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4/8/2014 Demosthenes - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demosthenes 1/32 Demosthenes Bust of Demosthenes (Louvre, Paris, France) Born 384 BC Athens Died 322 BC Island of Kalaureia (present-day Poros) Demosthenes From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Demosthenes (English pronunciation: / d ɪ ˈ m ɒ s . θ ə n i ː z/, Greek: Δημοσθένης, Dēmosthénēs [dɛːmost ʰénɛːs]; 384–322 BC) was a prominent Greek statesman and orator of ancient Athens. His orations constitute a significant expression of contemporary Athenian intellectual prowess and provide an insight into the politics and culture of ancient Greece during the 4th century BC. Demosthenes learned rhetoric by studying the speeches of previous great orators. He delivered his first judicial speeches at the age of 20, in which he argued effectively to gain from his guardians what was left of his inheritance. For a time, Demosthenes made his living as a professional speech-writer (logographer) and a lawyer, writing speeches for use in private legal suits. Demosthenes grew interested in politics during his time as a logographer, and in 354 BC he gave his first public political speeches. He went on to devote his most productive years to opposing Macedon's expansion. He idealized his city and strove throughout his life to restore Athens's supremacy and motivate his compatriots against Philip II of Macedon. He sought to preserve his city's freedom and to establish an alliance against Macedon, in an unsuccessful attempt to impede Philip's plans to expand his influence southward by conquering all the other Greek states. After Philip's death, Demosthenes played a leading part in his city's uprising against the new King of Macedonia, Alexander the Great. However, his efforts failed and the revolt was met with a harsh Macedonian reaction. To prevent a similar revolt against his own rule, Alexander's successor in this region, Antipater, sent his men to track Demosthenes down. Demosthenes took his own life, in order to avoid being arrested by Archias, Antipater's confidant. The Alexandrian Canon compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothrace recognized Demosthenes as one of the ten greatest Attic orators and logographers. Longinus likened Demosthenes to a blazing thunderbolt, and argued that he "perfected to the utmost the tone of lofty speech, living passions, copiousness, readiness, speed". [1] Quintilian extolled him as lex orandi ("the standard of oratory"), and Cicero said about him that inter omnis unus excellat ("he stands alone among all the orators"), and he also acclaimed him as "the perfect orator" who lacked nothing. [2] Contents 1 Early years and personal life 1.1 Family and personal life 1.2 Education 1.3 Speech training 2 Career

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Demosthenes

Bust of Demosthenes (Louvre, Paris, France)

Born 384 BCAthens

Died 322 BCIsland of Kalaureia (present-day Poros)

DemosthenesFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Demosthenes (English pronunciation: /dɪˈmɒs.θəniːz/,Greek: Δημοσθένης, Dēmosthénēs [dɛːmostʰénɛːs];384–322 BC) was a prominent Greek statesman andorator of ancient Athens. His orations constitute asignificant expression of contemporary Athenianintellectual prowess and provide an insight into thepolitics and culture of ancient Greece during the 4thcentury BC. Demosthenes learned rhetoric by studyingthe speeches of previous great orators. He delivered hisfirst judicial speeches at the age of 20, in which heargued effectively to gain from his guardians what wasleft of his inheritance. For a time, Demosthenes madehis living as a professional speech-writer (logographer)and a lawyer, writing speeches for use in private legalsuits.

Demosthenes grew interested in politics during his timeas a logographer, and in 354 BC he gave his firstpublic political speeches. He went on to devote hismost productive years to opposing Macedon'sexpansion. He idealized his city and strove throughouthis life to restore Athens's supremacy and motivate hiscompatriots against Philip II of Macedon. He sought topreserve his city's freedom and to establish an allianceagainst Macedon, in an unsuccessful attempt to impedePhilip's plans to expand his influence southward byconquering all the other Greek states. After Philip'sdeath, Demosthenes played a leading part in his city's uprising against the new King of Macedonia,Alexander the Great. However, his efforts failed and the revolt was met with a harsh Macedonian reaction.To prevent a similar revolt against his own rule, Alexander's successor in this region, Antipater, sent hismen to track Demosthenes down. Demosthenes took his own life, in order to avoid being arrested byArchias, Antipater's confidant.

The Alexandrian Canon compiled by Aristophanes of Byzantium and Aristarchus of Samothracerecognized Demosthenes as one of the ten greatest Attic orators and logographers. Longinus likenedDemosthenes to a blazing thunderbolt, and argued that he "perfected to the utmost the tone of lofty speech,living passions, copiousness, readiness, speed".[1] Quintilian extolled him as lex orandi ("the standard oforatory"), and Cicero said about him that inter omnis unus excellat ("he stands alone among all theorators"), and he also acclaimed him as "the perfect orator" who lacked nothing.[2]

Contents1 Early years and personal life

1.1 Family and personal life1.2 Education1.3 Speech training

2 Career

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2 Career2.1 Legal career2.2 Early political activity2.3 Confrontation with Philip II

2.3.1 First Philippic and the Olynthiacs (351–349 BC)2.3.2 Case of Meidias (348 BC)2.3.3 Peace of Philocrates (347–345 BC)2.3.4 Second and Third Philippics (344–341 BC)2.3.5 Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC)

2.4 Last political initiatives and death2.4.1 Confrontation with Alexander2.4.2 Delivery of On the Crown2.4.3 Case of Harpalus and death

3 Assessments3.1 Political career3.2 Oratorical skill

4 Rhetorical legacy5 Works and transmission6 In popular culture7 Notes8 References9 Sources

9.1 Primary sources (Greeks and Romans)9.2 Secondary sources

10 Further reading11 External links

Early years and personal life

Family and personal life

Demosthenes was born in 384 BC, during the last year of the 98th Olympiad or the first year of the99th Olympiad.[3] His father—also named Demosthenes—who belonged to the local tribe, Pandionis, andlived in the deme of Paeania[4] in the Athenian countryside, was a wealthy sword-maker.[5] Aeschines,Demosthenes's greatest political rival, maintained that his mother Kleoboule was a Scythian by blood[6]—an allegation disputed by some modern scholars.[a] Demosthenes was orphaned at the age of seven.Although his father provided well for him, his legal guardians, Aphobus, Demophon and Therippides,mishandled his inheritance.[7]

As soon as Demosthenes came of age in 366 BC, he demanded they render an account of theirmanagement. According to Demosthenes, the account revealed the misappropriation of his property.Although his father left an estate of nearly fourteen talents, (equivalent to about 220 years of a laborer'sincome at standard wages, or 11 million dollars in terms of median US annual incomes)[8] Demosthenesasserted his guardians had left nothing "except the house, and fourteen slaves and thirty silver minae" (30minae = ½ talent).[9] At the age of 20 Demosthenes sued his trustees in order to recover his patrimony anddelivered five orations: three Against Aphobus during 363 and 362 BC and two Against Ontenor during362 and 361 BC. The courts fixed Demosthenes's damages at ten talents.[10] When all the trials came to anend,[b] he only succeeded in retrieving a portion of his inheritance.[11]

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Bust of Demosthenes (BritishMuseum, London), Roman copy of aGreek original sculpted byPolyeuktos.

According to Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes was married once.The only information about his wife, whose name is unknown, isthat she was the daughter of Heliodorus, a prominent citizen.[12]

Demosthenes also had a daughter, "the only one who ever calledhim father", according to Aeschines in a trenchant remark.[13] Hisdaughter died young and unmarried a few days before Philip II'sdeath.[13]

In his speeches, Aeschines uses pederastic relations ofDemosthenes as a means to attack him. In the case of Aristion, ayouth from Plataea who lived for a long time in Demosthenes'shouse, Aeschines mocks the "scandalous" and "improper"relation.[14] In another speech, Aeschines brings up the pederasticrelation of his opponent with a boy called Cnosion. The slanderthat Demosthenes's wife also slept with the boy suggests that therelationship was contemporary with his marriage.[15] Aeschinesclaims that Demosthenes made money out of young rich men,such as Aristarchus, the son of Moschus, whom he allegedlydeceived with the pretence that he could make him a great orator.Apparently, while still under Demosthenes's tutelage, Aristarchuskilled and mutilated a certain Nicodemus of Aphidna. Aeschinesaccused Demosthenes of complicity in the murder, pointing outthat Nicodemus had once pressed a lawsuit accusing Demosthenesof desertion. He also accused Demosthenes of having been such a bad erastes to Aristarchus so as noteven to deserve the name. His crime, according to Aeschines, was to have betrayed his eromenos bypillaging his estate, allegedly pretending to be in love with the youth so as to get his hands on the boy'sinheritance. Nevertheless, the story of Demosthenes's relations with Aristarchus is still regarded as morethan doubtful, and no other pupil of Demosthenes is known by name.[16]

