South Caucasian Agreement: Optimization and Lingering...

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South Caucasian Agreement: Optimization and

Lingering Mysteries

Steven Foley • UC Santa Cruz

srfoley@ucsc.edu

Georgian agreement

• Infamously complex

•Person (π) and number (#) agreement for Subjects and Objects

•Templatic slots, morpheme complementarity

• ‘Inverse agreement’

•Testing ground for many theories (Anderson 1992, Halle & Marantz 1993, Béjar & Rezac 2009, Blix 2016…)

Georgian agreement

•Optimization in morphology (Trommer 2000, Caballero & Inkelas 2013, Foley to appear)

•One way to formalize blocking relationships

•Balancing competing morphological constraints

• Drive to express as many features as possible

• An aversion towards redundancy (multiple exponence)

The dataπ-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

Observation 1: g–

wins out over v–.

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

Observation 2: 3PL

SUBJs don’t get –t.

The data

1SG.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 3SG.OBJ 1PL.OBJ 2PL.OBJ 3PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ — g-nax-e v-nax-e — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e

2SG.SUBJ m-nax-e — nax-e gv-nax-e — nax-e

3SG.SUBJ m-nax-a g-nax-a nax-a gv-nax-a g-nax-a-t nax-a

1PL.SUBJ — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t — g-nax-e-t v-nax-e-t

2PL.SUBJ m-nax-e-t — nax-e-t gv-nax-e-t — nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ m-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es gv-nax-es g-nax-es nax-es

π-prefix Stem TAM-suffix #-suffix

v– ‘1.SUBJ’

m– ‘1SG.OBJ’

gv– ‘1PL.OBJ’g– ‘2.OBJ’

nax ‘see’

…–e ‘AOR:1/2’

–a ‘AOR:3SG’

–es ‘AOR:3PL’

–t ‘PL’

Observation 3: 1PL

OBJs don’t get –t.

Optimization

• These peculiarities can be explanatorily derived as morphological optimization

• Competing constraints

• MAX[MSF]: Express as many morphosyntactic features as possible

• *MULTIPLEEXPONENCE: Don’t expone a morphosyntactic feature more than once

Optimization

MAX[MSF] is the morphological throttle.

Input: (s)he saw you.PL MAX[MSF]

☞a. g-nax-a-t

b. g-nax-a-t w

c. g-nax-a-t w

d. g-nax-a-t w

Optimization

But there are cases where we need brakes, too.

*MultExp prevents morphological redundancy.

Input: (s)he saw us MAX[MSF]

a. gv-nax-a-t

b. gv-nax-a-t w

c. gv-nax-a-t w

d. gv-nax-a-t w

Optimization

But there are cases where we need brakes, too.

*MULTEXP prevents morphological redundancy.

Input: (s)he saw us *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. gv-nax-a-t W L

☞b. gv-nax-a-t

c. gv-nax-a-t w

d. gv-nax-a-t w w

Optimization

But there are cases where we need brakes, too.

*MULTEXP prevents morphological redundancy.

Input: (s)he saw us *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. gv-nax-a-t W L

☞b. gv-nax-a-t

c. gv-nax-a-t w

d. gv-nax-a-t w w

✓Observation 3:

1PL OBJs don’t get –t.

Optimization

But there are cases where we need brakes, too.

*MULTEXP prevents morphological redundancy.

Input: they saw me *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. m-nax-es-t W L

☞b. m-nax-es-t

c. m-nax-es-t w w

d. m-nax-es-t w

Optimization

But there are cases where we need brakes, too.

*MULTEXP prevents morphological redundancy.

Input: they saw me *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. m-nax-es-t W L

☞b. m-nax-es-t

c. m-nax-es-t w w

d. m-nax-es-t w

✓Observation 2: 3PL

SUBJs don’t get –t.

Optimization

However, multiple exponence does occur!

Input: I saw him/her *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. v-nax-e W L

b. v-nax-e

c. v-nax-e

Optimization

However, multiple exponence does occur!

