Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

Japan 　Assooiation 　for 　Middle 　East 　Studies

研 究 ノ ー ト／ Research 　Notes

Muhammad ‘Abduh 　an ⊂1　 　 　 ●

John 　William　Draper （1ン

KATSUHATA 　Fuyumi

1　．lntroduction

LOn 　A’一’s’∂m 　vaノ∂ a ’一くta6　ranTya 　ma‘a

　　a’一’1’m 既 ヲal−MaCtanrya

皿［．ノイ’s ’orγ of 　the　Conf 〃ct 　be’レ1！een

　　Rθ〃9わη a ρdSC ’e ηce

N ．The 　 ldeO10gical　 BaCkground 　 Of

　　Draper’s　Work

V ．De ’F〃ノus 　and‘Abduh

VI ．Conclusion

ム ハ ン マ ド ・ ア ブ ドゥ とジ ョ ン ・ ウ ィ

リ ァ ム ・ ドレ イパ ー

勝畑　冬実

　近代イス ラ ーム 世界 を代表す る思想家 で あ るム ハ ン マ ド・ア ブ ドゥ （1849− 1905）の 『科

学 と文明に対する イス ラー

ム とキ リス ト教の か かわ り』（1902）に関 して は 、 ア ブ ドゥ の 思

想 （啓示 と理性 の一

致 、 サ ラ フ の 時代へ の 回帰）が 端的 に 表れて い る とい う重要性 に もか か

165 Muりammad’Abduh 　and 　John　William　Draper （Katsuhata）

　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 N 工工一Eleotronio 　Library 　

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

Japan 　Assooiation 　for 　Middle 　East 　Studies

わ らず、 こ れ まで 充分な検討 がな され て こ なか っ た 。

　そ こ で 本書の 内容 を詳細 に分析 して みる と 、 それが ア メ リカ人科学者 の ジ ョ ン ・ウ ィ リア

ム ・ドレ イパ ー （1811　一 　1882）の 『宗教 と科学 の 闘争史』 （1874）に依拠 して い る こ とが わ

か る 。 本書の 中で ア ブ ドゥ が 述べ て い る 「キ リス ト教 の 学問に対する不寛容」 と 「イ ス ラー

ム の 学 問に対する 寛容」の 例 は 、 ほ ぼ全面 的に ドレイパ ーか らの 引用 なの で あ る 。

　 ドレ イパ ーが 『宗教 と科学の 闘争史』 を執筆 した理 由は 、 19世紀以来の 政治 ・思想上 の

困難な状況 の 中で 、 崩れゆ く教会の 権威を守 る た めに 「カ トリ ッ ク信仰に 関す る憲章 （Dei

　Filius）」 を公布 した 教皇 ピウス 9 世 に対す る 反発 で あ っ た 。 厂信仰 を上位 に 置い た 上で の

信仰 と理 性の一致」 を謳 う Dei　Filiusを反動的 ととらえた ドレ イ パ ーは 、 キ リス ト教会の 科

学弾圧 史、及びそれ と反比例する形 で 、イ ス ラーム の 学問に対する厚遇を叙述 し、そ の 歴 史

観 をア ブ ドゥが受け容れたの で ある 。

　 しか しなが ら 、

一方 で ア ブ ドゥ の 思想 その もの は 、 ピウ ス 9 世 の Dei　Filiusの 内容 と高 い

共通性 を示 して い る 。 す なわ ち 、 ア ブ ドゥは 、 「近代化 ・世俗 化」 （ドレ イパ ー）か ら 「反近

代化 ・反世俗化 」 （カ トリ ッ ク教会）まで 、 幅広 い 意味 を もつ 近代西 洋文明 か ら、 基 準をイ

ス ラーム に置い た 上で 、 自らに必要 と思われ る要素を取捨選択 して い たの で ある 。

こ の よ う

な ア ブ ドゥ の 主体 的 、 か つ 繊細な営為 は 、 「西 洋 ／イス ラ ーム 」「世俗 ／宗教 」 とい う単純な

パ ース ペ クテ ィ ブで は 分析 し きれ ない。 よ り詳細な検討 に よ っ て 、 「力強い 意志」を もちな

が ら近代 西洋にの ぞみ 、 近代 西洋 と もつ れあ う新た な近代 イス ラー

ム 世界像 を うちた て る こ

とが求め られ る 。

1．lntroduction

　　　Muhammad‘

Abduh （184｛　1905），　the　leader　of　the　 lslamic　reformist 　movement 　in

Egypt 　du亘ng 　the　19th　and 　early 　20th　century ，　was 　one 　of 　the　most 　prominent 　thinkers 　of

the　modern 　Islamic　world ．　His　reformist 　ideas　were 　supported 　by　a　strong 　desire　to　re 丶dve

tlle　Islamic　worl 己 which 　faced　a　serious 　crisis　and 　in　his　eyes，　was 　on 　the　verge 　of　rUin

under 　the　pressure　of　modern 　Western　civiliza廿on．　M ψamma ポ Abduh　has　been　regarded

as 　a　theoretical　founder　of　Islamic　reformism ．　His　arguments 　may 　be　summarized 　under

the 丘）且owing 　two 　points：“reconciliation 　between　revelation 　and 　reasol ゴ and

“following　in

the　fDotsteps　of 　Salaf（forefathers，　or 　the　first　three　generations　of　Muslims）∴In　his　opinion ，

although 　Isla皿 was 　essentially 　the　religion 　of　reason ，　it　had　become　distorted　by　varlous

external 　factors　in　the　course 　of　time．　Therefore，　he　asserted 　that　Mushms 　had　to　return 　to

the　lslam　of　the　forefathers，　to　the　time　when 　reason 　was 　exercised 　in　the　right 　ways ．

AJAMESno ．25−1　2009 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 166N 工工

一Eleotronio 　Library 　

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

Many studies have been conducted on the process by which `Abduh

had generated

his ideas, which in a majority of the cases focused on the relation to Islamic theology in the

medieval period Regarding the exercise of reason, certain scholars have pointed out the

influences of the Mu`tazilite, the Maturidl and the Ashafiya [Adams 1933; Hourani 1962;

Kerr 1966; Matsumoto 1988]; they have also indicated that `Abduh

had adopted the theory

of Ibn Taymiya [Hourani 1962] with respect to the distinction between `ibadat

(worship of

God) and mu'2malat aslamic rules of tr.ansactions), and the theory of al-GhazalT [Adams 1933;Scharbrodt 2ooZ, taking into account

`Abduh's

interest in Sufism.(2)

As a matter of eourse, considering `Abduh's

international activities, it had been

mentioned in the preceding studies that `Abduh

had published a journal, al-`Uirwa al-

Wecthqa- (The Firmest Bond; 1884), with Jamal al-Drn al-A[ghani (1838/39-189n in Paris, in

addition to visiting England and Switzerland, and learning French in his forties to read

some European works such as Rousseau, Renan, and so on. It is also widely known that

