Giakoumis K. (2011), “The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine...

7/28/2019 Giakoumis K. (2011), The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical Pai

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THEPERCEPTIONOFTHECRUSADERINLATEBYZANTINEANDEARLYPOSTBYZANTINEECCLESIASTICALPAINTINGINEPIROS

KonstantinosGiakoumis*WhatJeremiahwilllamentourwoes,orwhatisthetimethatwilldrawaway through oblivions current allwhatweweredestined to live andsuffer?Captures of cities,desertionsof churches, sacrilege ofmostholyutensils,menswails,womensululations,lootings,migrations1

When Niketas Choniates, an eyewitness to the tragic events that followed the fall of

ConstantinopleintothehandsoftheCrusadersoftheFourthCrusadeinApril1204,wrotethisstatementoflamentation,verylittlehadhewitnessedofthesufferingsthattheformersubjects

oftheByzantineEmpirewouldexperiencethereafter,asaconsequenceoftheeffectedpolitical,

administrativeand religiouschanges2.Yet, thedisintegrationofagrarianandurbaneconomic

structuresfromtheeleventhcenturythereafter3,whichresultedinanincreasinglyrevolutionary

attitudeoftheByzantinesubjects,especiallyduring the twodecadesof theruleof theAngeli

(11851204)4, eventually paved the way to the Fourth Crusaders, who found the Byzantine

subjects almost as well prepared for the implantation of their feudal institutions as its

mountainousterrainprovedtobesuitedtotheconstructionoftheirfeudalcastles5.However,

both,theeventsofApril1215,12046,aswellasthoseafter1204,includingheaviertaxationfor

thepeasantry,augmentedforced labour(angary),distributionof landsas feuds toCrusaders,

strict limitations of trade favouring Latin states and, last but foremost, the onerous anddetestableslavetradeofOrthodoxwarcaptivesbywesterntraders7,weresocrucialastoform,

inthewordsofBishopKallistosofDiokleia,thedeepdisgustandlastinghorrorwithwhich

* AmoreconcisedformofthispaperwaspresentedintheTenthInternationalCongressofGreekOrientalandAfrican

Studies held in Kryoneri, Attica in 2528 August 2005. I thank Dr. Angeliki Lymberopoulou, Lecturer of Byzantine

Studiesat theOpenUniversity,UK,forreviewingmyarticleandhervaluablecommentsandsuggestions,aswellas

Mr.PeterPanchyforhisthoughtfulobservations.

1 K. Sathas, , Reprint: New York 1972, v. 1, p. 104. Cf. A. PapadopoulosKerameus,

,

,v.3(1889),p.454,citedinN.G.Ziangos(1974),p.49andnote5onpp.4950.2Fortheseissues,seeE.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861,wherereferencestofurtherrelevantliterature.3Forthedeclineofeconomicandagrarianforcesfromtheeleventhcenturythereafter,seeroughlyK.M.Setton(1953),

pp.225259(253259);andP.Charanis(1953),pp.412424(418424).4 In Niketas Choniates words , , (there were

those who revolted in one place or another, again and again, and it is not possible to say how many times this

happened)[NicetasChoniates,DeIsaacioAngelo,v.III/2,Bonn,p.553;citedandtranslatedinK.M.Setton(1953),p.254andnote51].5K.M.Setton(1953),p.259.6On thehistoryof theFourthCrusadeIamherebycitingaselectionofcomprehensivesecondarysourceswhichuse

extensivelybothByzantineaswellaswesternprimarysourcesontheissue:E.Bradford(1967),TheStoryoftheFourthCrusade,N.J.EnglewoodCliffs,reviewedbyE.Velde(1969),TheHistoryTeacher,v.2/2,pp.6162;D.E.Queller(1977),TheFourthCrusade:TheConquestofConstantinople,12011204,Philadelphia,reviewedbyJ.Folda(1979),inSpeculum,v.54/3,pp.620622andbyJ.RileySmith(1979),inTheEnglishHistoricalReview,v.94/372,pp.624625;andW.B.Bartlett(2000),AnUngodlyWar:TheSackofConstantinopleand theFourthCrusade,NewYork,reviewedbyR.A.Sauers (2001), inThe

JournalofMilitaryHistory,v.65/1,pp.169170.Foraselectionofprimarysources,seeE.Hallam[ed.](1989),pp.198245.

7E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861.


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Orthodox regard the sackofConstantinopleby theCrusaders, so difficult tobe realizedby

Christiansinthewest8.

Psychologically, the issue of slave trade poisoned irremediably the relationsbetween

the eastern and western worlds. After 1204, Byzantiums enemies, including Christians like

Catalans,VenetiansandGenoese,seizedincreasinglyOrthodoxChristiansfortheslavemarkettotheextentthatEmperorAndronikosII(12821328)formallyprotestedtheGenoesepracticeof

capturing Byzantine subjects for sale in Italy and Spain9. Furthermore, in 1339, when the

ByzantineemperorsentmonkVarlaamasanambassador to thepapacy inorder tonegotiate

possibilities of common action against the Turkish threat and of a possible union of the two

Churches, he set forth a number of conditions, one of which was the liberation of all of the

Orthodox slaves keptby Latins and the virtual abolition of slave trade10. In the eyes of the

Orthodox, the issue of trading slaves capturedby Catholic Christians and sold to Catholic

ChristiansmusthavebeenfeltatleastasonerousasthetradeofslavescapturedbyTurksand

soldtoCretanOrthodoxGreeks11.

TheOrthodoxChurch,whoretainedauthorityandinfluenceovertheByzantinepeople,

wasanotherprincipalfactordeterminingtherelationsbetweentheOrthodoxandtheRomanCatholic worlds. Beyond dogmatic and liturgical disagreements12, there further were deep

contradictions related to the daily role of the clergy. While clerical participation in military

campaignswasforbiddenbytheOrthodoxChurch,theexistenceofLatinpriestsoldiersinthe

ranksof theCrusaderarmies13,whocouldhold lancesandshieldsandalsoprepare theHoly

Communion, shocked the Orthodox Christians14. In addition, since 1204 the Latins, after

abolishingthePatriarchateofConstantinople,continuedtodisplacetheOrthodoxecclesiastical

administrationfromthelandstheyconquered.Metropolitansandbishopswerenotacceptedin

those regionsandonly lowermembersof theclergy could remain. Yet, their ordinationwas

impossible within the occupied territories and candidates for priesthood had to travel to the

zonesofanOrthodoxprelatewheretheywereordainedandsentbacktotheirparishes,suchas

priests from Venetianoccupied Crete, who were obliged to travel as far as Methoni to getordained. Last,but not least, a considerable part of the church properties was confiscated15,

whiletheeconomicdeclineoftheByzantineEmpirefromthe11thtothe13thcentury16and,after

1204, the decrease in population, economic indigence, and lack of new endowments

8T.Ware(1964),TheOrthodoxChurch,Baltimore,p.69.ForByzantinenegativeliteraryreactionstothesecondcrusade,seeE.JeffreysM.Jeffreys(2001),TheWildBeastfromtheWest:ImmediateLiteraryReactionsinByzantiumtothe

SecondCrusade,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.101116;cf.ibid.p.117.9The issueofslavesandslave tradeafter1204was treated inD.J.Constantelos (1992),pp.103114,reviewedbyT.S.