MAX[π]: Express as many person features as possible

Input: I saw him/her MAX[π] *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

☞a. v-nax-e

b. v-nax-e W L W

c. v-nax-e W L W

Optimization

This simple constraint interaction captures (almost) all of the agreement system

Input: I saw you MAX[π] *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. v-nax-e W

☞b. g-nax-e

Optimization

This simple constraint interaction captures (almost) all of the agreement system

Input: I saw you MAX[π] *MULTEXP MAX[MSF]

a. v-nax-e W

☞b. g-nax-e

✓Observation 1:

g– wins out over v–.

Interim conclusion

•New perspective on Georgian agreement

•Permitting vs blocking multiple exponence

•Morphology in general

• Optimizing exponence: more explanatory analyses

• Sleeker grammar: post-syntactic operations less (not?) necessary

• Parallels to OT phonology: conspiracies, Emergence of the Unmarked, positional faithfulness

Lingering questions

Tricky South Caucasian agreement phenomena

•3PL marking

•Root suppletion & preverb alternations

• Information structure effects

•Person ~ number interaction

Lingering questions

3PL DOs typically don’t trigger number agreement

(1) a. kal-ma bavšv-eb-i nax-awoman-ERG child-PL-NOM see-AOR:3SG

‘The woman saw the children’

b. kal-ma bavšv-eb-i *nax-eswoman-ERG child-PL-NOM *see-AOR:3PL

c. kal-ma bavšv-eb-i *nax-a-twoman-ERG child-PL-NOM *see-AOR:3SG-PL

Lingering questions

Except for some speakers in DAT-subject constructions?

(2) a. kal-s bavšv-eb-i u-qvar-swoman-DAT child-PL-NOM 3.DAT-love-PRES:3SG

‘The woman loves the children’

b. kal-s bavšv-eb-i %u-q var-nanwoman-DAT child-PL-NOM %3.DAT-love-PRES:3PL

‘The woman loves the child’

Lingering questions

Except for some speakers in DAT-subject constructions?

(2) a. kal-s bavšv-eb-i u-qvar-swoman-DAT child-PL-NOM 3.DAT-love-PRES:3SG

‘The woman loves the children’

b. kal-s bavšv-eb-i %u-q var-nanwoman-DAT child-PL-NOM %3.DAT-love-PRES:3PL

‘The woman loves the children’

Lingering questions

Does this extend to the PERF & PLU?

(3) a. kal-s bavšv-eb-i u-nax-av-enwoman-DAT child-PL-NOM 3.DAT-love-TH-PERF:3SG

‘The woman apparently saw the children’

b. kal-s bavšv-eb-i unda e-nax-eswoman-DAT child-PL-NOM MOD APPL-love-PLU:3PL

‘The woman should have seen the children.’

Lingering questions

However, 3PL DOs do trigger PVB & root alternations.

(4) a. monadire-m irem-i mo-kl-ahunter-ERG deer-NOM PVBSG-killSG-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.SG’

b. monadire-m irm-eb-i da-xoc-ahunter-ERG deer-PL-NOM PVBPL-killPL-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.PL’

Lingering questions

However, 3PL DOs do trigger PVB & root alternations.

(4) a. monadire-m irem-i mo-kl-ahunter-ERG deer-NOM PVBSG-killSG-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.SG’

b. monadire-m irm-eb-i da-xoc-ahunter-ERG deer-PL-NOM PVBPL-killPL-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.PL’

Lingering questions

However, 3PL DOs do trigger PVB & root alternations.

(4) a. monadire-m irem-i mo-kl-ahunter-ERG deer-NOM PVBSG-killSG-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.SG’

b. monadire-m irm-eb-i da-xoc-ahunter-ERG deer-PL-NOM PVBPL-killPL-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.PL’

Lingering questions

However, 3PL DOs do trigger PVB & root alternations.

