2ˈlasat)
•
New:(Mamma och barn bakar bullar) Mamma, sluta ka2ˈnela
nu!
(*ka1ˈnela)
Barnen tjuv-och-po2ˈlisade
hela eftermiddagen
(*tjuv-och-po1ˈlisade)
113
Möjlig strukturskillnad mellan etablerade och nybildade former etablerad form nybildning
ka1ˈlas-a
ω
kara2ˈok-a
ω
Diskrepansen mellan morfologi och prosodi
ω
Vi ska första-maj-a hela dagen
ω ω
Där går första-maj-tåget
ωmax
114
Prosodic categories identified for central Swedish•
min ω: domain for syllabification, culminativity: one stress
•
max ω: exhaustive parsing in ω
(cf. Stressing of be-, för-), culminativity: main stress/post-lexical accent 2.
•
Adjunction of unstressed be-
and för-
to min ω
signals an intermediary projection:
ω’
115
Perspectives on distribution: strength•
The nature of lexical representation: strong vs weak
•
In unstressed, accent-2-inducing suffixes•
Cognitive linguistics?
•
How about stressed morphemes in Norwegian and South Swedish?
116
Perspectives on distribution: strength or prosodic ω-structure
Norwegian and South Swedish
•
Could there be structural differences?
2((ˈom)ω
(ˌsorg)ω
)ωmax
1((ˈom)ω
(ˌbringelse)ω
)ω???
117
Perspectives on distribution: strength or prosodic ω-structuresubstantiv verb 2ˈomˌsorg 1ˈomˌbringe ‘leverera’ 2ˈpåˌbygg 1ˈpåˌkjøre
substantiv deverbala substantiv 2ˈanˌdel 1ˈanˌholdelse 2ˈavˌtale 1ˈavˌslutning 2ˈmedˌvind 1ˈmedˌførelse 2ˈoppˌdrag 1ˈoppˌfinnelse
118
Perspectives on distribution: tonal grammar
•
CSw and other dialects have so-called connective accent in compounds
•
SSw and other dialects don’t
119
The prominence
tone
is left- aligned
The prominence
tone
is associated and right-
aligned (and left-aligned, too, in most dialects)
120
•
Left-alignment only of prominence tone admits accent variation in compounds
•
Interaction of prosodic factors: clash, Auftakt, locality,…
•
With morphological factors: linking element, morphological grouping, lexical tonal specification of first member, word class, …
121
South less South
even less
South
Central Sw.
nonce compounds Malmö 1973
K-stad 1973
H-stad 1973
Sthlm 1973
a. pros. non-local ˈtaxi-ˈgris 1 1 1 2 b. linking-s, morph. non-
ˈskog-s-ˈhals 1 1 1 (48%)
local, pros. local ˈskog-s-ˈhals 2 (52%) 2 c. Auftakt baˈnan-ˈkust 1 1 (35%)
pros. local baˈnan-ˈkust 2 (65%) 2 2 d. pros. non-local ˈlax-choˈklad 1 2 2 2
e. participle ˈin-ˈkläckt 1 1 2 2
f. monosyll., ˈklot-[ˈarm-ˈband] 1 (68%)
morph. non-local, pros. local
ˈklot-[ˈarm-ˈband] 2 (32%) 2 2 2
g. l,r,n pros. local ˈcykel-ˈplank (l,r,n) 1 (43%)
or non-local) ˈcykel-ˈplank (l,r,n) 2 (57%) 2 2 2 h. clash, local ˈblod-ˈprins 2 2 2 2
i. clash, local [ˈmask-ˈros]- ˈbrand 2 2 2 2 j. lex. spec. ˈsommar2-ˈträsk 2 2 2 2
122
Some references
Abrahamsen, Jardar E. 2003. Ein vestnorsk intonasjonsfonologi. NTNU, Trondheim.Bruce, Gösta. 1974. Tonaccentregler för sammansatta ord i några sydsvenska stadsmål,
in: Platzack, C. (ed.): Svenskans beskrivning
8, 62–75.Bruce, Gösta. 1977. Swedish word accents in sentence perspective. (Travaux de l’institut
de linguistique de Lund 12) CWK Gleerup, Lund.Bruce, Gösta. 1998. Allmän och svensk prosodi. Praktisk Lingvistik 16. Lund University.Elert, Claes-Christian. 1970. Ljud och ord i svenskan. Uppsala, Almqvist & Wiksell.Ito, Junko & Armin Mester. 2007. Categories and Projections in Prosodic Structure. OCP
4, Rhodes.Ito, Junko & Armin Mester. 2006. Prosodic Adjunction in Japanese
Compounds. Proceedings of FAJL 4, Osaka, 2006
Kristoffersen, Gjert. 2000. The Phonology of Norwegian. (The phonology of the world’s languages.) Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Lahiri, Aditi, Allison Wetterlin & Elisabet Jönsson-Steiner. 2005. Lexical specification of tone in North Germanic. Nordic Journal of Linguistics
28, 1, 61–96. Malmgren, Sven Göran. 1992. Om tonaccent i centralsvenskt standardspråk –
och i svenska ordböcker. Svenskans beskrivning
19, 206–214. Lund University press.Morén, Bruce. 2006. Central Swedish noun inflection and prosody: synchrony at its best
(and no underlying tones!). Rough draft for project group (nov. 2006), CASTL, Tromsø.
Noreen, Erik. 1915. Ärtemarksmålets ljudlära
I. Norstedts, Stockholm.
123
Riad, Tomas. 1998b. Towards a Scandinavian accent typology, in: Kehrein, W. & Wiese, R. (eds.) Phonology and Morphology of the Germanic Languages,
77–109. (Linguistische Arbeiten 386) Niemeyer, Tübingen.Riad, Tomas. 2006a. Scandinavian accent typology. Sprachtypol. Univ. Forsch.
(STUF), Berlin 59 (2006) 1, 36–55.Riad, Tomas. 2003. Diachrony of the Scandinavian accent typology, in: Fikkert,
P. & Jacobs, H. (eds.) Development in Prosodic Systems
(Studies in Generative Grammar 58). Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 91–144.
Riad, Tomas. 2008. Prosodi i svenskans ordbildning. Ms. Stockholm university.Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1996. The prosodic structure of function words. In Morgan,
James L. & Katherine Demuth (eds.) Signal to syntax. Bootstrapping from speech to grammar in early acquisition. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: Mahwah, NJ. 187–213
Smith. Jennifer L. 2001. Lexical Category and Phonological Contrast. In R. Kirchner, J. Pater, and W. Wikely (eds.). PETL 6: Proceedings of the Workshop on the Lexicon in Phonetics and Phonology. Edmonton: University of Alberta, 61–72.
Wetterlin, Allison. 2007. The Lexical specification of Norwegian tonal word accents. Ph. D. diss. Konstanz.
124
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ω
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σgå 1ˈetter
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2ˈgå-ˌetter
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a
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