Miller(1994),inSpeculum,v.69/4,pp.11431145(1144).10E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861.Forthetreatmentofslavesin14thand15thcenturyEurope,seetheusefulcasestudy

of I. Origo (1955), The Domestic Enemy: The Eastern Slaves in Tuscany in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,

Speculum,v.30/3,pp.321366.11Forthisissue,seeA.M.Stahl[ed.](2000),TheDocumentsofAngelodeCarturaandDonatoFontanella.VenetianNotariesinFourteenthCenturyCrete,DumbartonOaksResearchLibraryandCollection,WashingtonD.C.,passim;thisphenomenonwaskindlybroughttomyattentionbyDr.A.Lymberopoulou.12Forthesedifferencessetintheirhistoricalcontext,Icitetwobasicsources:A.Papadakis(1994),TheChristianEastandtheRiseofthePapacy.TheChurch(10711453A.D.),CrestwoodNewYork:StVladimirsSeminaryPress;T.Ware (1964),EustratiosArgenti:A studyof theGreekChurchunderTurkishRule,Oxford:ClarendonPress; and T.M.Kolbaba (2001),Byzantine Perceptions of Latin Religious Errors: Themes and Changes from 850 to 1350, in A.E. Laiou R.P.

Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.117143.13See,forexample,thescenefromtheBayeuxTapestryinterpretationoftheBattleofHastings(1066).Ontheextreme

leftisBishopOdo,wearingwhatmaybeahauberkofscalearmourandcarryingamaceofcudgelform,whileonthe

extremeright,WilliamofNormandyraiseshishelmetbyitsnasal[D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.31].14E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.3132.15E.Zachariadou(1996),pp.2861.16Seenote3.


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433

contributed to the decline of monasticisms social functions17 to the extent that organized

charitableactivitiesbecamealmostimpossible.

Sensibly, the inhabitantsof severalnonVenetiandominatedcitiesandvillagesunder

the guidance of Orthodox prelates or monks gradually adopted an intense hostile attitude

towardstheRomanCatholicworld,which,later,pavedthewaytotheOttomanoccupationoftheBalkans18.Yet,wearestillunawareofthepopularfeelingsofOrthodoxChristianstowards

westernChristianityinVenetiandominatedterritories19.

Lyingbetween East and West, Epiros20 were among the remotest provinces of the

Balkans. Their limited natural resources, inaccessible shores, swampy plains and compact

mountainchainscutthemofffrommostofthearterialroadsoftheBalkanPeninsulaandmade

themaprovinceofsecondaryimportance.ItwasonlytheIonianIslands,theEpiroticportsand

theOtrantostraitsthatwereEpirosconstantbridgeheadtowardstheApenninepeninsula.For,

whenaBalkanstateassumedpower,itattemptedunceasinglytocontroltheEpiroticcoastsin

ordertokeepaneyeontheoppositeshore.Correspondingly,wheneveragreatpowerrosein

the Italian peninsula, it felt the urge to take control of the passages and the opposite coasts.

AccesstotheBalkancentreswaschieflymadepossiblebytheViaEgnatia21

,whosemajorportsin theAdriatic,DurrsandVlor,wereamong themost importantcitiesofEpiros.Thus, the

provinces of Epiros were before all a border district of great strategic importance, whose

populationsfavourmusthavebeenadistinctpolicyofbotheasternandwesternpowers.

ThispaperaimsatpenetratingintothenebulousrelationsofEpiroswiththeLatinWest

after 1204. In so doing, I shall take into consideration representations of Latin soldiers, in

general,andCrusaders,inparticular,inecclesiasticalpaintingsoftwolateByzantinechurches

andseveralearlypostByzantinechurchesandcatholica.InlateByzantinepaintings,Crusaders

are identified in the soldiers from the scene of the Marys at the Tomb in the frescoes of the

Church of St. George at Dhivr, Sarand (S. Albania, last quarter of the 13th century), in the

sceneofChristsBetrayalbyJudas inthechurchoftheNativityoftheVirginonthe islandof

Maligrad (W. Albania, 1369), as well as in scenes related to Christs Passion and to severalmartyrdomsofsaintsinthenarthexofthecatholiconofPhilanthropenonMonastery(1560),the

naos of the Diliou Monastery (1542/3), the naos of Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of 16th

century),onthe Isleof Ioannina,aswellasseveralother16thand17thcenturymonuments in

moderndayAlbania.Pursuingiconologicalandperceptivemethodsofarthistoricalinquiryin

one particular casestudy, the Marys at the Tomb in the church of St. George at Dhivr and

correlating seeming similarities of lateByzantine and early postByzantine examples from

Epirosandbeyond,IshallattempttounveilthedarkandbasememoriesleftoverbyCrusaders

and other Latin armies and to weave the historical stage that shaped collective memory in

17D.Constantelos(1992),pp.8889.18Seenote12.19Dr.A.LymberopoulouinformedmethatinanupcomingarticleofhersatTheWarburgJournalshetakesadifferent

line of arguing on this issue using cases from Crete. Sharon Gerstel has attributed certain distinctive elements of

FrankishinfluenceinthemonumentaldecorationofmedievalMoreatoanartisticsymbiosiswhichplacesMoreain

the midst of a number of Mediterranean locations where indigenous populations were confronted by Crusader

overlords and where hybrid art forms arose from the interaction of two, and perhaps more, cultures [S.E.J. Gerstel

(2001),ArtandIdentityintheMedievalMorea,inA.E.Laiou R.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.263285(264,280)].20With respect to thegeographyandclimateofEpiros,aside frompersonalobservations, Ihavealso referred to:M.

Arapoglou (19934), , , v. 1516, pp. 4452; P. Halstead (1996),

, in

, , pp. 6364; M. Kiel (1990),OttomanArchitecture inAlbania 1385 1912,Istanbul,p.14andV.Psimouli(1998), ,Athens,pp.1921,whereadditionalliterature.Thetermin

itsuseinthisarticleisirrelevanttothepoliticalconnotationsgiventoitattheendofthe19thcenturyandmostpartsof

the20thcentury.Inourtimes,theregionsofEpirosaresituatedinbothGreeceandAlbania.21

ForthemostrecentstudywithrespecttotheviaEgnatiainOttomantimessee:E.Zachariadou[ed.](1996),TheViaEgnatiaunderOttomanRule,13801699,Rethymnon.


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peripheralregions, likeEpiros.Lastbutnot least,Iwillendeavourto trace thebeginningand

thegradualfadingofhostileandantiwesternvisualstatementsinEpiros.

ThecavechurchofSt.GeorgeatDhivr issituatedonthefootofa limestonecliff, in

whichsomeextensivecavernshavebeenformedpartlynaturally,partlyartificially.Duringthe

Byzantine period, the most inaccessible among them, placed to a higher plane, weretransmuted tohermitagesofanchoritemonks.Considering that in someof thesecaveswere

found traces of fresco paintings, it is sensible to suggest that these caves once constituted a

widermonasticcell.