'Abduh

was on good terms with Wilfrid Blunt and had written a Ietter to Tolstoy [Safran1961; Hourani 1962]. However, in the past analyses of such Western influences on

`Abdutr

only the aspect of his modernity has been stressed, and very few attempts have been made

at studying him further, Thus, the question of how the European thought reacted to

`Abduh

sti11 remains unanswered.(3)

This point brings us to the argument of Y. Choueiri, who published .tslamie

E"ndomentatdsm in 1990. In this work, he examined the thoughts of Sayyid Qutb <1906-1966),an important ideologue of the Muslim Brotherhood, and argued that Qutb was inspired by

Alexis Carrel (1873-1944), a French surgeon, biologist and eugenicist who had published

L77bmme, cet inconnu (Man, The Unknown, 1935). Choueiri presented a fresh point of view

in holding that Qutb, regarded as a radical Islamist was infiuenced by European thought ff

so, it is possible and necessary to reanalyze and understand `Abduh's

ideas within the

context of the time he lived, especially focusing on his relationship with Western influences.

For this purpose, a good place to start would be to examine `Abduh's

work Al-

lslam wa al-Nczsntn-4Uya make al-7Zm wa al-t44ddunne aslam and Christianity in relation to

Science and Civilization, 1902, hereinafter referred to as Al-fsldm wa al-IVZzsra-n[ya}. It is

regarded as the second important theological work of `Abduh

after Risa-la al-Tawipid (TheTheology of Unity, 1897). While studying Al-lsldpmt wa al-NasrtZntya, I discovered another

.book whose contents bore a strong resemblance to it, and some documents recorded in

that book are quite important to understanding `Abduh's

ideas The book is History of theConjlict between Religt'on and Scienee (1874), written by an American scientist John WilliamDraper (I811-1882). In Al-ISldm wa aZ-IVkesra'nlya

`Abduh

presented Draper's name twice

['Abduh I980: 253, 305], ･and yec there has been no study so far that has tried to examine

167 M"hammad `Abduh

and John William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation for Middle East Studies

the relationship between `Abduh

and Draper.{4) Therefore, in this article, I would like to

compare and examine the teXts of these two books in detail in order to understand the

varieus elements that might have permeated into `Abduh's

thought process.

11. 0n A-lslam wa aFIVast tinlya mala aFWm wa aknaadanlya

Al-.tsinm wa al-IVasntnpa was produced through a debate with a Lebanese Christian

intellectual, Faral? Antan (18741922). From 1902 to 1903, in the magazine Al:127mi`a, Antan

published some articles about the great Muslim philosopher of Spain, Ibn Rushd (11261198).To counter that,

`Abduh

contributed six articles to the magazine Al-Mana-L in 1902.(5)

ARtan's articles were gathered into a book, lbn Rushd wa thlsoptzth abn Rushd and his

philosophy, 1903); as for Abduh's articles, excluding the first one, the other five were

compiled into this book Al-lsldm wa al-Alasntntya.

`Abduh's

arguments in this book may be summarized in the fbllowing three points.

First aecording to `Abduh's

interpretation, AntU] had asserted that Christianity

had been more tolerant toward scholars and philosophers and that it had persecuted them

less than Islam had{6} Therefore, `Abduh

had tried to refute AntUn's opinion unequivocally, .

insisting on the tolerance of Islam and the intolerance of Chnstianity.

Second, `Abduh

put forward his theory that described Islam as. essentially, a

religion that reconciled with reason; he supported the theory with examples of tolerance of

Islam toward learning that could be found in the history of Islam.

Finally, `Abduh

admired the period of Salaf (the forefathers) when, in his opinion,

reason was exercised in the right ways. In additiOn, `Abduh

criticized severely the rigidity

of the modern Islamic world because most Muslims, adhering excessively to their tradition,

had lost their minds and were incapable of exereising their own reason. `Abduh

identified

this trait of Muslims as a cause for the decline of the Islamic world.

Judging from the above, Al-lsldm wa al-IVasntncya demonstrates clearly `Abduh's

'

vindicatien of Islam,va and the most important aspects of his ideas: `'reconciliation

between

revelation and reason," and "fbllowing

in the footsteps of Salaf." Thus, many scholars

introduced this book, together with Risa-la al-Ttzwhid, into their studies.{8} Moreover, .

compared to Risa-la al-Tlawhid, which was based on his highly academic lectures, the

description of these articles was more plain and simple, because they were published in a

magazine that was intended for ordmary people. We can easily understand `Abduh's

views

of modern Egypt Islamic history, and Western civilization through Al-lslam wa al-IVczsM- .

nz-pa [Matsumoto 1991].

AJAMESno.Z5-1 2009NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

However, despite its importance, there have been few studies that have tried to

analyze it and, in particular, its theoretical background in detaiL In order te examine this

issue more closely, it is necessary to remember that in recent years, `Abdnh`s

dispute with

Antan has received rnuch more attention, in the current of reevaluation of Ibn Rushd by

the Egyptian enlightenment movement [KUgelgen 1996; Wild 1996; Najjar 2004].

lll. History of the Conflict between Retigion and Scienoe

It was pointed out in the previous section that `Abduh

had countered Antan's `

arguments <mainly in the first half of Al-fsldm wa al-Nagntntva) by illustrating the tolerance

of Islam and the intolerance bf Christianity toward learning. `Abduh

had also referred to

the advanced status of Islam and backwardness of the Christian world in the Middle Ages.

Close analysis of these examples makes it possible to recognize that this book is built on a

series of many quotations from the work of an American scientist John-William Draper

(1811-1882). As a matter of fact `Abduh's

work is based on Draper's ffisto2 y of the Co2diictbetzveen Religt'on and Sblence (1874).e) John William Draper was born in England, and later settled in the United States and

became a founder of the New York University Medical SchooL He was not only an eminent

molecular physician, but also a physiologist chemisL and photographer. He did important

research on light rays, photographs, a certain capil1ary phenomenon of plants, and so on.

Employing the method of physiology and applying the rule of biological growth to the

nation's history, Draper wrote some historical works; The History of the intellectualDevelopment ofEumpe (1862), Histo2y of the American Civil VI71ar (3 vols, 1867-1870), and

llisto73, of the Conj7ict between Reldgion utd Science (1874). These books were translated

inte several languages and became bestsellers a]1 over the world.(iO)

As I have mentioned earlier, in his work 'Abduh

had cited Praper's name twice.

However, the instances of `Abduh

quoting from Draper's book far outnumber the two

cited occasions. In a majority of the cases, `Abdnh

is found to have introduced episodes

from Draper's book using expressions such as "a

historian <or, a philosopher) said like that

..." These episodes can be categorized into two groups.

First, we may say that most of the examples that `Abduh

cited in order to

substanttate the intolerance of Christianity toward learning were excerpts taken from

Draper's work For more on this point see Table 1 as follows.