Education

Between his coming of age in 366 BC and the trials that took place in 364 BC, Demosthenes and hisguardians negotiated acrimoniously but were unable to reach an agreement, for neither side was willing tomake concessions.[18] At the same time, Demosthenes prepared himself for the trials and improved hisoratory skill. As an adolescent, his curiosity had been noticed by the orator Callistratus, who was then atthe height of his reputation, having just won a case of considerable importance.[19] According to FriedrichNietzsche, a German philologist and philosopher, and Constantine Paparrigopoulos, a major Greekhistorian, Demosthenes was a student of Isocrates;[20] according to Cicero, Quintillian and the Romanbiographer Hermippus, he was a student of Plato.[21] Lucian, a Roman-Syrian rhetorician and satirist, liststhe philosophers Aristotle, Theophrastus and Xenocrates among his teachers.[22] These claims arenowadays disputed.[c] According to Plutarch, Demosthenes employed Isaeus as his master in Rhetoric,even though Isocrates was then teaching this subject, either because he could not pay Isocrates theprescribed fee or because Demosthenes believed Isaeus's style better suited a vigorous and astute oratorsuch as himself .[23] Curtius, a German archaeologist and historian, likened the relation between Isaeus andDemosthenes to "an intellectual armed alliance".[24]

It has also been said that Demosthenes paid Isaeus 10,000 drachmae (somewhat over 1.5 talents) on thecondition that Isaeus should withdraw from a school of Rhetoric which he had opened, and should devotehimself wholly to Demosthenes, his new pupil.[24] Another version credits Isaeus with having taught

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Demosthenes Practising Oratory byJean-Jules-Antoine Lecomte du Nouy(1842–1923). Demosthenes used tostudy in an underground room heconstructed himself. He also used totalk with pebbles in his mouth andrecited verses while running.[17] Tostrengthen his voice, he spoke on theseashore over the roar of the waves.

Demosthenes without charge.[25] According to Sir Richard C.Jebb, a British classical scholar, "the intercourse between Isaeusand Demosthenes as teacher and learner can scarcely have beeneither very intimate or of very long duration".[24] KonstantinosTsatsos, a Greek professor and academician, believes that Isaeushelped Demosthenes edit his initial judicial orations against hisguardians.[26] Demosthenes is also said to have admired thehistorian Thucydides. In the Illiterate Book-Fancier, Lucianmentions eight beautiful copies of Thucydides made byDemosthenes, all in Demosthenes's own handwriting.[27] Thesereferences hint at his respect for a historian he must haveassiduously studied.[28]

Speech training

According to Plutarch, when Demosthenes first addressed himselfto the people, he was derided for his strange and uncouth style,"which was cumbered with long sentences and tortured withformal arguments to a most harsh and disagreeable excess".[29]

Some citizens, however, discerned his talent. When he first left theecclesia (the Athenian Assembly) disheartened, an old man namedEunomus encouraged him, saying his diction was very much likethat of Pericles.[30] Another time, after the ecclesia had refused tohear him and he was going home dejected, an actor named Satyrusfollowed him and entered into a friendly conversation withhim.[31]

As a boy Demosthenes had a speech impediment: Plutarch refers to a weakness in his voice of "aperplexed and indistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and disjointing hissentences much obscured the sense and meaning of what he spoke."[29] There are problems in Plutarch'saccount, however, and it is probable that Demosthenes actually suffered rhotacism, mispronouncing ρ (r)as λ (l).[32] Aeschines taunted him and referred to him in his speeches by the nickname "Batalus",[d]

apparently invented by Demosthenes's pedagogues or by the little boys with whom he was playing.[33]

Demosthenes undertook a disciplined program to overcome his weaknesses and improve his delivery,including diction, voice and gestures.[34] According to one story, when he was asked to name the threemost important elements in oratory, he replied "Delivery, delivery and delivery!"[35] It is unknownwhether such vignettes are factual accounts of events in Demosthenes's life or merely anecdotes used toillustrate his perseverance and determination.[36]

Career

Legal career

To make his living, Demosthenes became a professional litigant, both as a "logographer", writing speechesfor use in private legal suits, and advocate ("synegoros") speaking on another's behalf. He seems to havebeen able to manage any kind of case, adapting his skills to almost any client, including wealthy and

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"If you feel bound to act in the spirit of that dignity, whenever youcome into court to give judgement on public causes, you mustbethink yourselves that with his staff and his badge every one of youreceives in trust the ancient pride of Athens."

Demosthenes (On the Crown, 210)—The orator's defense of thehonor of the courts was in contrast to the improper actions of whichAeschines accused him.

"While the vessel is safe, whether it be a large or a small one, then isthe time for sailor and helmsman and everyone in his turn to show hiszeal and to take care that it is not capsized by anyone's malice orinadvertence; but when the sea has overwhelmed it, zeal is useless."

Demosthenes (Third Philippic, 69)—The orator warned hiscountrymen of the disasters Athens would suffer, if they continued toremain idle and indifferent to the challenges of their times.

powerful men. It is not unlikely that he became a teacher of rhetoric and that he brought pupils into courtwith him. However, though he probably continued writing speeches throughout his career,[e] he stoppedworking as an advocate once he entered the political arena.[37]

Judicial oratory had become asignificant literary genre by thesecond half of the fifth century, asrepresented in the speeches ofDemosthenes's predecessors,Antiphon and Andocides.Logographers were a unique aspectof the Athenian justice system:evidence for a case was compiled by a magistrate in a preliminary hearing and litigants could present it asthey pleased within set speeches; however, witnesses and documents were popularly mistrusted (since theycould be secured by force or bribery), there was little cross-examination during the trial, there were noinstructions to the jury from a judge, no conferencing between jurists before voting, the juries were huge(typically between 201 and 501 members), cases depended largely on questions of probable motive, andnotions of natural justice were felt to take precedence over written law—conditions that favoured artfullyconstructed speeches.[38]

Since Athenian politicians were often indicted by their opponents, there wasn't always a clear distinctionbetween "private" and "public" cases, and thus a career as a logographer opened the way for Demosthenesto embark on his political career.[39] An Athenian logographer could remain anonymous, which enabledhim to serve personal interests, even if it prejudiced the client. It also left him open to allegations ofmalpractice. Thus for example Aeschines accused Demosthenes of unethically disclosing his clients'arguments to their opponents; in particular, that he wrote a speech for Phormion (350 BC), a wealthybanker, and then communicated it to Apollodorus, who was bringing a capital charge againstPhormion.[40] Plutarch much later supported this accusation, stating that Demosthenes "was thought tohave acted dishonorably"[41] and he also accused Demosthenes of writing speeches for both sides. It hasoften been argued that the deception, if there was one, involved a political quid pro quo, wherebyApollodorus secretly pledged support for unpopular reforms that Demosthenes was pursuing in the greater,public interest[42] (i.e. the diversion of Theoric Funds to military purposes).

Early political activity

See also: On the Navy, For the Megalopolitans, and On the Liberty of the Rhodians

Demosthenes was admitted to his deme as a citizen with full rights probably in 366 BC, and he soondemonstrated an interest in politics.[36] In 363 and 359 BC, he assumed the office of the trierarch, beingresponsible for the outfitting and maintenance of a trireme.[43] He was among the first ever volunteertrierarchs in 357 BC, sharing the expenses of a ship called Dawn, for which the public inscription stillsurvives.[44] In 348 BC, he became a choregos, paying the expenses of a theatrical production.[45]

Between 355–351 BC,Demosthenes continued practicinglaw privately while he wasbecoming increasingly interested inpublic affairs. During this period,he wrote Against Androtion andAgainst Leptines, two fierce attacks

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on individuals who attempted to repeal certain tax exemptions.[46] In Against Timocrates and AgainstAristocrates, he advocated eliminating corruption.[47] All these speeches, which offer early glimpses of hisgeneral principles on foreign policy, such as the importance of the navy, of alliances and of nationalhonor,[48] are prosecutions (graphē paranómōn) against individuals accused of illegally proposinglegislative texts.[49]

In Demosthenes's time, different political goals developed around personalities. Instead of electioneering,Athenian politicians used litigation and defamation to remove rivals from government processes. Oftenthey indicted each other for breaches of the statute laws (graphē paranómōn), but accusations of briberyand corruption were ubiquitous in all cases, being part of the political dialogue. The orators often resortedto "character assassination" (diabolē, loidoria) tactics, both in the courts and in the Assembly. Therancorous and often hilariously exaggerated accusations, satirized by Old Comedy, were sustained byinnuendo, inferences about motives, and a complete absence of proof; as J.H. Vince states "there was noroom for chivalry in Athenian political life".[50] Such rivalry enabled the "demos" or citizen-body to reignsupreme as judge, jury and executioner.[51] Demosthenes was to become fully engaged in this kind oflitigation and he was also to be instrumental in developing the power of the Areopagus to indict individualsfor treason, invoked in the ecclesia by a process called "ἀπόφασις".[52]

In 354 BC, Demosthenes delivered his first political oration, On the Navy, in which he espousedmoderation and proposed the reform of "symmories" (boards) as a source of funding for the Athenianfleet.[53] In 352 BC, he delivered For the Megalopolitans and, in 351 BC, On the Liberty of the Rhodians.In both speeches he opposed Eubulus, the most powerful Athenian statesman of the period 355 to 342 BC.The latter was no pacifist but came to eschew a policy of aggressive interventionism in the internal affairsof the other Greek cities.[54] Contrary to Eubulus's policy, Demosthenes called for an alliance withMegalopolis against Sparta or Thebes, and for supporting the democratic faction of the Rhodians in theirinternal strife.[55] His arguments revealed his desire to articulate Athens's needs and interests through amore activist foreign policy, wherever opportunity might provide.[56]

Although his early orations were unsuccessful and reveal a lack of real conviction and of coherent strategicand political prioritization,[57] Demosthenes established himself as an important political personality andbroke with Eubulus's faction, a prominent member of which was Aeschines.[58] He thus laid thefoundations for his future political successes and for becoming the leader of his own "party" (the issue ofwhether the modern concept of political parties can be applied in the Athenian democracy is hotly disputedamong modern scholars[59]).