Oneofthesecaves,twentyfeetabovethebaseofthecliff,hasbeenfittedupasachapel

builtonaprotrusionoftherock,approachableonlybyanarrowpathcarvedonthestone.The

walls of the hermitage arebased on a rocky platform, on which a slanting, supportive wall

ascends.Thewallscovermostlythewesternpartofthechapelandtoalesserextentitsnarrow

northernandsouthernsides.To theEastnowallswerebuiltand thealtarwascarved in the

rockyfrontofthecavern.

Threeinscriptionswerelocatedinthechurch.Twoofthemaredisplayedinthenarthex

andarewritten theoneon the topof theotheranddividedbyared lineon the lintelof theentrance to thenaos.Theupperone reads:[][] [rebuilt],while

thelowerone: [saint].Finally,thethirdinscriptionisplaced

belowthesceneofChristtheSaviour:

() [Prayer of your servant, Isidore priest, along with his wife and

children]. The last inscription refers to the patron of the frescoes, a certain priest named

Isidore,whoappearstohavehadthemeanstosponsorsuchanundertaking.

Theinternalspaceofthechapelisarticulatedinthreedistinct,builtparts:thenarthex

totheNorth,thenaosinthemiddleandacrampedshrinetotheSouth.Themiddlepartbearsa

carvedaltarintheeasternside,whereanaltarbaseofrockdecoratedwithoverlaid13thcentury

marbleentablaturespolia.

All three parts of the monument are painted with frescoes made in three pictorialphasesdatedtothe11th(Sts.KosmasandDamianintheParabema),thelastquarterofthe13th

century(remainingscenesfromshrine/parabema,theDodekaortoncycle,Sts.Nikolaos,George

and Demetrius)22, and the last quarter of the 14th century (narthex) respectively23. The

22 Apart from arguments tobedeveloped indealing with thesceneof theMarysat theTomb, the Dormitionof the

VirgininourchapelbearssimilaritieswiththesamesceneinthechurchofSt.NikolaosofKasnitze(11601180)interms

oftheVirginsrightwardtimeonthebier,thescenesarrangementandthebierscoverdecoratedwithrhombuses[M.

AcheimastouPotamianou(1994), ,Athens,fig.43onp.71andp.220andS.Pelekanidis M.

Chatzedakis(1992),,fig.16onp.63andpp.5065],whiletheoverallscenesarrangementresembleswiththat

of the Virgin at Assinou (11051106) [M. AcheimastouPotamianou (1994), op. cit., fig. 27 on pp. 5657]. The mostremarkableresemblance,however,iswiththesimilarsceneatthechurchoftheVirginMavriotissainKastoriadatedto

thebeginning of the 13th century [M. AcheimastouPotamianou (1994), op. cit., fig. 7577 on pp. 102103, 230 and S.

PelekanidisM.Chatzidakis(1994),op.cit.,pp.6383].Archaicrenderingisalsofollowedintherepresentationoftheconchshierarchs,whoselinearityisreminiscentofthehierarchsoftheapseoftheSts.Anargyroichurch,Kastoria,or

St.Danielthestylite,alldatingtothefirstpictorialphaseofthechurch,inthesecondhalfofthe10thcentury[op.cit.],with several saints of the church of St. Nikolaos Diarosite [M. AcheimastouPotamianou (1989),

,inM.Chatzidakis(1989),,Athens,pp.6679]andinparticularwithSts.Vlasios[fig.1314onp.76]

and Nikolaos [fig. 6, on p. 71] dating in the middle of the 11th century, and with saints placed in medallions in the

churchoftheVirginArakos,Lagoudera,Cyprusdating1192[M.AcheimastouPotamianou(1994),op.cit.,fig.61onp.88andpp.226227].23ForthedatingofthisthirdpictorialphaseIambasedonsimilaritiesbetweentheportraitofthefemaleofthedonorin

our church with that of Kalia in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on the island of Maligrad, dating 1368/9.

TheofanPopamistakenlydatedthechapelinfourpictorialphases:I.ThenarthexsDormitionoftheVirgin[mistaken

identification] to the end of the 9th century. II. The naos Dormition of the Virgin and Sts. George, Nikolaos and

Demetriostothe15thc.III.TheMarysattheTomb,theAscensionandDavidtothe17thcentury.IV.TheArchangels

Michael,St.GeorgeandChristinthetypeoftheEldestofDaystolaterthanthe17thcentury[Th.Popa(1965),pp.88

89,fig.20].


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iconographic programme follows the established patterns of fresco decoration in cave

churches24.

Studying the iconographic programmes of ecclesiastical monuments provides several

hints to understand a past, whose creators were mostlybearers of a rich oral culture who

however left only few written records. Every image in ecclesiastical paintings is an exegesis,literallymeaningleadingout,aninterpretationofareligiousevent.Eventhoughimagesshape

visualmemoryofhowthepastlookedlike,theuseofimageasexegesischangedovertime.The

Byzantinesintheirwritingsshowthemselvestobefullyawareofthepowerofimagetokeep

memories alive and interpret the past in a way that texts didnt (i.e. visions of saints, etc.).

Sylvester Syropoulos records an objection, raised by the Byzantine emperors confessor,

GregoryMelissenos, tousingaLatinritechurch forOrthodoxservicesduring theCouncilof

Ferrara(1438)asfollows: WhenIenteraLatinchurch,Idonotrevereanyofthesaintsthataretherebecause Idonotrecognizeanyof them.At themost, ImayrecognizeChrist,but Idonot revereHimeither,sinceIdonotknowinwhattermsheisinscribed.SoImakethesignofthecrossandIreverethissignthatIhavemademyself,andnotanythingthatIseethere.25Hence,asoftenimagescondition

thewaywehearnames(i.e.theVirginHodeghetria)andfeel,GregoryMelissenoscouldhavenodevotionalexperiencewithouttheidentificationofthedepictedfigureoritsinscription.

OnthenorthernwallofthenaosofSt.GeorgeatDhivr,inthesecondzoneoffrescoes,

there are two scenes, one of which is of great interest for our ends. It concerns the

representationoftheMarysattheTombinthewesternpartofthewall.Thepicturesleftpartis

entirelydamagedandonlyitsrightispreservedinrelativelydecentcondition.Atthetopright

cornerappears an empty cave,belowwhicha sarcophagus withan open top containsJesus

cerement.At the leftof thesarcophagus,astandingangelpointsat thesarcophaguswithhis

rightindexfinger.Atthebottomrightcornersevencustodysoldiersinfullpanoplyappearto

bepetrifiedoutofterrorfortheangelsappearanceandtheremovaloftheSepulchresstone.At

their left,twostandingfemalefigures, turningawayfrom thesarcophagusoutoffear,canbe

identified from the lower parts of their mantles. The subject renders visually Mathewsdescription of the meeting of the two Marys with the angel at the Sepulchre, alternatively

knownasRejoice[Mt.27:5928:15;cf.Mk.15:4416;Lk.23:5324:7;John19:4020:18].