169 Muhammad `Abduh

and John William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbiary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

[I}able 1

Episodes where `Abduh

referred to Draper

(The intolerance ofChristianity toward learning)

Episodes `Abduh(11)Draper(i2)

Tertullian'svindicationofChristianity p.263 p.40

Pope(CallixtusIII)'scurseonHalley'scomet<i3) p.265 p.269

Pelagiusandhis`CdeathbeforeAdam"theory p.265 p.56

OppressionontheacademybythebishopsofAlexandria p.265 p,55

Inquisi'tionfoundedbyTorquemada p.269 p.145

BurningsatthestakesentencedbytheInquisition p.270 p.207

BanishmentofMuslimsandJewsfromSpainin16thcentury p.271 p.147

TheburningofBruno p.271 p.179

TheCatholicChurch'scondemnationofChristopherColunibusp.271 p.160

TheCatholicChurch'soppositiontoimportationofthe

hypodermicinjection

p.272 p.318

TheCatholicChurch'soppositiontopainlesslabor p.272 p.318

ThebookbumingbyCardinalXimenes p.273 p.104

TheburningofServetussentencedbyCalvin p.274 p,216

ThepavingoftheroadinFrance p.336 p.290

For instance, in introducing the episode of the oppression by the Inqtiisition, `Abduh

mentions the follewing

c

L:A-,Ae e Ll=÷."A ua S-Xll o-,Sj ol JL=-4Sl c:,A L-A ": iexSl t21SM o"Lill ee･a" 4is5j ots LA o-eielt " J6 J

t

`a-a"L3 LLil dex."Jl J liLaSss ,.ig 1 808 ai" .i) 1481 a3-N L&;L- li eys,l ,>A a.aS="ll b5A L:i.aSs " .diJi ,,is

..L"LbW" i.S)=l diSi ,SbU -}=L3 ee-3A

Pagliarici said what all the people of the time would say, "It

is nearly impossible to

be a Christian, and die in one's bed." From the day of its establishment in 1481 to

unti1 1808, this Inquisition judged three hundred and forty thousand peoples, and of

these, nearly twenty thousand were burnt alive. [ ̀Abduh 198Q 270] (i4)

It is llkely that tAbduh

referred to the fbllowing paragraph by Draper:

AJAMESno.25-1 2009NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

With such savage alacrity did it <Inquisition} carry out its object of protecting the

interests of religion, that between I481 and 1808 it had punished three hundred and

forty thousand persons and of these nearly thirty-two thousand'had been burnt! ''-

So dreadful were the proceedings of the Inquisition, that the exclamation of

Pagliarici was the exclamation of thousands: "It

is hardly possibie for a man to be a

Christian, and die in his bed." [Draper 1875: 20n

Regarding the oppression on heresy by Torquemada in the 15th century, `Abduh

explained the subject as foliows:

olaGLq s diYi 1O ,.i; as - 1499 ,,il 1481 a-i-v c,4 - q-S- 18 5"A .. N `eLegSi LS=L L&SLapU a.aSMII `bats

d

IeJe-ts `.tkaisSSI ix- cS3di9 L:)-3-" J aSLA]tsJ aYI 6 ,.lgJ `1ij)=Lts tgte=1 abYYJ=l oV Ua S"ts ee.MXps

.NplY 3bJ3 es diJsl " `ahi `atsA th9egx ÷ tu cMJte ng)6 J 'L"'1

entx-ss s ax÷mu L,ipJ `i-Ssl s

The Inquisition did its job properly. For 18 years, from 1481 to 1499, it sentenced ten

thousand two hundred and twenty peoples to burning at the stake and executed

them, sentenced six thousand eight hundred and sixty to death by hanging after

pillory, then exposed and hung them, and punished ninety-seven thousand and

twenty-three people in various other ways, After that, al1 the Hebrew Bibles was

burnt [`Abduh 1980: 269]

It is difEicult to deny that `Abduh

had read the fo11owing piece by Drape=

Llorente, the historian of the Inquisition, computes that Torquemada and his

collaborators, in the course of eighteen years, burnt at the stake ten thousand two

hundred and twenty persons, six thousand eight hundred and sixty in efigy, and

otherwise punished ninety-seven thousand three hundred and twenty-one. This

frantic priest destroyed Hebrew Bibles wherever he could find them, and burnt six

thousand volumes of Oriental literature at Salarnanca under an imputation that they

inculcated Judajsm [Draper 1875: 146]

Further, `Abduh

described the way the Catholic Church had resisted the

importation of the hypodemnic injection and the prospect of painless labor, as shown below:

171 Muhammad `Abduh

and John William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

: "1iJl dza3 cfi=.ll as. I axJliA

e

i3a a-÷.l.]I a31.>i.II o5A L:ii,tsSI ?o ..},tll satA" il?.li L:,si ,:)Ni JLs.i'>r a.e)LL il oA to ISL" c,sJai Jk

,.S ieLhJle, oA.s"Ail aAl,S "alN `1721 a-1-a e ÷L LZIe･n ,,Jadi S"IJJal bJJI ,.Sl L&ts " `a.3LS"Yl ,,A L:,-L-.a]i

USp UJLsLAil ,,A Siall bM "leo `'1-)ts1 L2SSA c}." SagLuLa]1 oNL4al1 ,,]i la"÷LhzS {,.

A as,SS=Se `L&1ua-"l

.tiJi?51 e-idi afpJL ausl

:s)YYS Jie-ati ;L4JLaA

dhl.Fh= diiJ .,3LSeJ･al diUasSl !eLSUal1 -U oA=iY LS= SiYYI )ic 3'IJj"li .n.iSS L.iUMSI LeANe g ;LAsLgn O ,? "LS. 5S) ,;eJSI]I JLd ,.A Le,ilc a!i"d ,y.

"l a.,.;xll LEISi .1 a.3xl]i LalSi d,. si.,.ll .Ats,i `6i 4eA ..-,.llll

o V t

(.bYsi dess eYU cgESLas vual JSSI IJeSS3 : 3SJAll Jva J :4La cuLSII cL.mYV

The Church's opposition to the hypodermic iniection:

Do you know what constituted the opposition to the hypodermic injection? This

medical method was discovered by the Muslims in Constantinople, and Mrs.

Montagu brought it into Europe in 1721. Clergies got angry and resisted its

adoption. Eventually, it needed the support by the royal farnily of England When a

vaccination against smallpox was invented, such hardship of resistance was

repeated,

The opposition to painless 1al)or:

Did not the discovery of anesthetics for women in labor encounter any kind of

opposition? This American discovery was discouraged by clergies on the pretext

that it liberates women from the curse and punishment pronounced in the Genesis.