Confrontation with Philip II

First Philippic and the Olynthiacs (351–349 BC)

For more details on this topic, see First Philippic and Olynthiacs

Most of Demosthenes's major orations were directed against the growing power of King Philip II ofMacedon. Since 357 BC, when Philip seized Amphipolis and Pydna, Athens had been formally at warwith the Macedonians.[60] In 352 BC, Demosthenes characterized Philip as the very worst enemy of hiscity; his speech presaged the fierce attacks that Demosthenes would launch against the Macedonian kingover the ensuing years.[61] A year later he criticized those dismissing Philip as a person of no account andwarned that he was as dangerous as the King of Persia.[62]

In 352 BC, Athenian troops successfully opposed Philip at Thermopylae,[63] but the Macedonian victory

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Philip II of Macedon: victory medal(niketerion) struck in Tarsus,c. 2nd BC (Cabinet des Médailles,Paris).

"We need money, for sure, Athenians, and without money nothingcan be done that ought to be done."

Demosthenes (First Olynthiac, 20)—The orator took great pains toconvince his countrymen that the reform of the theoric fund wasnecessary to finance the city's military preparations.

"Just think. The instant this court rises, each of you will walk home,one quicker, another more leisurely, not anxious, not glancing behind

him, not fearing whether he is going to run up against a friend or an

In 352 BC, Athenian troops successfully opposed Philip at Thermopylae,[63] but the Macedonian victoryover the Phocians at the Battle of Crocus Field shook Demosthenes. In 351 BC, Demosthenes felt strongenough to express his view concerning the most important foreign policy issue facing Athens at that time:the stance his city should take towards Philip. According to Jacqueline de Romilly, a French philologistand member of the Académie française, the threat of Philip would give Demosthenes's stances a focus anda raison d'être (reason for existence).[48] Demosthenes saw the King of Macedon as a menace to theautonomy of all Greek cities and yet he presented him as a monster of Athens's own creation; in the FirstPhilippic he reprimanded his fellow citizens as follows: "Even ifsomething happens to him, you will soon raise up a second Philip[...]".[64]

The theme of the First Philippic (351–350 BC) was preparednessand the reform of the theoric fund,[f] a mainstay of Eubulus'spolicy.[48] In his rousing call for resistance, Demosthenes askedhis countrymen to take the necessary action and asserted that "fora free people there can be no greater compulsion than shame fortheir position".[65] He thus provided for the first time a plan andspecific recommendations for the strategy to be adopted againstPhilip in the north.[66] Among other things, the plan called for thecreation of a rapid-response force, to be created cheaply with eachhoplite to be paid only ten drachmas (two Obols per day), whichwas less than the average pay for unskilled labourers in Athens –implying that the hoplite was expected to make up the deficiencyin pay by looting.[67]

From this moment until 341 BC, allof Demosthenes's speeches referredto the same issue, the struggleagainst Philip. In 349 BC, Philipattacked Olynthus, an ally ofAthens. In the three Olynthiacs,

Demosthenes criticized his compatriots for being idle and urged Athens to help Olynthus.[68] He alsoinsulted Philip by calling him a "barbarian".[g] Despite Demosthenes's strong advocacy, the Athenianswould not manage to prevent the falling of the city to the Macedonians. Almost simultaneously, probablyon Eubulus's recommendation, they engaged in a war in Euboea against Philip, which ended instalemate.[69]

Case of Meidias (348 BC)

For more details on this topic, see Against Meidias.

In 348 BC a peculiar event occurred: Meidias, a wealthy Athenian, publicly slapped Demosthenes, whowas at the time a choregos at the Greater Dionysia, a large religious festival in honour of the godDionysus.[45] Meidias was a friend of Eubulus and supporter of the unsuccessful excursion in Euboea.[70]

He also was an old enemy of Demosthenes; in 361 BC he had broken violently into his house, with hisbrother Thrasylochus, to take possession of it.[71]

Demosthenes decided to prosecutehis wealthy opponent and wrotethe judicial oration Against

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him, not fearing whether he is going to run up against a friend or anenemy, a big man or a little one, a strong man or a weak one, oranything of that sort. And why? Because in his heart he knows, and isconfident, and has learned to trust the State, that no one shall seize orinsult or strike him."

Demosthenes (Against Meidias, 221)—The orator asked theAthenians to defend their legal system, by making an example of thedefendant for the instruction of others.[72]

Meidias. This speech givesvaluable information aboutAthenian law at the time andespecially about the Greek conceptof hybris (aggravated assault),which was regarded as a crime notonly against the city but againstsociety as a whole.[73] He statedthat a democratic state perishes if the rule of law is undermined by wealthy and unscrupulous men, and thatthe citizens acquire power and authority in all state affairs due "to the strength of the laws".[71] There is noconsensus among scholars either on whether Demosthenes finally delivered Against Meidias either on theveracity of Aeschines's accusation that Demosthenes was bribed to drop the charges.[h]

Peace of Philocrates (347–345 BC)

For more details on this topic, see Peace of Philocrates.

In 348 BC, Philip conquered Olynthus and razed it to the ground; then conquered the entire Chalcidiceand all the states of the Chalcidic federation that Olynthus had once led.[74] After these Macedonianvictories, Athens sued for peace with Macedon. Demosthenes was among those who favored compromise.In 347 BC, an Athenian delegation, comprising Demosthenes, Aeschines and Philocrates, was officiallysent to Pella to negotiate a peace treaty. In his first encounter with Philip, Demosthenes is said to havecollapsed from fright.[75]

The ecclesia officially accepted Philip's harsh terms, including the renouncement of their claim toAmphipolis. However, when an Athenian delegation arrived at Pella to put Phillip under oath, which wasrequired to conclude the treaty, he was campaigning abroad.[76] He expected that he would hold safelyany Athenian possessions which he might seize before the ratification.[77] Being very anxious about thedelay, Demosthenes insisted that the embassy should travel to the place where they would find Philip andswear him in without delay.[77] Despite his suggestions, the Athenian envoys, including himself andAeschines, remained in Pella, until Philip successfully concluded his campaign in Thrace.[78]

Philip swore to the treaty, but he delayed the departure of the Athenian envoys, who had yet to receive theoaths from Macedon's allies in Thessaly and elsewhere. Finally, peace was sworn at Pherae, where Philipaccompanied the Athenian delegation, after he had completed his military preparations to move south.Demosthenes accused the other envoys of venality and of facilitating Philip's plans with their stance.[79]

Just after the conclusion of the Peace of Philocrates, Philip passed Thermopylae, and subdued Phocis;Athens made no move to support the Phocians.[80] Supported by Thebes and Thessaly, Macedon tookcontrol of Phocis's votes in the Amphictyonic League, a Greek religious organization formed to supportthe greater temples of Apollo and Demeter.[81] Despite some reluctance on the part of the Athenianleaders, Athens finally accepted Philip's entry into the Council of the League.[82] Demosthenes was amongthose who adopted a pragmatic approach, and recommended this stance in his oration On the Peace. ForEdmund M. Burke, this speech landmarks a moment of maturation in Demosthenes's career: after Philip'ssuccessful campaign in 346 BC, the Athenian statesman realized that, if he was to lead his city against theMacedonians, he had "to adjust his voice, to become less partisan in tone".[83]

Second and Third Philippics (344–341 BC)

For more details on this topic, see Second Philippic, On the Chersonese, Third Philippic

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Satellite image of the ThracianChersonese and the surrounding area.The Chersonese became the focus of abitter territorial dispute betweenAthens and Macedon. It waseventually ceded to Philip in 338 BC.

The battle of Chaeronea took placethe autumn of 338 BC and resulted ina significant victory for Philip, whoestablished Macedon's supremacyover the Greek cities.

In 344 BC Demosthenes travelled to the Peloponnese, in order to detach as many cities as possible fromMacedon's influence, but his efforts were generallyunsuccessful.[84] Most of the Peloponnesians saw Philip as theguarantor of their freedom and sent a joint embassy to Athens toexpress their grievances against Demosthenes's activities.[85] Inresponse, Demosthenes delivered the Second Philippic, avehement attack against Philip. In 343 BC Demosthenes deliveredOn the False Embassy against Aeschines, who was facing acharge of high treason. Nonetheless, Aeschines was acquitted bythe narrow margin of thirty votes by a jury which may havenumbered as many as 1,501.[86]

In 343 BC, Macedonian forces were conducting campaigns inEpirus and, in 342 BC, Philip campaigned in Thrace.[87] He alsonegotiated with the Athenians an amendment to the Peace ofPhilocrates.[88] When the Macedonian army approachedChersonese (now known as the Gallipoli Peninsula), an Atheniangeneral named Diopeithes ravaged the maritime district of Thrace, thereby inciting Philip's rage. Becauseof this turbulence, the Athenian Assembly convened. Demosthenes delivered On the Chersonese andconvinced the Athenians not to recall Diopeithes. Also in 342 BC, he delivered the Third Philippic, whichis considered to be the best of his political orations.[89] Using all the power of his eloquence, he demandedresolute action against Philip and called for a burst of energy from the Athenian people. He told them thatit would be "better to die a thousand times than pay court to Philip".[90] Demosthenes now dominatedAthenian politics and was able to considerably weaken the pro-Macedonian faction of Aeschines.

Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC)

For more details on this topic, see Battle of Chaeronea (338 BC).

In 341 BC Demosthenes was sent to Byzantium, where he soughtto renew its alliance with Athens. Thanks to Demosthenes'sdiplomatic manoeuvres, Abydos also entered into an alliance withAthens. These developments worried Philip and increased hisanger at Demosthenes. The Assembly, however, laid aside Philip'sgrievances against Demosthenes's conduct and denounced thepeace treaty; so doing, in effect, amounted to an officialdeclaration of war. In 339 BC Philip made his last and mosteffective bid to conquer southern Greece, assisted by Aeschines'sstance in the Amphictyonic Council. During a meeting of theCouncil, Philip accused the Amfissian Locrians of intruding onconsecrated ground. The presiding officer of the Council, aThessalian named Cottyphus, proposed the convocation of anAmphictyonic Congress to inflict a harsh punishment upon theLocrians. Aeschines agreed with this proposition and maintainedthat the Athenians should participate in the Congress.[91] Demosthenes however reversed Aeschines'sinitiatives and Athens finally abstained.[92] After the failure of a first military excursion against theLocrians, the summer session of the Amphictyonic Council gave command of the league's forces to Philipand asked him to lead a second excursion. Philip decided to act at once; in the winter of 339–338 BC, he

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Alexander Mosaic from Pompeii,from a 3rd-century BC original Greekpainting, now lost. In 336–335 BC,the King of Macedon crippled anyattempt of the Greek cities atresistance and shatteredDemosthenes's hopes for Athenianindependence.

passed through Thermopylae, entered Amfissa and defeated the Locrians. After this significant victory,Philip swiftly entered Phocis in 338 BC. He then turned south-east down the Cephissus valley, seizedElateia, and restored the fortifications of the city.[93]

At the same time, Athens orchestrated the creation of an alliance with Euboea, Megara, Achaea, Corinth,Acarnania and other states in the Peloponnese. However the most desirable ally for Athens was Thebes.To secure their allegiance, Demosthenes was sent, by Athens, to the Boeotian city; Philip also sent adeputation, but Demosthenes succeeded in securing Thebes's allegiance.[94] Demosthenes's oration beforethe Theban people is not extant and, therefore, the arguments he used to convince the Thebans remainunknown. In any case, the alliance came at a price: Thebes's control of Boeotia was recognized, Thebeswas to command solely on land and jointly at sea, and Athens was to pay two thirds of the campaign'scost.[95]

While the Athenians and the Thebans were preparing themselves for war, Philip made a final attempt toappease his enemies, proposing in vain a new peace treaty.[96] After a few trivial encounters between thetwo sides, which resulted in minor Athenian victories, Philip drew the phalanx of the Athenian andTheban confederates into a plain near Chaeronea, where he defeated them. Demosthenes fought as a merehoplite.[i] Such was Philip's hatred for Demosthenes that, according to Diodorus Siculus, the King after hisvictory sneered at the misfortunes of the Athenian statesman. However, the Athenian orator and statesmanDemades is said to have remarked: "O King, when Fortune has cast you in the role of Agamemnon, areyou not ashamed to act the part of Thersites? [an obscene soldier of the Greek army during the TrojanWar]" Stung by these words, Philip immediately altered his demeanour.[97]

Last political initiatives and death

Confrontation with Alexander

After Chaeronea, Philip inflicted a harsh punishment uponThebes, but made peace with Athens on very lenient terms.Demosthenes encouraged the fortification of Athens and waschosen by the ecclesia to deliver the Funeral Oration.[98] In337 BC, Philip created the League of Corinth, a confederation ofGreek states under his leadership, and returned to Pella.[99] In336 BC, Philip was assassinated at the wedding of his daughter,Cleopatra of Macedon, to King Alexander of Epirus. TheMacedonian army swiftly proclaimed Alexander III of Macedon,then twenty years old, as the new King of Macedon. Greek citieslike Athens and Thebes saw in this change of leadership anopportunity to regain their full independence. Demosthenescelebrated Philip's assassination and played a leading part in hiscity's uprising. According to Aeschines, "it was but the seventhday after the death of his daughter, and though the ceremonies ofmourning were not yet completed, he put a garland on his headand white raiment on his body, and there he stood making thank-offerings, violating all decency."[13] Demosthenes also sentenvoys to Attalus, whom he considered to be an internal opponent of Alexander.[100] Nonetheless,Alexander moved swiftly to Thebes, which submitted shortly after his appearance at its gates. When theAthenians learned that Alexander had moved quickly to Boeotia, they panicked and begged the new Kingof Macedon for mercy. Alexander admonished them but imposed no punishment.

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"You stand revealed in your life and conduct, in your publicperformances and also in your public abstinences. A project approvedby the people is going forward. Aeschines is speechless. A regrettableincident is reported. Aeschines is in evidence. He reminds one of anold sprain or fracture: the moment you are out of health it begins tobe active."

Demosthenes (On the Crown, 198)—In On the Crown Demosthenesfiercely assaulted and finally neutralized Aeschines, his formidablepolitical opponent.

The site of the temple of Poseidon,Kalaureia, where Demosthenescommitted suicide.

In 335 BC Alexander felt free to engage the Thracians and the Illyrians, but, while he was campaigning inthe north, Demosthenes spread a rumor—even producing a bloodstained messenger—that Alexander andall of his expeditionary force had been slaughtered by the Triballians.[101] The Thebans and the Atheniansrebelled once again, financed by Darius III of Persia, and Demosthenes is said to have received about300 talents on behalf of Athens and to have faced accusations of embezzlement.[j] Alexander reactedimmediately and razed Thebes to the ground. He did not attack Athens, but demanded the exile of all anti-Macedonian politicians, Demosthenes first of all. According to Plutarch, a special Athenian embassy ledby Phocion, an opponent of the anti-Macedonian faction, was able to persuade Alexander to relent.[102]

Delivery of On the Crown

See also: On the Crown

Despite the unsuccessful venturesagainst Philip and Alexander, theAthenians still respectedDemosthenes. In 336 BC, theorator Ctesiphon proposed thatAthens honor Demosthenes for hisservices to the city by presentinghim, according to custom, with agolden crown. This proposalbecame a political issue and, in 330 BC, Aeschines prosecuted Ctesiphon on charges of legal irregularities.In his most brilliant speech,[103] On the Crown, Demosthenes effectively defended Ctesiphon andvehemently attacked those who would have preferred peace with Macedon. He was unrepentant about hispast actions and policies and insisted that, when in power, the constant aim of his policies was the honorand the ascendancy of his country; and on every occasion and in all business he preserved his loyalty toAthens.[104] He finally defeated Aeschines, although his enemy's objections to the crowning werearguably valid from a legal point of view.[105]

Case of Harpalus and death

For more details on this topic, see Harpalus.

In 324 BC Harpalus, to whom Alexander had entrusted hugetreasures, absconded and sought refuge in Athens.[k] TheAssembly had initially refused to accept him, followingDemosthenes's advice, but finally Harpalus entered Athens. Hewas imprisoned after a proposal of Demosthenes and Phocion,despite the dissent of Hypereides, an anti-Macedonian statesmanand former ally of Demosthenes. Additionally, the ecclesiadecided to take control of Harpalus's money, which was entrustedto a committee presided over by Demosthenes. When thecommittee counted the treasure, they found they only had half themoney Harpalus had declared he possessed. Nevertheless, theydecided not to disclose the deficit. When Harpalus escaped, theAreopagus conducted an inquiry and charged Demosthenes withmishandling twenty talents. During the trial, Hypereides argued that Demosthenes did not disclose the

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"For a house, I take it, or a ship or anything of that sort must have itschief strength in its substructure; and so too in affairs of state theprinciples and the foundations must be truth and justice."

Demosthenes (Second Olynthiac, 10)—The orator faced seriousaccusations more than once, but he never admitted to any improperactions and insisted that it is impossible "to gain permanent power byinjustice, perjury, and falsehood".

"Two characteristics, men of Athens, a citizen of a respectablecharacter...must be able to show: when he enjoys authority, he mustmaintain to the end the policy whose aims are noble action and thepre-eminence of his country: and at all times and in every phase offortune he must remain loyal. For this depends upon his own nature;while his power and his influence are determined by external causes.And in me, you will find, this loyalty has persisted unalloyed...Forfrom the very first, I chose the straight and honest path in public life:I chose to foster the honour, the supremacy, the good name of mycountry, to seek to enhance them, and to stand or fall with them."