Anygivenimagenotonlyconstructsorreconstructsvisuallythebiblicalpast,butalso

envisageslinksbetweenthispastandtheperiodspresent.Sinceatthetimewhenourfrescoes

were made (last quarter of the 13th century) there was no living eyewitness memory of the

biblical event,while no writtenaccount of the Marys at theTomb records minutiaedetails,

suchastheangelsphysiognomy,clothing,andtheappearanceofthecustody,therenderingof

suchdetailsreliesontheinitiativeoftheartistoritspatron.Aswillbeshown,intheMarysat

the Tomb, the representation of the soldiers of the Sepulchres custody manipulates visual

memory of the distant past to condemn a newlycreated visual memory of the very recent

present.The panoply of the soldiers presents realistically explicit features of Latin knights

panopliesthatalsoprovideaterminusforthedatingofourfrescoes.Thebodyarmourconsists

firstlyandforemostofascalehauberkwithanintegralcoif;similarexamplescanbetracedin

the first half of the 12th century, such as in a stone relief dated ca. 1128, from Angoulme

Cathedral(withanintegralcoif)26andinametalreliefofaknight,partofthedecorationonthe

24Duetothespatial limitationsofcavechurches,the iconographicprogramme is limitedtoonlyafewChristological

scenesverybasicfromatheologicalviewpoint,suchastheAnnunciation,theBaptism,andtheTransfiguration,from

thehistoricalcycle,theCrucifixionandtheDescenttoLimbo.Similarlylimitedisthenumberoffulllengthsaints.25 C. Mango (1986),TheArt of theByzantineEmpire,3121453:Sources andDocuments, Toronto: University of TorontoPress,p.254.26

D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),figonp.45.


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GrossComburg chandelier, ca. 1140 (without a coif)27. A cylindrical helm is wornby five

soldiers over the coif, whose sides taper slightly towards thebase, as in the helmets of the

knightsofMacchabeesBattleintheBibleofRhodes,datinglate10thor11thcentury28,whileits

top is delicately domed, rather than conical, resembling examples from the late 12th and 13th

century,asafterthemiddleofthe12th

centurytheskullofthehelmbecameroundedratherthanpointed29,while inourcaseanasalbar isalso fitted.The legsofour soldiersarecoveredby

chaussesmadeof fullmailstockinggarteredat theknee,similar tosomechurcheffigiesand

sculptural monuments dating from the early part of the 13th century30. They alsobear long

sleevesofthescaledhauberk,aphenomenonobservedinarmoursfromthelastdecadesofthe

12thcentury31,yetnotcoveringthepalmsandwrists,asthiswouldhaveimpededonesgripofa

weapon.

Thesoldiersofthecustodyarealsoequippedwithshieldsandlances.Theshieldsare

triangular,rathershortanddecoratedwithstraightorundulating,verticalorhorizontalstrips

colouredalternativelyinredandwhite.Thesearesimilartolate12thcenturyexamples32,while

theirupperedgeisalmoststraight.Thisformpertainstolate12thcenturymodificationsofthe

shieldssizeand form from largewitha roundedprofile to theupperedge, tostraighterandshorter, modifications that took place in the second half of the 12th century33. According to

DavidEdgeandJohnMilesPaddock,throughoutthe12thcenturytheknighthadusedthekite

shapedshieldtothevirtualexclusionofallothertypes.However,atthebeginningofthe13th

centuryitwasshortenedandthetopoftheshieldlostitsveryprominentcurve.Inconjunction

withthistheprofileoftheshieldbecamelessconvexandtookonatriangularshape.However,

untilthe1250stheshieldwasstillmoderatelylargeanditwasonlywithinthenext20years

thattheshieldbecamesmalleranditssidesconvex,probablybestexemplifiedinarelieffrom

thetombofGulielmoBeradi,inthechurchofSantaAnnunziata,Florenceanddatedca.128934.

The lance appears tobe the sole weapon of theseknights. Their form resembles13thcentury

ratherthan12thcenturylances,sincetheirheadsarecomparativelysmallerastheirprofilemore

sharplypointedandconsequentlymorepenetrative35

.Alloftheaforementionedelements,inmyview,donotpointtoasingularprototype,

butrathertovariouspartsofaknightspanoplydatingfromthesecondhalfofthe12thcentury

to1270s.ThisisamongthereasonswhyIhavesuggestedthelastquarterofthe13thcenturyas

themostlikelydatingofthefrescoesofthesecondphase.

HavingshowntherealisticsimilaritiesofthesoldiersofthecustodywithLatinknights,

it becomes evident that the image as exegesis is not necessarily an objective, or neutral

interpretation (otherwise the soldiers would present Roman or the very common Byzantine

features),butitcouldbetailoredtosuitbeliefsofthepresent.Moreover,whilethecombination

ofthescenewiththeonetoitsright(theDescenttoLimbo)isverycommon,theplacementof

two of the soldiers outside the scenes red frame and closer to the personified Limbo can

promote multiple layers of interpretation. Using perceptive and iconographic methods of arthistoricalenquiry,itiscomprehensiblethatintheevangelicalexcerpt[Mt.28:1115]thesoldiers

of the custody are portrayed negatively: having eyewitnessed Christs Resurrection

27Op.cit.,bottomrightfigureonp.48.28Op.cit.,figureonp.29.29Op.cit.,p.44;IdidnotmanagetotakeintoconsiderationtheEnglishPsalterofSt.Louis,ca. 1200.30Op.cit.,p.45.31Op.cit.32SeeforexampleaninitialfromtheWinchesterBible,ca.1170inop.cit.,figureonp.46.33Op.cit.34Op.cit.,fig.onp.62.35Op.cit.,p.46.Forthis,comparethelancesrepresentedintheinitialfromtheWinchesterBible,ca.1170inop.cit.,figure

onp.46withthoseinapanelfromtheSilverShrineofCharlemagneinAachenCathedral,ca.1207,inop.cit.,p.55.


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notwithstanding,theylateracceptedabribebyJewishprelatesandelders,whoalsopromised

tosupportthembeforethelocalruler,iftheyupheldthefictionthatJesusdisciplesseemingly

stoleHisbodyovernight.Matthewevenstatesthatthisfictionwas thenceforthupheldbythe

JewstodenyChristsResurrection.HavingdeniedtoprofessChristsResurrection,thesoldiers

ofthecustodywerecertainlyconsideredasdeniersofthedivinenatureofChristand,therefore,in collectivebeliefs must havebeen condemned to Hell alike other disclaimers of faith. This

assumptionisreinforcedbybothhymnographicalandhagiographicalevidence.

The liturgical hymnographers36 treat the soldiers of the Sepulchres custody in

dissimilar ways. In most cases the soldiers are presented as eyewitnesses of Christs

Resurrection,yetinanonnegativeway,contrarytotheJews37.Inoneoccasionthesoldiersare

portrayed as if they had not eyewitnessed the Resurrection38. Yet, in the Matins of Sunday,

Sound 5, in the first kathisma following the second stichologia, Sound 5, the soldiers of thecustodyareliterallycalledenemiesofChrist: , , , , [(While)Lifelaid intheTomb,andthestonewas

sealed; soldiers guarded Christ as a sleeping king; and, afterblinding his enemies, the Lordrose].Thereisno literarycontextallowingforadifferent interpretationastowhoareChrists

enemies.

This interpretation is in line with patristic evidence which, while not naming the

custodysoldiersasChristsenemies,clearlyindicatedacommonbeliefthattheyweredeniers

oftheResurrection39.InhisXChomily,St.JohnChrysostome,afteremphasizinginhowmany

waysthesoldiersexperiencedthedivinenatureofChrist40,portraysthemnotonlytobemore

corruptthantheJewishpeopleandPontiusPilate,butalsomoremoneythirstythanJudas:Do

you realize that all of them were corrupted? (Pontius) Pilate? For he was convinced. The

soldiers?TheJewishpeople?Donotwonderhowmoneycorruptedthesoldiers.Ifmoneywas

sotemptingforthedisciple(=Judas),howmuchmorewoulditbeforthem(thesoldiers)?41.