[`Abduh 1980: 272]

The import of `Abduh's

story is quite similar to that of Draper's:

When the Mohammedan discovery of inoculation was brought from Constantinople

in 1721, by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, it was so strenuously resisted by the

clergy, that nothing short of its adoption by the reyal farnily of England brought it

into use. A similar resistance was exhibited when Jenner introduced his great

improvement, vaccinationi yet a century ago it was the exception to see a face

unpitted by small pox-now it is the exeeption to see one so disfigured. In like

manner, when the great American discovery of anesthetics was appl'ied in

obstetrical cases, it was discouraged, not so much for phy$ioiogical reasons, as under

the pretense that it was an impious attempt to escape from the curse denounced

against al1 women in Genesis iit 16. [Draper 1875: 318] '

AJAMESno.25-1 ZO09

NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation for Middle East Studies

There is no doubt that `Abduh

had read the Draper's book carefully, and

incorporated many of its episodes into his own articles.

The second set of episodes that were assimilated by `Abduh

from Draper evinces

the tolerance of Islam toward learning. As mentioned later, Draper, in his book, had

reeognized the Islamic contributions to science. `Abduh

illustrated the same point with

abundant examples that can be fbund in Draper's work. See Table 2 given below.

[Elable 2

Episodes where `Abdnh

referred to Draper

(The tolerance ofIslam toward learning)

Episodes(i5) `Abduh Draper

PromotionsofNestoriansandJewsinAbbasids p.253 p.105,p.115

EncouragementofthestudybyAl-HakamIlofC6rdoba p,161 p.141

ThefriendshipbetweenJohntheGrammarianand`Amribn

al-`As.

p.299 p.105

ThegrandpalaceofMu`Avviya p.301 p.110

EncouragementofthestudyinAbbasids p,301 pl12

LibrariesfoundedbymanyCaliphs p.302 p.112

EncouragementofthestudybymanyCaliphs p,303 p.114

TheexaminationsystemofthemedicalCellege'inthe

Islamicworld

p.304 p.115

ContemporaneousnessofArabicscience p.305 p.118

J73

Now, we shall continue the comparison between the writing of `Abduh

and Draper.

In his book, `Abduh

had mentioned about libraries founded by Muslim peopie, as fo11ows:

Y tEISill s "-i=Sl .i "Yi ;ts"

L&sA cil-n dili ;"U ,.lp g-sSS ;ISS"a

e"Vt oJal J3U .A E.)`tsUilV ats ,.Ss

･-,J,e

"Yi ng>Ei Letg ,Si]i `ui. `ui] v"..atll=÷ L&x3LLd abl J- a.Lh"1 oA (LaAli=1)abtliJLSL- otsJS Leeb bK .,

.JiJ"l cz}A ( Ujtw -s)JL]eJ

In Cairo, early in the 4th century, library contained one hundred thousands binders

(of books), and among these, there were six thousands (books) on medicine and

astronomy alone. ...And in that library, there were two globes. The silver one was

Muhammad `Abduh

and john William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

said to have been constructed by Ptolemy himseE and to have cost three thousand

dinars. The other was made of brass. [`Abduh 1980: 302]

Now, let us look at the fo11owing sentences by Draper.

The Fatimite Library at Cairo contained one hundred thousand volumes, elegantly

transcribed and bound. Among these, there were six thousand five hundred

manuscripts on astronomy and medicine alone. ...It also contained two globes, one of

massive silver and one of brass; the latter was said to have been constructed by

Ptolemy, the former cost three thousand golden crowns. [Draper 1875: 112-3]

The fact that content of those two articles is quite similar shows that this recurring

phenomenon is not a coincidence.

Moreover, `Abduh

often incorporated entire paragraphs from Draper's book into his

anicle to show the tolerance of Islam 'toward

learning. `Abduh,

for instance, pointed out the

Arab's favorable treatment to the Nestorian people in the fo11owing words:

pUSSJS oAj ,,,S ollJYS d)-L-al1 d)1" : otsJpYl oA ai"j)USi JL÷SJ L:),FsJ.3yEll isl `."ba

.)tuii JS

ee,i]S Syy-=-sA J" elJtsYl J)ih-a L,L a-,eSl c"s c:h\Jnsi=-a3Sl GJL-aiSl dy4 elJJI Jki a-IALxjn ,,,S iJ-}mSii SL:h:l v"JliASi c,A?L e-b, ),pdiJll c,sJLas aS ,. i= ca.Ssal1 ,,," L,.:-aLLdi1 ,.S) eA-,gJJ teLasiJl LSL4pYl c,m rJ;S

(Jie-LNI K,}us`flLA t:>, tsee jts) ".pm

ts ljSJA

Mr. Draper, one of the historians and the grate American philosophers saict `'Muslim

peoples of the early Caliphate period were content not only to treat Nestorians and

Jews with respect but also to entrust them with many important jobs, and promote

them to the status of the state. And Caliph Harun alrRashid placed al1 his public

schools under the supervision of John Masue." (He is famous Yuhna Bun Maswiya)

[`Abduh' 198Ch 253]

Furthermore, we can see the citation of an entire paragraph from Draper's book, as

fo11ows:

Sometmes, not without surprise, we meet with ideas which we flatter ourselves

have originated in our own times. Thus our modern doctrines of evolution and

development were taught in their schools. In fact they carried them much fatvther

AJAMESno.25-1 ZO09

NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

than we are disposed to do, extending them even to inorganic or mineral things.

The fundamental principle of alchemy was the natural process of development of

metalline bodies. "When

common people," says Al-Khazini, writing in the twelfth

century, "hear

from natural philosophers that gold is a body which has attained to

per:fection of maturity, to the goal of completeness, they firmly believe that it is

something which has gradually come to that perfection by passing through the

forms of all other metallic bodies, so that its gold nature was originally lead,

afterward it became tin, then brass, then silver, and finally reached the development

of gold; not knowing that the natural philosophers mean, in saying this, only

something 1ike what they mean when they speak of man, and attribute to him a

completeness and equilibrium in nature and constitution-not than man was once a

bull, and was changed into an ass, and afterward into a horse, and after that into an

ape, and finally became a man." [Draper 1875: 118]

This whole paragraph was translated into Arabic, and used by `Abduh

without any

change whatsoever [`Abduh 1980: 306]. In addition to these, there are many episodes which

are cited in both books. Judging from the above, it is reasonable to conclude that `Abduh's

views on Islamic and Christian history as represented in Al-lsldm wa al-Ntzsntndya were

remarkably influenced by John Wjlliam Draper's historical views.

IV The ldeological Background of Draper's Work

The examples in the previous section make it clear that understanding Draper's

views offers the key to an understanding of `Abduh's

ideas, Now, a new question arises.

What then is the ideological background of Draper? Why did he argue to establish the

intolerance of Christianity and the tolerance of Islam toward learning?

in the chronicles of scientific theught Histery of the Contt'ct betzveen Religiz'on urzd

Stience is regarded as the origin of "confiict

thesis," which is the theoretical premise of the

intrinsic conflict between science and religion. Draper, together with Andrew Dickson

White <1832-1918), who published Illisto7:y of the Wahare of Science with TheolcrgN in

Christendom (I896), are presumed to be the most influential exponents of this thesis

IMcGrath 19991

The reason why Drapey established such a confrontational thesis is mentioned in

the 12th and last chapter of his book. Throughout this chapter, Draper criticized the pope

of that time, Pope Pius IX tpapacy, 1846-1878).