Demosthenes (On the Crown, 321–22)—Faced with the practical

huge deficit, because he was bribed by Harpalus. Demosthenes was fined and imprisoned, but he soonescaped.[106] It remains unclear whether the accusations against him were just or not.[l] In any case, theAthenians soon repealed the sentence.[107]

After Alexander's death in 323 BC,Demosthenes again urged theAthenians to seek independencefrom Macedon in what becameknown as the Lamian War.However, Antipater, Alexander'ssuccessor, quelled all oppositionand demanded that the Athenians

turn over Demosthenes and Hypereides, among others. Following his request, the ecclesia adopted adecree condemning the most prominent anti-Macedonian agitators to death. Demosthenes escaped to asanctuary on the island of Kalaureia (modern-day Poros), where he was later discovered by Archias, aconfidant of Antipater. He committed suicide before his capture by taking poison out of a reed, pretendinghe wanted to write a letter to his family.[108] When Demosthenes felt that the poison was working on hisbody, he said to Archias: "Now, as soon as you please you may commence the part of Creon in thetragedy, and cast out this body of mine unburied. But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yetalive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though Antipater and the Macedonians have not left somuch as the temple unpolluted." After saying these words, he passed by the altar, fell down and died.[108]

Years after Demosthenes's suicide, the Athenians erected a statue to honor him and decreed that the stateshould provide meals to his descendants in the Prytaneum.[109]

Assessments

Political career

Plutarch lauds Demosthenes for not being of a fickle disposition. Rebutting historian Theopompus, thebiographer insists that for "the same party and post in politics which he held from the beginning, to thesehe kept constant to the end; and was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather toforsake his life than his purpose".[110] On the other hand, Polybius, a Greek historian of the Mediterraneanworld, was highly critical of Demosthenes's policies. Polybius accused him of having launched unjustifiedverbal attacks on great men of other cities, branding them unjustly as traitors to the Greeks. The historianmaintains that Demosthenes measured everything by the interests of his own city, imagining that all theGreeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens. According to Polybius, the only thing the Athenianseventually got by their opposition to Philip was the defeat at Chaeronea. "And had it not been for theking's magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone even further,thanks to the policy of Demosthenes".[111]

Paparrigopoulos extolsDemosthenes's patriotism, butcriticizes him as being short-sighted. According to this critique,Demosthenes should haveunderstood that the ancient Greekstates could only survive unifiedunder the leadership ofMacedon.[112] Therefore,

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Demosthenes (On the Crown, 321–22)—Faced with the practicaldefeat of his policies, Demosthenes assessed them by the ideals theyembodied rather than by their utility.

Demosthenes is accused ofmisjudging events, opponents andopportunities and of being unableto foresee Philip's inevitable triumph.[113] He is criticized for having overrated Athens's capacity to reviveand challenge Macedon.[114] His city had lost most of its Aegean allies, whereas Philip had consolidatedhis hold over Macedonia and was master of enormous mineral wealth. Chris Carey, a professor of Greekin UCL, concludes that Demosthenes was a better orator and political operator than strategist.[113]

Nevertheless, the same scholar underscores that "pragmatists" like Aeschines or Phocion had no inspiringvision to rival that of Demosthenes. The orator asked the Athenians to choose that which is just andhonorable, before their own safety and preservation.[110] The people preferred Demosthenes's activismand even the bitter defeat at Chaeronea was regarded as a price worth paying in the attempt to retainfreedom and influence.[113] According to Professor of Greek Arthur Wallace Pickarde, success may be apoor criterion for judging the actions of people like Demosthenes, who were motivated by the ideal ofpolitical liberty.[115] Athens was asked by Philip to sacrifice its freedom and its democracy, whileDemosthenes longed for the city's brilliance.[114] He endeavored to revive its imperilled values and, thus,he became an "educator of the people" (in the words of Werner Jaeger).[116]

The fact that Demosthenes fought at the battle of Chaeronea as a hoplite indicates that he lacked anymilitary skills. According to historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, in his time the division betweenpolitical and military offices was beginning to be strongly marked.[117] Almost no politician, with theexception of Phocion, was at the same time an apt orator and a competent general. Demosthenes dealt inpolicies and ideas, and war was not his business.[117] This contrast between Demosthenes's intellectualprowess and his deficiencies in terms of vigor, stamina, military skill and strategic vision is illustrated bythe inscription his countrymen engraved on the base of his statue:[118]

“ Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were,

The Macedonian would not have conquered her. ”Oratorical skill

In Demosthenes's initial judicial orations, the influence of both Lysias and Isaeus is obvious, but hismarked, original style is already revealed.[119] Most of his extant speeches for private cases—written earlyin his career—show glimpses of talent: a powerful intellectual drive, masterly selection (and omission) offacts, and a confident assertion of the justice of his case, all ensuring the dominance of his viewpoint overhis rival. However, at this early stage of his career, his writing was not yet remarkable for its subtlety,verbal precision and variety of effects.[120]

According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian and teacher of rhetoric, Demosthenesrepresented the final stage in the development of Attic prose. Both Dionysius and Cicero assert thatDemosthenes brought together the best features of the basic types of style; he used the middle or normaltype style ordinarily and applied the archaic type and the type of plain elegance where they were fitting. Ineach one of the three types he was better than its special masters.[121] He is, therefore, regarded as aconsummate orator, adept in the techniques of oratory, which are brought together in his work.[116]

According to the classical scholar Harry Thurston Peck, Demosthenes "affects no learning; he aims at noelegance; he seeks no glaring ornaments; he rarely touches the heart with a soft or melting appeal, andwhen he does, it is only with an effect in which a third-rate speaker would have surpassed him. He had no

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Herma of Demosthenes:the head is a copy of thebronze posthumouscommemorative statue inthe Ancient Agora ofAthens by Polyeuctus(ca. 280 BC); this hermwas found in the Circus ofMaxentius in 1825(Glyptothek, Munich).

wit, no humour, no vivacity, in our acceptance of these terms. The secret of his power is simple, for it liesessentially in the fact that his political principles were interwoven with his very spirit."[122] In thisjudgement, Peck agrees with Jaeger, who said that the imminent political decision imbued theDemosthenes's speech with a fascinating artistic power.[123] From his part, George A. Kennedy believesthat his political speeches in the ecclesia were to become "the artistic exposition of reasoned views".[124]

Demosthenes was apt at combining abruptness with the extended period, brevity with breadth. Hence, hisstyle harmonizes with his fervent commitment.[116] His language is simple and natural, never far-fetchedor artificial. According to Jebb, Demosthenes was a true artist who could make his art obey him.[24] Forhis part, Aeschines stigmatized his intensity, attributing to his rival strings of absurd and incoherentimages.[125] Dionysius stated that Demosthenes's only shortcoming is the lack of humor, althoughQuintilian regards this deficiency as a virtue.[126] In a now lost letter of his, Cicero, though an admirer ofthe Athenian orator, he claimed that occasionally Demosthenes "nods", and elsewhere Cicero also arguedthat, although he is pre-eminent, Demosthenes sometimes fails to satisfy his ears.[127] The main criticism ofDemosthenes's art, however, seems to have rested chiefly on his known reluctance to speakextempore;[128] he often declined to comment on subjects he had not studied beforehand.[122] However,he gave the most elaborate preparation to all his speeches and, therefore, hisarguments were the products of careful study. He was also famous for hiscaustic wit.[129]

Besides his style, Cicero also admired other aspects of Demosthenes'sworks, such as the good prose rhythm, and the way he structured andarranged the material in his orations.[130] According to the Romanstatesman, Demosthenes regarded "delivery" (gestures, voice etc.) as moreimportant than style.[131] Although he lacked Aeschines's charming voiceand Demades's skill at improvisation, he made efficient use of his body toaccentuate his words.[132] Thus he managed to project his ideas andarguments much more forcefully. However, the use of physical gestureswasn't an integral or developed part of rhetorical training in his day.[133]

Moreover, his delivery was not accepted by everybody in antiquity:Demetrius Phalereus and the comedians ridiculed Demosthenes's"theatricality", whilst Aeschines regarded Leodamas of Acharnae assuperior to him.[134]

Rhetorical legacyDemosthenes's fame has continued down the ages. Authors and scholarswho flourished at Rome, such as Longinus and Caecilius, regarded hisoratory as sublime.[135] Juvenal acclaimed him as "largus et exundansingenii fons" (a large and overflowing fountain of genius),[136] and heinspired Cicero's speeches against Mark Antony, also called the Philippics.According to Professor of Classics Cecil Wooten, Cicero ended his careerby trying to imitate Demosthenes's political role.[137] Plutarch drewattention in his Life of Demosthenes to the strong similarities between thepersonalities and careers of Demosthenes and Marcus Tullius Cicero:[138]

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Phryne Going to the Public Baths asVenus and Demosthenes Taunted byAeschines by J. M. W. Turner (1838)

“ The divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and Cicero upon thesame plan, giving them many similarities in their natural characters, as their passion fordistinction and their love of liberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers andwar, and at the same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I think therecan hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and obscure beginnings, becameso great and mighty; who both contested with kings and tyrants; both lost their daughters,were driven out of their country, and returned with honor; who, flying from thence again,were both seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with the liberty oftheir countrymen.