36IfollowedthestandardGreekversionoftheParakletike,whichwasstandardizedinitscurrentversionasearlyasthe8thcentury.For thecompilationof theParakletike,seeJ.M.Neale (1850),AHistoryof theHolyEasternChurch,GeneralIntroduction,partI,2,London,pp.887ff.;C.Paranikas(1871),AnthologiaGraecaCarminorumChristianorum,Leipzig,pp.LVIILXX;J. Pargoire (1905),LgliseByzantine de 527 847, Paris; Tillyard H.J.W., The Hymns of the Ochtoechos,M.M.B.Transcripta,v.III (1940),pp.XVXIVandv.V (1949),pp.XIXX;andE.Wellesz (1971),AHistoryofByzantineMusicandHymnography,Oxford37 Sunday Matins, Sound 1, First kathisma following the first stichologia; Sunday Matins, Sound 1, Fourth sticheronanatolikon of the Lauds; Sunday Matins, Sound 2, Second sticheron of the Lauds. Sunday Matins, Sound 2, Fourthsticheronanatolikonof theLauds;SundayMatins,Sound3,Secondsticheronof theLauds;SaturdayVespers,Sound5,Third sticheron anatolikon; TheApolytikion of Sound 6; Sunday Matins, Sound 6, Second kathisma following the firststichologia;SundayMatins,Sound6,SecondsticheronanatolikonoftheLauds;SundayMatins,Sound8,Fourthsticheronof theLauds; theSynaxarionofEasterSunday;Matinsof theMyrrhBearers,OdeVII,Fourth troparionof theMyrrhBearersinSound2;MatinsoftheMyrrhBearers,OdeVII,FifthtroparionoftheMyrrhBearersinSound2;Matinsofthe

MyrrhBearers,OdeVIII,FourthtroparionoftheMyrrhBearersinSound2.38SundayMatins,Sound5,FirststicheronoftheLauds.39ItisinterestingtorelatethatinmodernGreekthereisstillinuseanexpressionrelatingthecustodysoldierswiththe

silencedknowledgeoftheResurrectionand,inwidercontext,anysilencedknowledge;cf.

(theguardsknow);comparealsowiththeFourthSticheronAnatolikonoftheSound5SundayMatinsLaudsinSound2: . . .

, , . .

, , , ,

. , ; ,

. , , ,

, , .40 Chrysostome maintains that the earthquake during the Crucifixion took place only for the sake of soldiers:John

Chrysostome(1979),HomilyXC,in , ,v.12,Thessaloniki,p.392,verses1117.41 ; ; ; ;

.


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To various degrees the custody soldiers were also negatively treated by other 4th century

ChurchFathers,likeSt.CyrilofJerusalem42,St.AmphilochiosofIkonion43,EusebiosofEmesa44

andApollinariosofLaodikeia45.Last,butnotleast,St.JohnofDamascus,towhomweshould

probablyattributetheauthorshipofthefirstkathismainSound5followingthesecondstichologia

ofSundaysMatinsinSound5,enjoinsthefaithfultohateChristsenemies,aswhoeverdoesnotconfessChristasLordandSonofGodisanantiChrist46.

Isuggestthatinthevisualmemoryandreligiousbeliefsoftheartist,patronand/orthe

viewersoftheCustodyattheSepulchre/Rejoicesceneinquestion,bothLatinknightsandthe

soldiers of the Sepulchres custody, shared a common condemnation to Hell. Pursuing

iconologicalmethodsofinquiry,thissuggestionisreinforcedbytheapproachingofthesoldiers

with the Limbo/Hades represented in the next sceneby their depiction outside the pictorial

, . [John Chrysostome (1979), Homily XC, in ,

,v.12,Thessaloniki,p.398,verses1115].42 , .

,

, , , , .

, ,

. ,

, .

,

, ,

, ,

;

, ,

, ,

,

[Meretakis E. [ed.] (1994), : ()

,v.2,Thessaloniki,p.90,92].43 .

. ; ;

;

[ ] .

. ,

, , ,

, . ,

, , . [Papachristopoulos K.

(1992), ,

,v.71,p.91(134136)].44 K. Bonis (1968), : . . . /. . . . . ,Athens,p.209.45ThelinkbetweenJudasandthesoldiersisalsoevidentinthecommentariesofApolinariosofLaodikeia:

, ,

, [Judas

betrayedJesus for money putting aside all of the miracles that he witnessed, while the soldiers after accepting a

considerablebribe,having announced thearchpriestswhat theysaw, theysilenced inaprofound wayandspread

rumoursofwhathadnothappened].SeeK.G.PapachristopoulosG.P.Kounavi[ed.](1994), ,

firstpart, ,v.72,Athens,p.306(section149).46 . ,

[I. Sakalis (1991), , in

,v.9,Thessaloniki,p.150(section37,verses12)].


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frameoftheirscene47.Indeed,intheadjacentsubjectoftheDescenttoLimbo,Christtramples

down Death48, or captivates Limbo49. In provincial, popular fashion, Death, Limbo or Hades

(Devil), is personified in the form of an unkempt, old, dark and chained man. The Latin

knights/custodysoldiersof theborderingsubjectnotonlyare representedat thesameheight

withDeath/Hell,butalso transcend the red linedividing the two scenes furtherapproachingDeath/Hell. In no other place has the artist repeated this transgression, while in spite of his

provincialtraining,hisdrawingabilitiesleavetomenodoubtthattheproximityofthesoldiers

with Hades and the transcending of the dividing lineby the former to further approach the

latterareutterlyintentionaltointensifythelinkbetweentheLatinknightsandHell.

Thisbeen shown, two more questions remain unanswered. First, since the different

panoplypiecesofoursoldiersbelongtodifferentperiodsoftime,wheredidthelocalartistor

thepatrondrawhismodels?Isuggestthatthepanoplypartsofthescenesknights(datingin

differentperiods)couldbeseenlocally.Beingaplaceofgreatstrategicimportance,Epiroshad

repeatedlybeen used as springboards of Latin expeditions against the East, as during the

ByzantineNorman wars (10811185)50, the First (Raymond of Toulouse and Hugh of

Vermandois,10961099)51

andtheFourthCrusades(BonifaceofMontferrat,12021204)52

.Yet,asAngeliki Laiou relates, The Crusades were a frequent phenomenon of the twelfth and

thirteenthcenturies.Weareaccustomed to taking intoaccountof themajorcrusades,,but

crusadingexpeditionstookplaceoften,andcertainlytheChristiansandMuslimsofthearea

wereawareof the fact53. Itcanbemaintained that theartistor thepatron had seenknights

with their own eyes. Perhaps the painter might even have kept sketches of them or some

knightshadlosttheirlivesinthebattlesoftheregionandtheirpanopliesweretakenasbooty

andusedasmodelsfortheartist.