175 Muhammad `Abduh

and John William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

'Pius

IX, noted as the longest-reigning pope in the histery of the Church, was also

the one who tried to sustain the supreme authority of the Catholic Church during the

difficult situations of the 19th century. At that time. in Italy, the movement of unification

lead by the Kingdom of Sardinia had acquired increased momentum, and Pius IX, as a

result had lost the Papal States.

Pius IX in 1854, was responsible for defining the dogma which held that Mary had

conceived without original sin; in 1864, he issued his encyclical Qzaanta Cura and its

appendix Syllabus of Errors, which condemned as heresy 80 political and ideological

propositions such as a separation between the church and the state. From 1869 to 1870,

Pius IX organized the first Vatican Council and issued Dei Filius (the DogmaticConstitution on The Catholic Faith) and Ptzstor Aetemus (the First Dogmatic Constitutionon the Church of Christ). The latter was related to the concepts of papal primacy and

infallibility. After the Franco-Prussian war, Pius IX attacked the Chancellor of the German

Empire, Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898), who had embarked on the Kulturkampf (culturestruggle - a series of sanctions against Catholicism(i6b.

As a scientist Draper considered papal edicts such as the dogma of infallibility to be

arrogant, reactionary, and "the

semi-barbarian ignorance and superstition of the middle

ages [Draper 1875: 365};' and he felt th6 urge to write about the history of the Catholic

Church's oppression of science.

In chapter 12 of llisto7y of the Contict between Reldgt'on and Stience, we come faceto face with Draper's･criticism of the papal edicts.

I now come to the consideration of the manner in which the papacy proposes to

establish its inte"ectual control; how it defines its relation to its antagonist Science,

and, seeking a restoration of the medieval condition, opposes modern civilization, and

denounces modern societ]y.

The Encyclical and Syllabus present the principles which it was the object of the

Vatican Council to carry into practical effect The Syllabus stigmatizes pantheism,

naturalism, and absolute rationalism, denouncing such epinions as that God is the

world; that there is no God other than Nature; ...that every man is free to embrace

and profess the religion he may believe to'be true, guided by the light of his reason;

that it appertains to the civil power to define what are the rights and lmits in which

the Church may exercise authority; ...that the Church ought to be separated from

the state and the state from the Church; ...that the Roman pondi can and ought tereconcile himself to, and agree with, the progTess of modern civilization. The

AJAMESno,25-1 ZO09NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

Syllabus claims the right of the state in that respect; it claims the control over

marriage and divorce, [Draper 1875: 343]

In the last part of this chapter, Draper stated the fo11owing.

Will it (modern civilization) subrnit to the dictation of a power, which, claiming divine

authority, can present no adequate credentials of its oence; a power which kept

EuTope in a stagnant condition for many centuries ferociously suppressing by the

stake and the sword every attempt at progress; ...Claims such as these mean a

revolt against modern civdization, an intentien of destroying it no matter at what

social cost. To submit to them without resistance, men must be slaves indeed!

[Draper l875: 365-Z

It is quite Iikely that Draper's aggressive posture toward the Catholic Church <andfavorable assessment of Islam) had appealed to

`Abduh,

when the time had come for him

to refute AntunJiO That is a plausible reason why many parts of `Abduh's

work are based

on Draper's book(i8)

However, in analyzing the infiuence of Draper on `Abduh,

the fact that `Abduh

quoted many episodes from Draper's work is of rather secondary importance. What is

more significant is the fact that `Abduh

undertakes an examination of the decree issued in

the first Vatican Council, whieh was recorded in the last chapter of Hdsto7y of the Coutict

betzveen Religiz'on and- Science. In the next section, we will study this edict, which is of

crucial importance for a proper understanding of `Abduh's

thought

NL Dei FMus and `Abduh

The analysis in the previous section may give us the impressien that `Abduh

admired Draper deeply･ and was entirely awestruck by his work, yet this is incorrect.

Actually, `Abduh

did not agree with all of Draper's arguments. A good example to

illustrate this is `Abduh's

posture toward an edict issued in the first Vatican Council that

was recorded in the 12th chapter of Draper's book.

As I mentioned before, Pope Pius IX summoned the first Vatican council from 1869

to 1870, wherein h.e issued Dei Nlius, the Dogmatic Constitution on The Catholic Faith.

This constitution was composed of 4 chapters: 1. God the creator of al1 things, 2.

Revelation. 3, Faith, and 4. Faith and Reason. According to Tanner [2oo1], it was the first

177 Muhammad `Abduh

and John Wjiijam Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

attempt to estabtish a dialogue with intellectuals outside the Catholic Church.

In his book, Draper presented this constitution as a proof of the reactionarism of

Catzholicism, denouncing it bitterly. On the contrary, however. there is a possibility that`Abduh

was inspired by this assertion of Catholicism fbund in this constitution. The

reasons are given below.

The final chapter of Dei .Flilibls, Faith and Reason, was the answer of the Catholic

Church to the challenge thrown by the intellectual world of that time. In the 19th century,

many European intellectuals were claiming that faith and reason were separate and in

confiict with one another. The Catholic Church, in reply, placed faith above reason, and

after that pronounced the compatibility of the two. This declaration of the superiority of

faith over reason, it must･be remembered, was an outcome of the struggles of the Catholic

Church, which was trying to re-emerge from a spate of difflcult situations in the 18th and

19th centuries '

the criticism of the papacy by the Enlightenment and the Rationalists, the

French Revolution and the tide of separation between the church and the state, the loss of

Papal States during the Italian unification movement the Industrial Revolution, Darwinism,

scientific progress, and so on.

On Faith and Reason

The perpetual agreement ef the Catholic Church has maintained and maintains this

too: that there is a twofold order of knowledge, distinct not only as regards its

source, but also as regards its object

With regard to its source, we know at the one level by natural reason, at the other

level by divine faith

With regard to the object besides those things to whieh natural reason can attain,

there are proposed for our belief mysteries hidden in God which unless they are

divinely revealed, are incapable of being known...

Even though faith is above reason, there can never be any real disagreement

between faith and reason, since it is the same God who reveals the mysteries and

infuses faith. and who has endowed the human mind with the light of reason...

Not only can faith and reason never be at odds with one another but they mutually

support each other, for en the one hand right reason established the foundations of

the faith and, illuminated by its light develops the science of divine things; on the

other hand, faith delivers reason from errors and protects it and furnishes it with

knowledge of many kinds.(i9) [Tanner 2001: 89]

AJAMESno.25-1 2009NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

What should be understood from this edict is the fo11owing: it was not only "the

East" that was attacked by the Western Impact because the Catholic Church, which was..

in a sense, "the

West" was also attacked by the Western lmpact.