(4) a. monadire-m irem-i mo-kvl-ahunter-ERG deer-NOM PVBSG-killSG-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.SG’

b. monadire-m irm-eb-i da-xoc-ahunter-ERG deer-PL-NOM PVBPL-killPL-AOR:3SG

‘The hunter killed the deer.PL’

Is this agreement?

Lingering questions

Apparently 3PL.DATs can trigger –t… but not if there’s a 1/2 person.

(5) a. man mat is mi-s-c-a-(%t)3SG.ERG 3PL.DAT 3SG.NOM PVB-3.IO-give-AOR:3SG-(%PL)

‘S/he gave it to them’

b. me mat is mi-v-ec-i-(*t)1SG.ERG 3PL.DAT 3SG.NOM PVB-1.SUBJ-give-AOR:1/2-(*PL)

‘I gave it to them’

Lingering questions

Apparently 3PL.DATs can trigger –t… but not if there’s a 1/2 person.

(5) a. man mat is mi-s-c-a-(%t)3SG.ERG 3PL.DAT 3SG.NOM PVB-3.IO-give-AOR:3SG-(%PL)

‘S/he gave it to them’

b. me mat is mi-v-ec-i-(*t)1SG.ERG 3PL.DAT 3SG.NOM PVB-1.SUBJ-give-AOR:1/2-(*PL)

‘I gave it to them’

Lingering questions

This extends to 3PL.DAT SUBJs.

(5) a. bavšv-eb-s kal-i u-qvar-tchild-PL-DAT woman-NOM 3.DAT-love-PL

‘The children love the woman’

a. bavšv-eb-s šen u-q var-xar-(*t)child-PL-DAT 2SG 3.DAT-love-PRES.2-(*PL)

‘The children love you’

Lingering questions

Though Nash (p.c.) suggests the picture may be more complicated — information structure effects?

(6) ici ninos da datos velaparake gušin da mivxvdi, rom sektemberši…‘You know, I talked to Nino and Dato yesterday and I realized that in Sept…’

a. … pro3PL pro2SG ar u-nax-i-xar-tNEG 3.DAT-see-TH-PERF.2-PL

‘…[they] didn’t talk to [you]’

b. … magat pro2SG ar u-nax-i-xar-(t)3PL.DAT NEG 3.DAT-see-TH-PERF.2-(PL)

‘…they didn’t talk to [you]’

Lingering questions

Though Nash (p.c.) suggests the picture may be more complicated — information structure effects?

(6) ici ninos da datos velaparake gušin da mivxvdi, rom sektemberši…‘You know, I talked to Nino and Dato yesterday and I realized that in Sept…’

a. … pro3PL pro2SG ar u-nax-i-xar-tNEG 3.DAT-see-TH-PERF.2-PL

‘…[they] didn’t talk to [you]’

b. … magat pro2SG ar u-nax-i-xar-(t)3PL.DAT NEG 3.DAT-see-TH-PERF.2-(PL)

‘…they didn’t talk to [you]’

Lingering questions

Info. Struc. affects agreement in Laz, too (Öztürk 2016)

(7) a. si ma g-a-cer-u2SG 1SG 2.OBJ-APPL-believe-PAST:3SGDEF

‘You believe me’

b. si MA v-a-cer-i2SG 1SG 1.SUBJ-APPL-believe-PAST:1

‘You believe ME [not someone else]’

Lingering questions

Info. Struc. affects agreement in Laz, too (Öztürk 2016)

(7) a. si ma g-a-cer-u2SG 1SG 2.OBJ-APPL-believe-PAST:3SGDEF

‘You believe me’

b. si MA v-a-cer-i2SG 1SG 1.SUBJ-APPL-believe-PAST:1

‘You believe ME [not someone else]’

Lingering questions

Some tantalizing observations about π~# interaction

Georgian: 3PL>2PL — no –t!