Second, why must western knights have locally a negative reputation? While the

Normans were considered by the Byzantine elites as little more than barbarians54, their

reputation was furtherblackened in Epiros after they seized andburnt Kanina, Vlor and

Jerichoin108155

andCorfuin108456

. Moreover,theFirstCrusadersunderBohemund(1096)en

47Since thecouplingofMarysat theTombwith theDescent toLimbo is quitecommon inByzantinepaitnings, this

argumentisraisedpreciselybecausethesoldierstranscendthepictorialframeoftheirsceneapproachingtheadjacent

scene.48Check,forexample,theApolytikionofEaster:Christisrisenfromthedead;bydeathtramplingdownDeathandtothoseinthetombsgivinglife.49IcanroughlyciteaTheotokionfollowingSundaysLaudsYouaremostblessed,VirginMotherofGod,forthroughHimwho took flesh fromyouHellhasbeen takencaptive,Adamrecalled, thecurseslain,Eveset free,deathput to

death,andwegivenlife.Thereforeinpraisewecry:Blessedareyou,ChristourGod,whohavebeenthuswellpleased.

Glory to you [Ephrem Archimandrite, Matins for Sundays and Feasts, in accessedin11March,2006].50ForabriefaccountoftheByzantineNormanwars,seeN.Ziangos(1974),pp.3336;E.Hallam[ed.](1989),pp.5255

(whereextractsfromWilliamofApuliasGestaRobertiWiscardi).51DurrsandVlora,twomajorbridgeheadsoftheEastwereusedby theFirstCrusadearmiesasa transitstation to

proceed to the Byzantine capital with a special permission grantedby Emperor Alexius I Comnenus. From western

primarysources,seeFulcherofChartres,HistoriaHierosolymitana,accessibleinEnglishinE.Hallam[ed.](1989),pp.6466.From Byzantine sources,seeAnnaComnena,Alexiad, 10:7, in A.C.Krey (1921),TheFirstCrusade:TheAccountsofEyewitnessesandParticipants,Princeton,pp.7879[digitallyreproduced inMedievalSourcebook,AnnaComnena.TheAlexiad.OntheCrusades,,accessedin07March,2006].52 As Villehardouin relates,by April 1203 most of the Fourth Crusade army had embarked at Corfou, a few miles

opposite the region of Sarand. For Villehardouins account [Geoffrey of Villehardouin (1938), La Conqute deConstantinople,editedbyE.Faral,Paris],seeE.Hallam[ed.](1989),p.213.53A.Laiou(2001), ByzantineTradewithChristiansandMuslimsand theCrusades, inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh

[eds.](2001),p.160.54AnnaComnena,Alexiad,Book10:347citedinHallamE.[ed.](1989),pp.69,72.55W.Miller(1917),Valona,TheJournalofHellenicStudies,v.37,p.185.56

S.Runciman(1999),p.74.


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route from the Epirotic coasts to the east, while endeavouring to refrain from pillage and

disorder57,causedno littledisturbance,asaccountedbySt.TheophylaktosofOchrid58.While

theFirstCrusadersadvanced to theMiddleEast, theywerehideouslydefamed,even though

theirallegedactsofcannibalismwasmoreoftenrumoured thanpractised59.Havingsaid that

theCrusaderexpeditionswerefarmoreoftenthanwecustomarilytakeintoaccount,itisworthmentioningthatthe1120swerepunctuatedbycrusadingexpeditionsundertakenbyPisansand

Genoesebysea,whilein1122aVenetianCrusaderfleetonitswaytoPalestineattackedCorfu

inretaliationfortheattemptofJohnIIKomnenostoreduceVenicescommercialprivileges; it

pillagedByzantinelandsonthewaytoandfromPalestineandextractedtheconfirmationand

expansion of Venetian commercial privileges in the Byzantine Empire60. As for the Fourth

Crusade,WilliamMillerstates thatBonifaceofMontferratmannedhisarmywith the ragtag

andbobtailofWesternEurope,whofought forhimtoreceivefeudsandtitles61.Even though

therearenowrittenaccountsthatIknowofrecordingtheimpressionsleftbytheCrusadersto

the local populations, it is highly likely that the local inhabitants of Sarand region felt no

different thanotherOrthodoxpeople,whose impressionsweredescribed in thebeginningof

thepaper.Itmayalsobeallegedthat,sinceEpiroswasamongtheprincipaltargetterritoriesofimmigrants from Constantinople62, the immigrants must have also shaped or influenced

populardarkandbasememoriesabouttheCrusaders,especiallythoseoftheFourthCrusade.

Lastbutnotleast,theregioninquestionwasformostpartsofthesecondhalfofthe13thcentury

awesterndominion,eitherintheformofadowrygivenbytheDespotofEpiros,asinthecase

ofthemarriageofKingManfredofHohenstaufenwithHelenAngelina(1259)63,orintheform

ofoccupationbyforceofarms,asinthecaseoftheexpeditionofCharlesIAnjouwhotookhold

ofCorfuandthemainlandfortressesin1266andkeptthemuntilhisdeathinJanuary128564.As

impliedby the representation of the soldiers of the Custody in the church of St. George at

Dhivr,theirpresenceintheregionmusthavebeendistastefultothelocals.

Similar conclusions canbe drawn in the case of the subject ofJudas Betrayal in the

church of the Nativity of the Virgin on Maligrad. The church was rebuilt and redecoratedunderthepatronageofCaesarNovakin1368/965.InthesceneofJudassBetrayal,twosoldiers

flankJesus,bothofwhomwearkettlehelmetswithbasinets,alternativelycalledchapeldefer,

57Op.cit.,pp.155156.58PG126,col.324;this wasonlyaccessibletomeinanAlbaniantranslation,cf.K.Bozhori(1978),DokumentetPeriudhsBizantineprHistorineShqipris.Shek.VIIXV,Tiran,extractNr.XV.59A.Maalouf (1984),TheCrusadesThroughArabEyes,trans.ByJ.Rothschild,London,pp.39ff.;M.Billings(1987),TheCrossandtheCrescent,NewYork,p.55.60A.Laiou (2001),ByzantineTradewithChristiansandMuslimsandtheCrusades,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh

[eds.](2001),p.160;cf.J.RileySmith(1986),TheVenetianCrusadeof11221124,inG.AiraldiB.Kedar[eds.](1986),IComuniItalianinelRegnoCrociatodiGerusalemme,Jerusalem,2428May1984,CollanaStoricadiFontieStudi48,Genoa,pp.337350.

61W.Miller (1960), ,12041566,Athens,p.70,citedinN.Ziangos(1974),p.74andnote8.62N.Ziangos(1974),pp.4950,6971.63S.Runciman(1984),p.51.64Op.cit.,pp.136,146(1271),253254(1285).65 For the church of Maligrad, see Th. Popa (1998),Mbishkrime t kishavenShqipri, editedby Nestor Nepravishta Kostandin Gjakumis, Tirana, Inscriptions Nr. 287288 (pp. 149151), 289 (p.151 ), 299 (p. 155), 301 (p.156); Th. Popa

(1961),Piktortmesjetarshqiptar,Tiran,p.27andfig.17inp.19;Dh.Dhamo(1963),KishaeShnMerisnMaligrad,BuletiniUniversitetitShtetrortTirans:seriaeshkencaveshoqerore,v.2,pp.154198;Dh.Dhamo(1965),PikturamuraleekishssShnMerisnMaligrad,AktatKonferencssPartStudimeveAlbanologjike,pp.562566;Dh.Dhamo(1974),p.13abandfig.inpp.2833;Dh.Dhamo(1974),LapeinturemuraleduMoyenAgeenAlbanie,Tiran:8NntoriEd.,pp.4,56and fig.onpp.2833;Dh.Dhamo (1984), Vepradhe tipare tpiktursn Shqiprinshek.VXV (Valeurset

caractristiquesdelapeintureenAlbanieauxVXVesicles),StudimeHistorike,v.1,pp.141158,Frenchsynopsisinpp.158160.