”During the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Demosthenes had a reputation for eloquence.[139] He was readmore than any other ancient orator; only Cicero offered any real competition.[140] French author andlawyer Guillaume du Vair praised his speeches for their artful arrangement and elegant style; John Jewel,Bishop of Salisbury, and Jacques Amyot, a French Renaissance writer and translator, regardedDemosthenes as a great or even the "supreme" orator.[141] For Thomas Wilson, who first publishedtranslation of his speeches into English, Demosthenes was not only an eloquent orator, but, mainly, anauthoritative statesman, "a source of wisdom".[142]

In modern history, orators such as Henry Clay would mimic Demosthenes's technique. His ideas andprinciples survived, influencing prominent politicians and movements of our times. Hence, he constituted asource of inspiration for the authors of the Federalist Papers (series of 85 articles arguing for the ratificationof the United States Constitution) and for the major orators of the French Revolution.[143] French PrimeMinister Georges Clemenceau was among those who idealized Demosthenes and wrote a book abouthim.[144] For his part, Friedrich Nietzsche often composed his sentences according to the paradigms ofDemosthenes, whose style he admired.[145]

Works and transmissionFor more details on this topic, see Works of Demosthenes.

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The "publication" and distribution of prose texts was common practice in Athens by the latter half of thefourth century BC and Demosthenes was among the Athenian politicians who set the trend, publishingmany or even all of his orations.[146] After his death, texts of his speeches survived in Athens (possiblyforming part of the library of Cicero's friend, Atticus, though their fate is otherwise unknown), and in theLibrary of Alexandria. However, the speeches that Demosthenes "published" might have differed from theoriginal speeches that were actually delivered (there are indications that he rewrote them with readers inmind) and therefore it is possible also that he "published" different versions of any one speech, differencesthat could have impacted on the Alexandrian edition of his works and thus on all subsequent editionsdown to the present day.[147]

The Alexandrian texts were incorporated into the body of classical Greek literature that was preserved,catalogued and studied by scholars of the Hellenistic period. From then until the fourth century AD, copiesof his orations multiplied and they were in a relatively good position to survive the tense period from thesixth until the ninth century AD.[148] In the end, sixty-one orations attributed to Demosthenes's survivedtill the present day (some however are pseudonymous). Friedrich Blass, a German classical scholar,believes that nine more speeches were recorded by the orator, but they are not extant.[149] Modern editionsof these speeches are based on four manuscripts of the tenth and eleventh centuries AD.[150]

Some of the speeches that comprise the "Demosthenic corpus" are known to have been written by otherauthors, though scholars differ over which speeches these are.[m] Irrespective of their status, the speechesattributed to Demosthenes are often grouped in three genres first defined by Aristotle:[151]

Symbouleutic or political, considering the expediency of future actions—sixteen such speeches areincluded in the Demosthenic corpus;[m]

Dicanic or judicial, assessing the justice of past actions—only about ten of these are cases in whichDemosthenes was personally involved, the rest were written for other speakers;[152]

Epideictic or sophistic display, attributing praise or blame, often delivered at public ceremonies—only two speeches have been included in the Demosthenic corpus, one a funeral speech that hasbeen dismissed as a "rather poor" example of his work, and the other probably spurious.[153]

In addition to the speeches, there are fifty-six prologues (openings of speeches). They were collected forthe Library of Alexandria by Callimachus, who believed them genuine.[154] Modern scholars are divided:some reject them, while others, such as Blass, believe they are authentic.[155] Finally, six letters alsosurvive under Demosthenes's name and their authorship too is hotly debated.[n]

In popular cultureIn the historical novel Fire From Heaven by Mary Renault, Demosthenes is depicted as the chiefvillainIn the Ender's Game book series by Orson Scott Card, Demosthenes was used as an onlinepseudonym by Valentine Wiggin

Notes

a. ^ According to EdwardCohen, professor of Classics atthe University of Pennsylvania,Cleoboule was the daughter of aScythian woman and of anAthenian father, Gylon,

Timeline of Demosthenes's life (384 BC–322 BC)

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Athenian father, Gylon,although other scholars insist onthe genealogical purity ofDemosthenes.[156] There is anagreement among scholars thatCleoboule was a Crimean andnot an Athenian citizen.[157]

Gylon had suffered banishmentat the end of the PeloponnesianWar for allegedly betrayingNymphaeum in Crimaea.[158]

According to Aeschines, Gylonreceived as a gift from theBosporan rulers a place called"the Gardens" in the colony ofKepoi in present-day Russia(located within two miles(3 km) from Phanagoria).[4]

Nevertheless, the accuracy ofthese allegations is disputed,since more than seventy yearshad elapsed between Gylon'spossible treachery andAeschines speech, and,therefore, the orator could beconfident that his audiencewould have no directknowledge of events atNymphaeum.[159]

b. ^ According to Tsatsos, thetrials against the guardianslasted until Demosthenes wastwenty four.[160] Nietzschereduces the time of the judicialdisputes to five years.[161]

c. ^ According to the tenthcentury encyclopedia Suda,Demosthenes studied withEubulides and Plato.[162]

Cicero and Quintilian argue thatDemosthenes was Plato'sdisciple.[163] Tsatsos and thephilologist Henri Weil believethat there is no indication thatDemosthenes was a pupil ofPlato or Isocrates.[164] As far asIsaeus is concerned, accordingto Jebb "the school of Isaeus isnowhere else mentioned, nor isthe name of any other pupilrecorded".[24] Peck believesthat Demosthenes continued tostudy under Isaeus for the spaceof four years after he hadreached his majority.[122]

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d. ^ "Batalus" or "Batalos"meant "stammerer" in ancientGreek, but it was also the nameof a flute-player (in ridicule ofwhom Antiphanes wrote a play)and of a song-writer.[165] Theword "batalus" was also used bythe Athenians to describe theanus.[166] In fact the wordactually defining his speechdefect was "Battalos",signifying someone withrhotacism, but it was crudelymisrepresented as "Batalos" bythe enemies of Demosthenesand by Plutarch's time theoriginal word had already lostcurrency.[167] Anothernickname of Demosthenes was"Argas." According to Plutarch,this name was given him eitherfor his savage and spitefulbehavior or for his disagreeableway of speaking. "Argas" was apoetical word for a snake, butalso the name of a poet.[168]

e. ^ Both Tsatsos and Weilmaintain that Demosthenesnever abandoned the professionof the logographer, but, afterdelivering his first politicalorations, he wanted to beregarded as a statesman.According to James J. Murphy,Professor emeritus of Rhetoricand Communication at theUniversity of California, Davis,his lifelong career as alogographer continued evenduring his most intenseinvolvement in the politicalstruggle against Philip.[169]

f. ^ "Theorika" wereallowances paid by the state topoor Athenians to enable themto watch dramatic festivals.According to Libanius, Eubuluspassed a law making it difficultto divert public funds,including "theorika," for minormilitary operations.[48] E.M.Burke argues that, if this wasindeed a law of Eubulus, itwould have served "as a meansto check a too-aggressive andexpensive interventionism [...]

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expensive interventionism [...]allowing for the controlledexpenditures on other items,including construction fordefense". Thus Burke believesthat in the Eubulan period, theTheoric Fund was used not onlyas allowances for publicentertainment but also for avariety of projects, includingpublic works.[170] As Burkealso points out, in his later andmore "mature" political career,Demosthenes no longercriticized "theorika"; in fact, inhis Fourth Philippic (341–340 BC), he defended theoricspending.[171]

g. ^ In the Third Olynthiac andin the Third Philippic,Demosthenes characterizedPhilip as a "barbarian", one ofthe various abusive termsapplied by the orator to theKing of Macedon.[172]

According to KonstantinosTsatsos and Douglas M.MacDowell, Demosthenesregarded as Greeks only thosewho had reached the culturalstandards of south Greece andhe did not take intoconsideration ethnologicalcriteria.[173] His contempt forPhilip is forcefully expressed inthe Third Philippic 31 in theseterms: "...he is not only noGreek, nor related to theGreeks, but not even abarbarian from any place thatcan be named with honour, buta pestilent knave fromMacedonia, whence it wasnever yet possible to buy adecent slave." The wording iseven more telling in Greek,ending with an accumulation ofplosive pi sounds: οὐ μόνονοὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος οὐδὲπροσήκοντος οὐδὲν τοῖςἝλλησιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲβαρβάρου ἐντεῦθεν ὅθενκαλὸν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὀλέθρουΜακεδόνος, ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ἀνδράποδον σπουδαῖονοὐδὲν ἦν πρότερονπρίασθαι.[174]