Moreover, it is well known that the most important theme for al1 religious leaders of

the 19th century, whether in the East or in the West was to deliberate on how to defend

their religions under the onslaught of serious social changes. This view of the agreement

between faith and reason on the condition of the supremacy of fajth, as stated in the

Catholic edict, corresponds to `Abduh's

idea of "reconciliation

between revelation and

reason." `Abduh's

idea was also conditionhl on the supremacy of revelation. Substituting

the vvord "faith"

with "revelation,"

`Abduh,

in Al-,lsLdim wa al-IVasntni),a, said, "The

first

obligation that is needed to be perfbrmed is the study and consideration in order to gain

the faith to Altah [`Abduh 1980: 2801"; "A

consideration with reason is a means of right faith

[`Abduh 1980:282]"; `'How

do they (Muslims) appreciate Allah, if they hesitate in that

(consideration)?･ [`.Abduh 1980: 297]." Muhammad `Abduh

thought that faith and reason

could harmonize with each other. However, he also believed that faith predominated over

reason. On the subject of `Abduh

applying this idea to his way of treating Islam and

modern civiiization, Hourani [1962] observed the followingt

He (`Abduh) never maintained that there was an unconditional harmony between

the two (Islam and modem civilization): that Islam permitted al1 that the modern

world approved. When there was a real conflict he was always clear which of the

two claims had precedence. There remained for him something fixed and iryeducible

in Islam, certain moral and doctrinal imperatives about which there could be no

compromise; Islam could never be just a rubber-stamp authorizing whatever the

world did, it must always be in some measure a controlling and limiting factor.

[Hourani 2oo3: 161]

For `Abduh,

it would have to be Islam that had the supremacy. He thought that

Isiam should make resolute choices from among the various products of modern Western

civilization "izuka 2008: 64J.

The analysis in section 2 of this article clarifies that `Abduh

had read Draper's work

carefu11y. Thus, there is no doubt `Abduh

was familiar with Dei IVIizss, which was recorded

in the Draper book.(20) Admittedly, we cannot affirm beyond doubt that `Abduh

had indeect

wholly and comprehensively, borrowed his ideas from Dei fiVliars. Nonetheless, there is a

high 1ikelihood that by the time he had established his "reconciliation

between revelation

and reason" idea he had read Dei Iilius, and had used it as a reference.

179 Muhammad `Abduh

and John William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation for Middle East Studies

According to Matsumoto [1988], `Abduh

regarded the ideological history of Isiam as

tzhe story of struggle of between the fo11owing three groups: "the

abuse of reason;' "the

disregard of reason," and "the

intermediate position." `Abduh

gave al-Ash`ari (873/4935/6) a

favorable assessment considering him to be the intermediate position.(2i) However, from

another point of view, we must recall that Dei 1 VZizts was also regarded as "the

intermediate

position" between the Enlightenment that praised the excessive use of reason, and the

religious fundamentalists and romanticists who denied the use crf reason [Tanner 2oo1: 88].

This intermediate position was the very strategy that the Catholic Church had adopted in

order to survive the diracult times of the 19th century-the very method that `Abduh

had

incorporated into his thought in desiring earnestly a reconstruction of the Islamic world

around the same time.

VI. Conclusion

The understanding of `Abduh

has been changing in the modern trend of Islamic - L t

resurgence in the latter half ef the 20th century. In previous studies, Abduh has been

regarded as a religious thinker. Through the 19th century, two important trends had been

generated by the reformist movement that had been founded by first generation scholars

such as al-Tahtawi (1801-1873), one of the first Egyptian scholars sent to France for study.

The first trend was a religious reform movement the second was a liberal secularist

movement. From this viewpoint `Abduh

had been included in the religious movement

[Najjar 2oo4]. The previous studies, as mentioned in the introduction, had focused on the

relationship between `Abduh

and Islamic theology in the medieval period.

On the other hand, in the light of the recent Islamic resurgence, Islamists have been

criticizing not only the iiberal secularist group, but also the religious group of the reforrnist

movement [Euben 199Z. lri their viewpoints, both gr'oups were secular and the opposite of

what Islamists ought to be. Therefore, `Abdnh

is included in the secularist group by these

Islamists. In summary, compared to others in the liberal secularist group, `Abduh

has been

regarded as a religious thinker, and exceptionally, also as a secularist by the Islamists.

The reason for such reiative positioning is that there have been very few studies te

analyze the situation of the world in the 19th century, the time in which `Abduh

lived.

Focusing on the Islamic world, `Abduh

may be regarded as a religious thinker who had

tried to protect Islam against the trends of the secularist movement. On the other hanct

from the viewpoint of the secular Western invasion of the Islamic world, `Abduh

may be

regarded as a secularist, because he did not deny Western civilization itseM it is clear' that

AJAMESno,25-1 2009NII-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

both viewpoints are based on the implicit assumption that the modern Western civilization

introduced modernization and secularization into the Islamic world.

However, as has been demonstrated in this article, `Abduh's

theoretical stance was

similar to the Catholic Church's stance to protect its religion against modernization and

secularization. From the wide range of concepts offered by modern Western civilization,

which included not only modemization and secularization but also anti-modernization and

anti-secu]arization, `Abduh

had continuously taken what he needed, with great

circumspection, always checking with his standards for judging .

.

. in other words, his

religion Islam. It is possible to understand his delicate mechanism properly only within the

framework of the world of the 19th century; unfortunately, this framework has seldom

been used to understand him. Furthermore, we cannot analyze him from simple and

dichotomic perspectives such as the West versus Islam; it is immaterial to position him as

religious or secular in such West versus Islam frameworks(22}

In his work, Mbdern T)fends in lslam, H.A.R.Gibb mentioned that "Out

of the wide

range of Western thought only certain tendencies have found a response in Muslim minds

[Gibb 1947: 109]." Further, he also mentioned that when Western civilization invaded the

Muslim East it was a web woven of many strands and it is difficult to disentangle and

identify them all [Gibb 1947: 110]. We have to examine carefully which elements of the West

resonated with the minds of modern Islamic thinkers, because the issue 'that

they raised-

how to reconstruct the lrelationship between faith and reason in the modern day-s still

seriously controversial in the contemporary Islamic world. We have to introduce a new

model of the modern Islamic world that can not only confront the modern Western world

with its own independent and strong will, but also relate and be tied with it very elosely.

This is the only way to formulate a new and authentic image of `Abduh,

and an accurate

analysis of the modern Islamic world.

Notes

(1) This article was originally published in Proeeedings of G-COE/KIAS/TUFS Joint Internatienal

Workshop, "tslam

and the Middle East: Dynamics of Social and Political Transformation" 2oo8.