(8) a. man tkven g-nax-a-t3SG.ERG 2PL 2.OBJ-see-AOR:3PL-PL

‘S/he saw you.PL’

b. mat tkven g-nax-es-(*t)3PL.ERG 2PL 2.OBJ-see-AOR:3PL-(*PL)

‘They saw you.PL

Lingering questions

Some tantalizing observations about π~# interaction

Georgian: 3PL>2PL — no –t!

(8) a. man tkven g-nax-a-t3SG.ERG 2PL 2.OBJ-see-AOR:3PL-PL

‘S/he saw you.PL’

b. mat tkven g-nax-es-(*t)3PL.ERG 2PL 2.OBJ-see-AOR:3PL-(*PL)

‘They saw you.PL

Lingering questions

Some tantalizing observations about π~# interaction

Svan (Palmaitis 1986): The pattern is more general

x saw y 3.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 2PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ v-nax-e g-nax-e g-nax-e-t

3SG.SUBJ nax-a g-nax-a g-nax-a-t

1EX.SUBJ v-nax-e-t g-nax-e-t g-nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ nax-es g-nax-es g-nax-es-∅

Lingering questions

Some tantalizing observations about π~# interaction

Svan (Palmaitis 1986): The pattern is more general

SUBJ>1/2PL or 1/2PL>OBJ → –t3PL>OBJ → –es

(with a few exceptions)

x saw y 3.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 2PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ v-nax-e g-nax-e g-nax-e-t

3SG.SUBJ nax-a g-nax-a g-nax-a-t

1EX.SUBJ v-nax-e-t g-nax-e-t g-nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ nax-es g-nax-es g-nax-es-∅

Lingering questions

Some tantalizing observations about π~# interaction

Svan (Palmaitis 1986): The pattern is more general

x prepares y 3.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 2PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ xw-amāre ǰ-amāre-∅ ǰ-amāre

3SG.SUBJ amāre ǰ-amāre ǰ-amāre-x

1EX.SUBJ xw-amāre-d ǰ-amāre-d ǰ-amāre-d

3PL.SUBJ amāre-x ǰ-amāre-x ǰ-amāre-x

x saw y 3.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 2PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ v-nax-e g-nax-e g-nax-e-t

3SG.SUBJ nax-a g-nax-a g-nax-a-t

1EX.SUBJ v-nax-e-t g-nax-e-t g-nax-e-t

3PL.SUBJ nax-es g-nax-es g-nax-es-∅

Lingering questions

Some tantalizing observations about π~# interaction

Svan (Palmaitis 1986): The pattern is more general

1/2PL>OBJ → –d3PL>OBJ → –x3SG/PL>1/2PL → –x

x prepares y 3.OBJ 2SG.OBJ 2PL.OBJ

1SG.SUBJ xw-amāre ǰ-amāre-∅ ǰ-amāre

3SG.SUBJ amāre ǰ-amāre ǰ-amāre-x

1EX.SUBJ xw-amāre-d ǰ-amāre-d ǰ-amāre-d

3PL.SUBJ amāre-x ǰ-amāre-x ǰ-amāre-x

Conclusion

Standard Georgian agreement has shaped many morphological and syntactic theories.

But there’s still more to understand—Especially in Laz, Mingrelian, Svan, and non-standard Georgian!

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University of Vienna.Caballero, G., and S. Inkelas. 2013. Word construction: tracing an optimal path

through the lexicon. Morphology 23: 103–143.Foley, S. To appear. Morphological conspiracies in Georgian an Optimal Vocabulary

Insertion. In Proceedings of CLS 52, eds. J. Kantarovich, V. Truong, & O. Xherija.Halle, M., and A. Marantz. 1993. Distributed morphology and the pieces of

inflection. In The view from Building 20: Essays in linguistics in honor of Sylvain Bromberger, eds. K. Hale and S. J. Keyser, 111–176. MIT Press.

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Palmaitis, M. 1986. Upper Svan: Grammar and Texts. Vilnius.Trommer, J. 2001. Distributed optimality. PhD dissertation, University of Potsdam.