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rather usual as from the beginning of the 14th century66. While both soldiers extend

threateninglytheirswordstowardsJesus,theoneattherightcovershisbackwithatriangular

shieldcurvedtothebodyofthetypecalledthe heater,whichfollowsthecurveofthebody.

Thisshieldtypebecamecommonafter1270s,similarinformtotheoneshowninthebrassof

Sir Robert de Bures, ca. 1331, in the Church of All Saints, Acton, Suffolk67

. It is needless, Ibelieve,toarguewhythesesoldierswouldbeverynegativelyperceivedbythepublic.

While in late Byzantine paintings at Mistra there is a deliberate absence of Latin

influences68,theLatinizationofmilitarycostumesinnarrativescenesisalsoobservedinother

formerLatindominatedregions.InthecontextofmedievalMorea,Gerstelmentionsvaguely

that some evidence hasbeen found in the details of narrative scenes, from the occasional

embossing of haloes to unusual representations of soldiers at the Arrest and Crucifixion of

Christ69.EventhoughGerstelidentifiesaFrankishcoatofarmsthatmarkstheshieldofoneof

the custody soldiers in the scene of the Marys at the Tomb of the church of St. John

Chrysostome,Geraki,ca.1300,therebyassociatingRomansoldierswithLatins70,yet,shedidnt

itwiththethesisIhaveherebyattemptedtouphold.Lymberopoulouhasidentifiedanumber

ofsimilarcasesin14th

centuryCrete;therepresentationofsoldiersinwesternarmourinscenesliketheMarysattheTomb,theBetrayal,theCarryingoftheCross,orthemartyrdomofsaints

wasconsideredbyherasahostileandantiwesterncomments71.

Several postByzantinechurches and catholica in Epirosprovide substantialevidence

thatsuchhostile,antiwesternvisualstatementsconsciouslypersistsuptothefirsthalfofthe

17thcentury,afterwhichthephenomenongraduallyfadesoutinmechanicalrepetitionofearlier

postByzantinemodels.

Themostimpressivecases,however,canbeviewedintheearlypostByzantinemural

paintingsoftheLiteofPhilanthropenonMonasteryscatholiconontheIsleofIoannina(paintedin 1560), subject already discussed by the late Miltos Garidis72. There, a great number of

torturers, represented in different scenes of martyrdoms,bear the form of western knights73.

66D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.73andfigureonthesamepagedepictingaknightwearingakettlehat,detailfroma

14thcenturyilluminatedaddressfromthetownofPratotoRobertofAnjou.67D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.83andfigonp.84.68D.Mouriki(1987),PalaeologanMistraandtheWest,inByzantiumandEurope:FirstInternationalByzantineConference,Delphi,2024July,1985,Athens, p. 239. I did not manage to consultA.Grabar (1984), Lasymtrie des relations deByzanceetlOccidentdansledomainedesartsaumoyenge,inI.Hutter[ed.](1984),ByzanzundderWesten:StudienzurKunstdeseuropischenMittelaltres,Vienna,pp.924;cf.S.E.J.Gerstel(2001),ArtandIdentityintheMedievalMorea,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),p.264andnote7.69S.E.J.Gerstel(2001),ArtandIdentityintheMedievalMorea,inA.E.LaiouR.P.Mottahedeh[eds.](2001),pp.264

265andnote6onp.264.70Op.cit.,pp.278279andfig.15.71 Such Latinized soldiers appear in at least the following churches: 1) Archangel Michael at Kavalariana Selinou,

1327/28,scenesoftheBetrayal,CarryingoftheCrossandMarysattheTomb;2)HagiosNikolaosatMazaApokoronou,

1325/26,sceneoftheMarysattheTomb;3)andHagiosGeorgiosatAnydroiSelinou,1323,sceneofSaintGeorgebeforeoftheGovernor.Forthesescenes,seeA.Lymberopoulou(2002),TheChurchoftheArchangelMichaelatKavalariana:Artand Society on FourteenthCentury VenetianDominated Crete, doctoral thesis submitted at the Centre for Byzantine,OttomanandModernGreekStudies,UniversityofBimirngham,Birmingham,passim.Iamindebtedtotheauthorforbringing these monuments into my attention. I did not manage to consider M. VassilakisMavrakakis (982) Western

Influenceson theFourteenthCenturyArtofCrete,Jahrbuchdersterreichischen Byzantinistik,v.32/5 [XVI. InternationalerByzantinistenkongress (Wien, 4.9. Oktober 1981), 2, 5], pp. 301311; and S. PapadakiOekland (1992), 14 . o ;,inKypraiou[ed.](1992),.

,v.2,Athens,pp.491516.72M.Garidis(1999),

. ()

, 1560,in M. Garidis A. Paliouras [eds.] (1999), . 700 12921992,Ioannina,pp.6575.73AmongtheseveralexamplesthatcanbementionedhereIchooseonly:1)ThemartyrdomofSt.Tarachos[M.Garidis

A. Paliouras[eds.] (1993), p. 95, fig. 144], whose torturers helmet is comparable to 14th century examples [e.g. the


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Exceptionallyinteresting isthemartyrdomofSt.Vincent,representedonthesouthernwallof

theLite; the saints executioner is engaged into chivalric dancing figurebefore he effects thefinalattackthefatalattackagainstthesaint74.InthemartyrdomofSt.Babylasandhisdisciples,

afigure,identifiedbyGaridisasaSpanishmerchant,standsbeforetheruler75.Verysimilarto

an equestrian harness of Otto Heinrich, Count Palatine of the Rhine, dating 1530s and otherGermanarmoursdatingfromthefirstquarterofthe16thcenturyarethemountedknightwho

tortures St. Amphilochios, Bishop of Ikonion,by dragging himbehind his galloping horse76.

Similarmodelshave,undoubtedly,beenutilizedtorepresenttheexecutionersofSt.Stephenthe

Younger,theConfessor77.PatronizedbytherenownedfamilyofPhilantropenoi,whomigrated

from Constantinople due to its growing proLatin support, the Monastery of St. Nikolaos of

Philanthropenon virtually provides the most palpable examples of antiwestern pictorial

statements.