(2) Moreovec Safran said "He

('Abduh) was in agreement with Ibn Khaldan in regarding religion

as. indispensable for the achievement of individual and social happiness [1961: 65]. "

(3) For instance, Khitn' did not mention

`Abduh in his book under the titie Mbciem Arab tho"ghtr

Channel of the Ii>,ench Revolution [1943], while he introduced his teacher Afgani 4nd his disciple

181 Muhammad `Abduh

and John William Draper (Katsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

(4)

(5)

(6)

(7)

<8)

(9)

Qo)

Ql>an(13)'

(10aN<16>

Nda Hourani [1962] maintained that `Abduh's

thought was influenced by the ideas of Comte,

and the criticism of the Catholic Church by Blunt To]stoy, and so on, However, it is not to be

denied that this analysis is still insudicient. In his Arab rediscove?rv of EurqPe [1963], Abu-

Lughod only explained that `Abduh

had claimed to have introduced modern subjects into the

curriculum of Al-Azhar University. Sharabi indicated in Amb intellecimats and the VVlast [1970]that the movement of

`Abduh

resembled certain aspects of the Ne}Thomist trend, but such

comparison must not be generalized

Hildebrandt [2oo2] mentiDned Draper's name as an intellectual who had an infiuence on

`Abduh.

However, he did not analyze his theological background.

As to the circumstances in which 'Abduh

wrote his articles, see Rida [2003i 805-816].

According to him, `Abduh

wrote his articles in August and September ef 1902, at Dakahlia

prov]nce.

However, accerding to Hourani [1962] and Reid [1975]. this point was only a minor one for Antun,

because Ant[ln thought it outoidate to continue polemics about. the superiority of one religion

over another.

Adams [l933] introduced this book together with the disputes with Hanotoaux of 1900

regarding his apologist position.

See Adams [1933: 128S, 1345, 150, 167-8. 173, 175-6], Hourani [1%2: 147-9, 151. 158], and Kerr

{1966: 117, 119-121, 129, 149]. Kosugi [2006: 202] introduced this work to show `Abduh's

intermediate position between Europeanism and anti-Europeanisrn.

`Abduh also quoted the episodes of Edward Gibbon's T;ije Histof3r of the Decline and tha of the

Roman Empire (chapter 52), and Gustave Le Bon's La.civilizain`on dbs Arabes (vol.3, chapterl,

section 2). As we have seen, there are many elements that are shared in the books of Draper

and Gibbon; there is a high possibility, therefore, that Draper used Gibbon's book as a reference.

As far as I have confirmed, with reference to Histo7o, of the Ceiz17ict between Religizion and

Science, the 23rd edition of the original English version was printed in 1901; the 10th edition of

French version, under the title Les Conj7la'ts de la science et de la religt'on, in 1900. Moreover, in

1896 or 1897 {1313 of the Hegira calendar), Turkish version was published in Istanbul under the

title M2a-yi ilim ve din, This book consists of a partial translation of History of the Co7diictbetween Relig'on and Sbience, combined with the comments of Ahmet Midhat (1844-1912) noted

on the title page as "Islam

ve ulam aslam and science),"`Abduh

[19801.Draper [1875],Although

`Abduh

wrote the sarne story as Draper. the years of appearance of the cQmet are

differentTranslations from the original Arabic are my own,

Many episodes are shared with Gibben's accounts.

A struggle by Otto von Bismarck to subject the Catholic Church to state controLs took place

from 1871 to 1878. When Bismarck tried te limit the power of the Church by the May Law of

1873, Pius IX declared its invalidity, and the conflict reached its peak

AJAMESno,25-1 ZO09NII･-Electronic

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapanAssociation forMiddle East Studies

aO In A":11ildm wa aUVasra}tipzz `Abduh

alse introduced the edicts of Pius IX, Ouanta Cura and its

appendix Slyllabus ofEmors of1864 [`Abduh 1980: 272]. Moreover, he evinced a viewpoint that

stated the followingt in Europe, a conflict between religion and science had occurred, and it had

ended in a victory for science [`Abduh 198(> 335]. We can say that `Abduh

basically aceepted

Draper's confiict thesis regarding the European intellectual history.

<IS Moreover, the way Draper views Protestantism is similar to `Abduh's

reformist thought

Although Draper mentioned that Protestant people oppressed science in the 16th century, he

also assessed the original spirit of Protestantism (also Islam) as having a friendly relationship

toward science. This was because Draper consjdered that the right to private interpretatioll of

the Seriptures, which was permissible in Protestantism, was the very foundation of intellectual

liberty. He regarded "a

personal interpretation of the book of Revelation [Draper 1875: 363]" as

a very important element of Protestantism that reconciled with the scientMc temper. "Abduh's

standpoint of emphasizing the right of litihad (interpretation of Islamic law-trying to make a

legal decision by independent interpretation of the ]egal sources) has sornething in common

with Draper's views of Protestantism, though `Abdnh

emphasized the persecutien in the 16th

century in AklSlam wa a":IVasntnne However, further studies will be needed to clarifY this

point

ast English translation is Tanner [2oo1]'s.

en It is stil1 unclear when `Abduh

read Draper's book. One possibility is that `Abduh

came across

that boek while he lived in Paris. Since Draper's book was a best-seller in Europe, the 7th

edition of the French translation was already published before 1884, when `Abduh

and his

master A £giinr published aF U}'wa ae Wizthqdi in Paris,

20 Matsumoto [1988] maintained that this was the reason `Abduh

added al-Ash`ar:-i in the SalaC

which is generally used to refer to the time from the 7th to the middle of the 9th century.

el For instance, Reid mentioned that "Both

(Antun and `Abduh)

were indirect heirs of the

European Enlightenment i1977: 88]." And Salvatore said that "The

three key authors in the

autochthonous making of a generic Islam of refbrm, ai-AiganL `Abduh

afld Rida, were all

acrive in restating motifS of the Enlightenment Remanticism and Positivism [1997: 851," As a

matter of course, these viewpeints are much to the point IIowever, overstressing the infiuence

of the Enlightenment would not lead to a preper understanding of `Abduh's

thought

References

`Abduh,

Muhammad 1897. "Risala

al-Tawhid." al-A `mal

al-Klfmiftz lil-1indim Mtihammczd tAbduh voL - - -

3. 1980. ed. `Imara,

Muhammad. 2nd ed. Beirut, {English translation by Ishaq Musaad and

Kenneth Cragg,1966. The Theology of b5zity. London : AHen & Unwin. ;tsan ( gtsf}'X ) CrkeceeE･ I--

･Nsu r.pm6DS-Jkthfll lrL5}nt 1991ai)