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πρίασθαι.[174]

h. ^ Aeschines maintained thatDemosthenes was bribed todrop his charges againstMeidias in return for a paymentof thirty mnai. Plutarch arguedthe Demosthenes accepted thebribe out of fear of Meidias'spower.[175] Philipp AugustBöckh also accepted Aeschines'saccount for an out-of-courtsettlement, and concluded thatthe speech was never delivered.Böckh's position was soonendorsed by Arnold Schaeferand Blass. Weil agreed thatDemosthenes never deliveredAgainst Meidias, but believedthat he dropped the charges forpolitical reasons. In 1956,Hartmut Erbse partlychallenged Böckh's conclusions,when he argued that AgainstMeidias was a finished speechthat could have been deliveredin court, but Erbse then sidedwith George Grote, byaccepting that, afterDemosthenes secured ajudgment in his favor, hereached some kind of settlementwith Meidias. Kenneth Doveralso endorsed Aeschines'saccount, and argued that,although the speech was neverdelivered in court, Demosthenesput into circulation an attack onMeidias. Dover's argumentswere refuted by Edward M.Harris, who concluded that,although we cannot be sureabout the outcome of the trial,the speech was delivered incourt, and that Aeschines storywas a lie.[176]

i. ^ According to Plutarch,Demosthenes deserted his colorsand "did nothing honorable, norwas his performance answerableto his speeches".[177]

j. ^ Aeschines reproachedDemosthenes for being silent asto the seventy talents of theking's gold which he allegedlyseized and embezzled.Aeschines and Dinarchus also

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Aeschines and Dinarchus alsomaintained that when theArcadians offered their servicesfor ten talents, Demosthenesrefused to furnish the money tothe Thebans, who wereconducting the negotiations,and so the Arcadians sold out tothe Macedonians.[178]

k. ^ The exact chronology ofHarpalus's entrance in Athensand of all the related eventsremains a debated topic amongmodern scholars, who haveproposed different, andsometimes conflicting,chronological schemes.[179]

l. ^ According to Pausanias,Demosthenes himself and othershad declared that the orator hadtaken no part of the money thatHarpalus brought from Asia.He also narrates the followingstory: Shortly after Harpalusran away from Athens, he wasput to death by the servantswho were attending him,though some assert that he wasassassinated. The steward of hismoney fled to Rhodes, and wasarrested by a Macedonianofficer, Philoxenus. Philoxenusproceeded to examine the slave,"until he learned everythingabout such as had allowedthemselves to accept a bribefrom Harpalus." He then sent adispatch to Athens, in which hegave a list of the persons whohad taken a bribe fromHarpalus. "Demosthenes,however, he never mentioned atall, although Alexander heldhim in bitter hatred, and hehimself had a private quarrelwith him."[180] On the otherhand, Plutarch believes thatHarpalus sent Demosthenes acup with twenty talents and that"Demosthenes could not resistthe temptation, but admittingthe present, ... he surrenderedhimself up to the interest ofHarpalus."[181] Tsatsos defendsDemosthenes's innocence, butIrkos Apostolidis underlines the

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Irkos Apostolidis underlines theproblematic character of theprimary sources on this issue—Hypereides and Dinarchus wereat the time Demosthenes'spolitical opponents and accusers—and states that, despite therich bibliography on Harpalus'scase, modern scholarship hasnot yet managed to reach a safeconclusion on whetherDemosthenes was bribed ornot.[182]

m. ^ Blass disputes theauthorship of the followingspeeches: Fourth Philippic,Funeral Oration, Erotic Essay,Against Stephanus 2 andAgainst Evergus andMnesibulus,[183] while Schaeferrecognizes as genuine onlytwenty-nine orations.[184] OfDemosthenes's corpus politicalspeeches, J.H. Vince singles outfive as spurious: OnHalonnesus, Fourth Phillipic,Answer to Philip's Letter, OnOrganization and On the Treatywith Alexander.[185]

n. ^ In this discussion the workof Jonathan A. Goldstein,Professor of History andClassics at the University ofIowa, is regarded asparamount.[186] Goldsteinregards Demosthenes's letters asauthentic apologetic letters thatwere addressed to the AthenianAssembly.[187]

References

1. ^ Longinus, On the Sublime, 12.4, 34.4* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277–279

2. ^ Cicero, Brutus, 35 (http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cicero/brut.shtml#35), Orator, II.6(http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cicero/orator.shtml#6); Quintillian, Institutiones, X, 1.76(http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/quintilian/quintilian.institutio10.shtml#1)* D.C. Innes, 'Longinus and Caecilius", 277

3. ^ H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 5–64. ^ a b Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 171 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D3%3Asection%3D171)5. ^ E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 116. ^ Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 172 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D3%3Asection%3D172)

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doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D3%3Asection%3D172)7. ^ O. Thomsen, The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Demosthenes, 618. ^ Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 1, 4 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0074%3Aspeech%3D27%3Asection%3D4)* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3

9. ^ Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 1, 6 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0074%3Aspeech%3D27%3Asection%3D6)

10. ^ Demosthenes, Against Aphobus 3, 59 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0074%3Aspeech%3D29%3Asection%3D59)* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3

11. ^ E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 1812. ^ Pseudo-Plutarch, Demosthenes, 847c13. ^ a b c Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 77 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D3%3Asection%3D77)14. ^ Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 162 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D3%3Asection%3D162)15. ^ Aeschines, On the Embassy, 149 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D2%3Asection%3D149); Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae,XIII, 63* C.A. Cox, Household Interests, 202

16. ^ Aeschines, On the Embassy, 148–150 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D2%3Asection%3D148), 165–166(http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D2%3Asection%3D165)* A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom, 15

17. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 11.1 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D11%3Asection%3D1)

18. ^ D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 3 (passim); "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.19. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.1–3 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D5%3Asection%3D1)20. ^ F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 233–235; K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396–39821. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.5 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D5%3Asection%3D5)22. ^ Lucian, Demosthenes, An Encomium, 1223. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 5.4 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D5%3Asection%3D4)24. ^ a b c d e R. C. Jebb, The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0077%3Achapter%3D19%3Asection%3D4)25. ^ Suda, article Isaeus (http://www.stoa.org/sol-bin/search.pl?

login=guest&enlogin=guest&db=REAL&field=adlerhw_gr&searchstr=Iota,620)26. ^ K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 8327. ^ Lucian, The Illiterate Book-Fancier, 428. ^ H. Weil, Biography of Demothenes, 10–1129. ^ a b Plutarch, Demosthenes, 6.3 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D6%3Asection%3D3)30. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 6.4 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D6%3Asection%3D4)31. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 7.1 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D7%3Asection%3D1)32. ^ H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 211, note 18033. ^ Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 126 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D1%3Asection%3D126); Aeschines, The Speech on theEmbassy, 99 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D2%3Asection%3D99)

34. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 6–7 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D6%3Asection%3D1)

35. ^ Cicero, De Oratore, 3.213 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0120%3Abook%3D3%3Asection%3D213)* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 517–18

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* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 517–1836. ^ a b E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 1637. ^ Demosthenes, Against Zenothemis, 32 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0076%3Aspeech%3D32%3Asection%3D32)* G. Kennedy, Greek Literature, 514

38. ^ G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 498–500* H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 263 (note 275)

39. ^ J Vince, Demosthenes Orations, Intro. xii40. ^ Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 173 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D3%3Asection%3D173); Aeschines, The Speech on theEmbassy, 165 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D2%3Asection%3D165)

41. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 1542. ^ G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 51643. ^ A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom, xiv–xv44. ^ Packard Humanities Institute, IG Π2 1612.301-10 (http://epigraphy.packhum.org/inscriptions/main)

* H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On the Crown, 16745. ^ a b S. Usher, Greek Oratory, 22646. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 177–17847. ^ E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 29–3048. ^ a b c d J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 116–11749. ^ D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 7 (pr.)50. ^ E.M. Harris, "Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias", 117–118; J.H. Vince, Demosthenes Orations, I, Intro.

xii; N. Worman, "Insult and Oral Excess", 1–251. ^ H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 9, 2252. ^ H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 18753. ^ E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 29–30; K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 8854. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 174–17555. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 180–18356. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 180, 183 (note 91); T.N. Habinek, Ancient

Rhetoric and Oratory, 21; D. Phillips, Athenian Political Oratory, 7257. ^ E. Badian, "The Road to Prominence", 3658. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 181–18259. ^ M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy, 17760. ^ D. Phillips, Athenian Political Oratory, 6961. ^ Demosthenes, Against Aristocrates, 121 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0074%3Aspeech%3D23%3Asection%3D121)62. ^ Demosthenes, For the Liberty of the Rhodians, 2463. ^ Demosthenes, First Philippic, 17; On the False Embassy, 319

* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 184 (note 92)64. ^ Demosthenes, First Philippic, 11

* G. Kennedy, "Oratory", 519–52065. ^ Demosthenes, First Philippic, 1066. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 183–18467. ^ First Philippic 28, cited by J. H. Vince, p. 84-5 notea.68. ^ Demosthenes, First Olynthiac, 3; Demosthenes, Second Olynthiac, 3

* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 18569. ^ Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5

* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 185–18770. ^ Demosthenes, On the Peace, 5

* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 174 (note 47)71. ^ a b Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 78–80 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0074%3Aspeech%3D21%3Asection%3D78)72. ^ J. De Romilly, Ancient Greece against Violence, 113–11773. ^ H. Yunis, The Rhetoric of Law in 4th Century Athens, 20674. ^ Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 56

* E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 18775. ^ Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 34 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

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75. ^ Aeschines, The Speech on the Embassy, 34 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0002%3Aspeech%3D2%3Asection%3D34)* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12

76. ^ Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 15* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102–103

77. ^ a b Demosthenes, On the Crown, 25–27* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102–103

78. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 30* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102–103

79. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 31* G. Cawkwell, Philip II of Macedon, 102–105; D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12

80. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 36; Demosthenes, On the Peace, 10* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12

81. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 4382. ^ Demosthenes, On the False Embassy, 111–113

* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 1283. ^ E.M. Burke, "The Early Political Speeches of Demosthenes", 188–18984. ^ Demosthenes, Second Philippic, 1985. ^ T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History 750-323 BC, 48086. ^ Pseudo-Plutarch, Aeschines, 840c

* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 12 (in fine)87. ^ Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 1788. ^ Demosthenes (or Hegesippus), On Halonnesus, 18–23 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0070%3Aspeech%3D7%3Asection%3D18)* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 13

89. ^ K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 24590. ^ Demosthenes, Third Philippic, 65

* D.M. MacDowell, Demosthenes the Orator, ch. 1391. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 149, 150, 151

* C. Carey, Aeschines, 7–892. ^ C. Carey, Aeschines, 7–8, 1193. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 152

* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 283; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 41–4294. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 153

* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284–285; H. Weil, Biography of Demosthenes, 41–4295. ^ P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical World, 31796. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 18.3 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D18%3Asection%3D3)* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 284–285

97. ^ Diodorus, Library, XVI, 87 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0084%3Abook%3D16%3Achapter%3D87%3Asection%3D1)

98. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 285, 29999. ^ L.A. Tritle, The Greek World in the Fourth Century, 123

100. ^ P. Green, Alexander of Macedon, 119101. ^ Demades, On the Twelve Years, 17 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0066%3Aspeech%3D1%3Asection%3D17)* J.R. Hamilton, Alexander the Great, 48

102. ^ Plutarch, Phocion, 17 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0057%3Achapter%3D17%3Asection%3D1)

103. ^ K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 301; "Demosthenes". Encyclopaedia The Helios. 1952.104. ^ Demosthenes, On the Crown, 321105. ^ A. Duncan, Performance and Identity in the Classical World, 70106. ^ Hypereides, Against Demosthenes, 3 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0140%3Aspeech%3D5%3Afragment%3D3); Plutarch, Demosthenes, 25.2–26.4 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D25%3Asection%3D2)* I. Apostolidis, notes 1219, 1226 & 1229 in J.G. Droysen, History of Alexander the Great, 717–726; K.Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 303–309; D. Whitehead, Hypereides, 359–360; I. Worthington, Harpalus Affair, passim

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107. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 27.4 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D27%3Asection%3D4)* K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 311

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doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0039%3Achapter%3D13%3Asection%3D1)111. ^ Polybius, Histories, 18, 14 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0234%3Abook%3D18%3Achapter%3D14)112. ^ K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396–398113. ^ a b c C. Carey, Aeschines, 12–14114. ^ a b K. Tsatsos, Demosthenes, 318–326115. ^ A.W. Pickard, Demosthenes and the Last Days of Greek Freedom , 490116. ^ a b c J. De Romilly, A Short History of Greek Literature, 120–122117. ^ a b T.B. Macaulay, On Mitford's History of Greece, 136118. ^ Plutarch, Demosthenes, 30

* C.Carey, Aeschines, 12–14; K. Paparregopoulus, Ab, 396–398119. ^ R. C. Jebb, The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?

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(http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cicero/brut.shtml#142)132. ^ F. Nietzsche, Lessons of Rhetoric, 233–235133. ^ H. Yunis, Demosthenes: On The Crown, 238 (note 232)134. ^ Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 139 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?

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Romilly de, Jacqueline (2001). Ancient Greece against Violence (translated in Greek). To Asty. ISBN 960-86331-5-X.Rebhorn, Wayne A. (1999). Renaissance Debates on Rhetoric. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-226-14312-0.Rhodes, P.J. (2005). "Philip II of Macedon". A History of the Classical Greek World. Blackwell Publishing.ISBN 0-631-22564-1.Rose, M.L. (2003). The Staff of Oedipus. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-11339-9.Schaefer, Arnold (1885). Demosthenes und seine Zeit (in German). Third Volume. B. G. Teubner.Slusser, G. (1999). "Ender's Game". Nursery Realms edited by G. Westfahl. University of Georgia Press.ISBN 0-8203-2144-3.Thomsen, Ole (1998). "The Looting of the Estate of the Elder Demosthenes" (http://books.google.com/?id=2JB_rQpAv80C&pg=PA45&lpg=PA45&dq=Demosthenes,+Thomsen). Classica et Mediaevalia — RevueDanoise De Philologie et D'Histoire (Museum Tusculanum Press) 49: 45–66. ISBN 978-87-7289-535-2.Retrieved 2006-10-08.Trapp, Michael (2003). Greek and Latin Letters. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-49943-7.Tritle, Lawrence A. (1997). The Greek World in the Fourth Century. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-10583-8.Tsatsos, Konstantinos (1975). Demosthenes. Estia (in Greek).Usher, Stephen (1999). "Demosthenes Symboulos". Greek Oratory: Tradition and Originality. OxfordUniversity Press. ISBN 0-19-815074-1.Van Tongeren, Paul J. M. (1999). Reinterpreting Modern Culture: An Introduction to Friedrich Nietzsche'sPhilosophy. Purdue University Press. ISBN 1-55753-156-0.Vince, J.H. (1930). "Preface". Demosthenes Orations Vol. 1. Loeb Classical Library.Weil, Henri (1975). Biography of Demosthenes in "Demosthenes' Orations". Papyros (from the Greektranslation).Whitehead, David (2000). Hypereides: the Forensic Speeches. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815218-3.Wooten, Cecil (October–November 1977). "Cicero's Reactions to Demosthenes: A Clarification". The ClassicalJournal (The Classical Association of the Middle West and South) 73 (1): 37–43. JSTOR 3296953(//www.jstor.org/stable/3296953).Worman, Nancy (Spring 2004). "Insult and Oral Excess in the Disputes between Aeschines and Demosthenes".The American Journal of Philology (The Johns Hopkins University Press) 125 (1): 1–25. JSTOR 1562208(//www.jstor.org/stable/1562208).Worthington, Ian (2003). Alexander the Great: A Reader. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-29187-9.Worthington, Ian (2004). "Oral Performance in the Athenian Assembly and the Demosthenic Prooemia". OralPerformance and its Context edited by C.J. MacKie. Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-13680-0.Worthington, Ian (1986). "The Chronology of the Harpalus Affair"(http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00397678608590798#preview). Symbolae Osloenses (Taylor &Francis) 61 (1): 63–76. doi:10.1080/00397678608590798(http://dx.doi.org/10.1080%2F00397678608590798). Retrieved 2011-11-08.Yunis, Harvey (2001). Demosthenes: On the Crown. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-62930-6.Yunis, Harvey (2005). "The Rhetoric of Law in Fourth-Century Athens". The Cambridge Companion toAncient Greek Law edited by Michael Gagarin, David Cohen. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-81840-0.

Further readingAdams, Charles Darwin (1927). Demosthenes and His Influence. New York: Longmans.Brodribb, William Jackson (1877). Demosthenes. J.B. Lippincott & co.Bryan, William Jennings (1906). The world's famous orations (Volume 1). New York: Funk andWagnalls Company.Butcher, Samuel Henry (1888). Demosthenes. Macmillan & co.Clemenceau, Georges (1926). Demosthène. Plon.Easterling P. E., Knox Bernard M. W. (1985). The Cambridge History of Classical Literature.Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-21042-9.Kennedy, George A. (1963). Art of Persuasion in Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Universitypress.Murphy, James J., ed. (1967). Demosthenes' "On the Crown": A Critical Case Study of a

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Masterpiece of Ancient Oratory. New York: Random House.Pearson, Lionel (1981). The art of Demosthenes. Chico, CA: Scholars press. ISBN 0-89130-551-3.Renault, Mary (1975). The nature of Alexander. Here and in her fiction, Renault portraysDemosthenes as corrupt, cowardly and cruel.

External linksArt of Speech (http://library.thinkquest.org/C001146/curriculum.php3?action=item_view&item_id=22&print_view=1)Britannica, 11th Edition (http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/DEM_DIO/DEMOSTHENES.html)Britannica online (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9029911)Lendering, Jona (http://www.livius.org/de-dh/demosthenes/demosthenes.html)Pickard A.W. (http://www.third-millennium-library.com/readinghall/GalleryofHistory/DEMOSTHENES/DOOR.html)

His era

Beck, Sanderson: Philip, Demosthenes, and Alexander (http://www.san.beck.org/EC22-Alexander.html)Blackwell, Christopher W.: The Assembly during Demosthenes' era(http://www.stoa.org/projects/demos/article_assembly?page=7&greekEncoding=UnicodeC/)Britannica online: Macedonian supremacy in Greece (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-261110/ancient-Greek-civilization)Smith, William: A Smaller History of Ancient Greece-Philip of Macedon(http://www.ellopos.net/elpenor/greek-texts/ancient-greece/history-of-ancient-greece-19-philip.asp)

Miscellaneous

SORGLL: Demosthenes, On the Crown 199-208; read by Stephen Daitz(http://www.rhapsodes.fll.vt.edu/demosthenes.htm)Libanius, Hypotheses to the Orations of Demosthenes(http://www.stoa.org/projects/demos/article_libanius?page=33&greekEncoding=Unicode)Works by Demosthenes (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Demosthenes) at Project Gutenberg

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