Similar, yet far less impressive examples can also be found in other 16th century

monumentsoftheregion.ThesceneoftheBetrayalofJesusinthechurchofSt.Athanasiosat

Goranxhi,Dropull(Gjirokastrregion)datesin1524andimitatespanopliesofthe12thand13th

centuries78

.InthecatholiconofNtiliouMonastery,ontheIsleofIoannina(1542/3),thescenesofChristsDerision,theRoutetoGolgotha,theCarryingoftheCross,theAscenttotheCrossand

theMarysattheTombcontainsoldiersdepictedinawestern14thand15thcenturyfashion79;yet,

westerninfluencesinthearmouryofseveralmilitarysaints indicatestrendsthatmayshadow

thestrengthoftheherebypresentedthesis80.However,thepersistenceofsuchexamplespoint

tothecontrary.CasesindicatingtheLatinizationofsoldierscanalsobefoundinthethird16th

century monastery on the Isle of Ioannina, the Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of the 165th

century), in therepresentationsofChristsDerision,PilateandHisSuite, theCarryingofand

AscenttotheCross81.Fromother16thcenturymonumentsintheregionsofEpiroswecancite

thechurchoftheTransfigurationatVeltsista(1568)82,thatofSt.NikolaosatKrapsi(1563)83,the

narthexofBarlaamMonastery,Meteora(1566)84,thechurchofSt.DemetriosatVeltsista(1558

representationofSirGeoffreyLuttrellfromtheLuttrellPsalter,ca.1340,D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock (1988),p.67;cf.the

openatthefrontandloweringatthesidesItaliansalletca.1480,op.cit.,p.121,figureabove,ortheKnightsTilting,fromthe Ordinance of Chivalry, 15th century English illuminated manuscriptby St.John Astley, op. cit., p. 159]. 2) ThemartyrdomofSt.Epicharis[M.GaridisA.Paliouras[eds.](1993),p.113,fig.170,172],whosetorturersovercoatand

helmetiscomparableto16thcenturywesternharnesses[e.g.theequestrianharnessofOttoHeinrich,CountPalatineof

theRhine,ca.153.0s,D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),p.175].3)ThebeheadingofSt.JohntheBaptist[M.GaridisA.

Paliouras [eds.] (1993), p. 174, fig. 291], whose executioners helmet and overcoat is comparable to 14th century

examples.74M.GaridisA.Paliouras[eds.](1993),pp.9697,fig.145146.Forsimilarfigures,seetheexecutionerofSt.Marcianus,

op.cit.,p.103,fig.161.75Op.cit.,pp.7879,fig.112,116.76Op.cit.,pp.105,107,fig.160,162incomparisonwithD.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.142(up),143(up),and175.77M.GaridisA.Paliouras[eds.](1993),pp.114115,fig.174,176incomparisonwithD.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),

pp.142(up),143(up),and175.78Thechurchinquestioninunpublished.Forthecomparison,seeD.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.79T.LivaXanthaki(1993),figs.385,387and293onpp.231,232and238respectively;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),

pp.84ff.].80Op.cit.,figs.391and408onpp.235and244.81B.Papadopoulou(1993),figs.455459onpp.277279;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.82 See the scenes of the Massacre of the Innocent, the Betrayal, ChristsJudgementby Annas,Caiaphas and Pontius

Pilate, theDerisionand theCarryingof theCross, theAscent to theCrossand theCrucifixion,JosephofArimatheia

beforePilateandtheMarysattheTomb[seeA.StavropoulouMakri(1989),figs.14b,19b,20,21ab,2224,26and2829

(details),31aand33b;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].83MartyrdomofSt.Demetrios[A.StavropoulouMakri(1989),pp.137153,fig.54a;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),

pp.84ff.].84Martyrdomsofsaints.[A.StavropoulouMakri(1989),pp.157167,figs.56a,57;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.

84ff.].


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1568)85,thenarthexofDryanoMonasteryscatholicon(lastquarterofthe16thcentury)86andthe

churchofSt.NikolaosatDhuvjan,Dropull(endofthe16thcentury)87.

The17thcenturyalsoofferssomegoodexamples,whilethephenomenonclearlyfades

out inunsophisticated imitations towards the18thcentury.Onecancite theMartyrdomofSt.

TheodoreStratelatesinthechurchoftheDormitionoftheVirginatzervat,Dropull(1603)88

,theMassacreofthe Innocents inthecatholiconofRaveniaMonastery,Dropull(secondquarterof

the 17th century)89 and the Carrying of the Cross in the naos of the catholicon of the

Transfiguration Monastery at Mingul, Gjirokastr (1666)90. From distant memories of the

phenomenon in the18thcenturywecouldcite themartyrdomsofsaints in the thirdzonesof

frescoes, western wall of the church of St. George at Libofsh, Fier (1782), which seemingly

reproduce17thcenturymodels.

Inhisauthoritative MemoryandProofofAge inEngland (12721327),JohnBedell91

statesthathistory,whenitisnotinvention,ismemorywrittendown.Althoughtheenormous

attention paid to memoryby philosophers, psychologists and neurologists has led to little

certainty,wedoknow thatmemory isacomplexprocess,nota recordingdevice,and that it

involvesmanypartsofthebrainandaspectsoftheself.Weconstructourmemories,choosingconsciously or unconsciously to emphasize some experiences and impressions and disregard

others,and,overtime,wereshapethem,reorderingourpaststomeetthechangingneedsofthe

present.Ourmemoriesareshapedbyourinteractionswithothers,especiallybyconversations

wehavehadaboutsharedexperiences.Weeachhaveourownhistories,whichwehavemade

as muchby thought asby need. With this in mind, in this paper, taking into consideration

representations of Crusaders in ecclesiastical paintings of late Byzantine and early post

Byzantine churches and catholica, I attempted to interpret expressions of collective base

memoriesoftheCrusadesinperipheralregions,asEpiros,Creteand,possibly,Morea.Further

research inothercontemporarymonumentsof former Latinoccupied territoriescouldcheck

the theory that such antiwestern attitudes reflectgeneral feelings, rather than isolated cases,

especially in former westerndominated Orthodox provinces. Last but not least, the paperintroducesanempiricalmethodologyinwhichahistoriancanunveilcollectivememoriesofthe

pastattheabsenceoftextualsourcesbylookingatandinterpretingartworks.

85TheJudgementbyAnnasandCaiaphas [A.StavropoulouMakri(1989),pp.153157, figs.60and61a;cf.D.Edge

J.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].86 Martyrdoms of Sts. Demetrios and George; cf. D. Edge J.M. Paddock (1988), pp. 84 ff. The frescoes of the this

monumentdateinthelastquarterofthe16thcentury,withsubstantialoverpaintingfromthe17thandthe19thcentury

[G.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,pp.7981andfigs.160162;G.Giakoumis(1994), ,Athens,pp.2833andfigs.2943].87SeethesoldiernexttoLonginusinthesceneoftheCrucifixion[seeG.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994),

,Ioannina,p.150,fig.300;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].88G.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,pp.5355and56andfig.105

onp.56;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.].89G.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,p.144,fig.287;cf.D.Edge

J.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.Forthemonastery,seeG.Giakoumis(1995), ,Athens

wherecitationstotherelevantliterature.90Forthemonastery,seeG.GiakoumisK.Giakoumis(1994), ,Ioannina,pp.

114117;cf.D.EdgeJ.M.Paddock(1988),pp.84ff.91J.Bedell(1999),MemoryandProofofAgeinEngland12721327,PastandPresent,v.162,pp.327(p.4);cf.G. Duby(1980),MemorieswithNoHistorian,trans.byJ.WickeandD.Moschenberg,YaleFrenchStudies,v.59(RethinkingHistory:Time,MythandWriting),pp.716.


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