1902. Al-Islaln wa al-Nasraniya ma`a al-`Ilm wa al-MadanTya. In title with Al-Idtihad fi Al-

183 Muhammad:Abduh and John Wiliiam Draper (Kqtsuhata) NII-Electronic Mbrary

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

Japan 　Assooiation 　for 　Middle 　East 　Studies

　　　Isl蚕rn　wa 　aトNasriihlyaα胡‘

班 α短 1一撫 規 吻 〃一」lmdm 　Muhammnd ‘Abd”h　vol ．3．1980．　ed ．

‘lm血 灸　　　　　　　　　　　　　　▼　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　o

　　　Mnhammad 　2nd　ed ．　Beirut（邦訳は松本弘訳 「科学 と文明 に対する イス ラ ム とキリス ト教の か

　　　か わ り」『上智ア ジア学』 VoL9：146−224．1991年 ）

Abu −Lughod ，　Ibrahim　A ，1963，　Arab 　Rediscovery　of 　Europe：　A 　 Stud3，　in　 Cultziral　Enco ”nters ，

　　　Princeton　University　Press，　Princeton，　NJ ．

Adams，　Charles　Clarence．1933．お嫌 姻 ノ吻 鹿 幡 辮 π 恥 崩 8励 ⊂勲 8 瀚 伽 跏 鰍

　　　Movement 　luaurgurated　by　Muhammad ．Abduh ．　Ox丑〕rd 　University　Press；H，　Milford　London．

ChoueirL　Youssef　M ．1990．　lslamic　Fundamentalism．　Pinter，　London．

Draper，　John　William，　1874．　llisto2　y　of　the　Con］7ict　between　Religt’on 　and 　Seience．3rd　ed 　D，　Appleton

，

　　　New 　York，1875．（邦訳 は平 田寛訳 『宗教 と科学 の 闘争 史1社会思想社 　1968年 lEuben，　Roxanne　L．1997，’‘Premodern，　Amimodern ，　or 　Postmodern？：Islamic　and 　Western 　Critiques

　　　of　Modemity．”The　Review（ofPolitics 　59：429−59．

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　v

Hildebrandt，　Thomas ．2002．　Waren 　 Gamal　ad −Din　 al−Af甑 nl　und 　 Muhammad’

Abduh 　Neo −

　　　Mu’

taziliten？．伽 隴 1’廊 た1α〃 z3，　New 　Series　Vol，42

，正ssue 　2：20762 ．

Houra皿 i，　Albert　Habib．1962．．4rabic　Thought　in　the　Liberal／Age，1　798」939．　Cambridge　University

　　　Pres＆　Cambridge；New 　York，2003

Gibbon，　Edward ．1927−1936．　The　ffisto穴y　of 　the　Dectine　and 　Fall　of 　the　Roman 　Em ψire．　London：Dent

　　　New 　York：Dutton．（邦訳 は中野好之訳 『ロ ーマ 帝国衰亡 史医 』筑摩書房　1992 年 ）

Kerr，　Ma ユcolm 　H．1966，」lslamic　Reform’ The　Pelitical　and 　Legal   607 庭s　OfMuhammad ／Abduh 　and

　　　Rashid　Rido，　University　of 　Calif（）rnia 　Press，　Berkeley．

KhurL　Raill　l943．　al−Fikr　al−Arabi　al−Hadith．　Beimt

　　　Madem 　Arab 　Thought 　Channels 　of 　the　French 　Revolution　to　the　Arab　East　1983，　Translated　by

　　　IssaWi，Charles　Philip．　Kingston 　Press，　Pr血ceton ，　NJ ．

KUgelgen，　Anke 　von ．1996．

“A 　CaユI　f｛）r　Rationalism：

‘Arab　Averroists

’in　the　Twentieth　Century．

”

　　　fournal　of 　Comparative　Peetics，　No．16．　Averroes　and 　the　Rational　Legacy　in　the　East　and 　West：

　　　97−132，

Le　Bon ，　Gustave．1980．　La 　civilizats’on 　des　Arabes．　Paris：Le　Sycomore．

McGrath ，　A ．E．1999．　Science　＆　｝〜θ1卸珈 ！ 、肋 劭 伽 伽 c伽 π，　Blackwen，　OXiord （邦訳 は稲垣久和 ・倉沢

　　　正 則 ・小林高徳訳 『科学 と宗教』教文館　2003年 ）

Najjar，　Fauzi　M ．2004．　“lbn　Rushd 　〈AverrQes）and 　the　Egyptian　Enlightenment　Movement

”　British

　　　／bumaal　OfMiddle　Eastern　Studies．　Vol，31．　No．2：195−213．

Reid，　Donald　M 　l975．　The　Odyssey　af 　1・kerah　Antun ： ASyn’an 　Ch 　n

’s’　tians　Ouest　for　Seculan

’sm ．

　　　Bibliotheca　Islamica　Minneapolis．

Rida　al−Sayyid　Muhamlnad　Rashid　2003．7セ磁 乃 al−　Ustdid　al−lma’m 　al−Shaikh　Muhammad 〜Abduh

　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 　 鹽　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　0　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　9

　　　（1266−1323H ＝ 1849・1905M ？．　Cairo：Dar　a1−Fadila

Safran，　Nadav．1961．　Egypt　in　Slaarch　Of　POtitical　Commblnity ’ An 　Analysis　of 　the　intellectuat　and

　　　Political　Evolution　ofEgypt ，1804−1952．　Harvard　University　Press，　Cambridge．

SalvatOre，　Armando ．1997．　B 伽 齠 Po1伽 1　P 露co 撚 6 （ゾ劭 伽 吻 ．　Ithaca　press．

Scharbrodt，　Oliver．2007．“The 　Salafiyya　And 　Sufism：Muhammad ’

Abduh 　and 　his’

Risalat　a レ

　　　Waridat’

（Treatise　on 　Mystical　Inspirations）．”

　Bulletinげ 伽 School 〔ゾ0 万ε吻 1＆ 4醒 o砌

AJAMESno ，25−1　2009N 工工

一Eleotronio　　

Japan Association for Middle East Studies

NII-Electronic Library Service

Japan 　Assooiation 　for 　Middle 　East 　Studies

　　　StUdies．70（1）：89−115．

Sharab廴Hisham ．1970．　Arab 　IntellectualS　and 　the　 PVest’ The　Formative　Years，1875 −1914．　Johns　　　Hopkins 　Press，　Baltimore．

Tanner，　Norman 　P．2001．　The　Councilsげ 伽 Church’　A 　Short　History．　The 　Crossroad　Pub ，　New

　　　York．（邦訳 は野谷啓 二 訳 『教会会議’の 歴史 ：ニ カ イア会議か ら第 2バ チカ ン公会議 まで』教文館

　　　2003 年）

White，　Andrew 　Dickson，1896．　A 疏 踟 η （ゾ伽 Vaarfare　of 　Science　with 　Theology　in　Christendom．

　　　New 　York ：D．　Appleton．

Wild　Stefan．1996．“lslamic　Enlightenment　and 　the　Paradox　of　Averroes．

”　Die 隴 あ 伽 意伽 ∬ ，　New

　　　Series　VQ1．36．　lssue　3．　Islamic　Enlightentuent　in　the　18　Century？：379T90．

飯塚正 人 2008．『現代 イス ラーム 思 想の 源流』世界 史 リブ レ ッ ト69．山川出版社 ．

小杉泰 2006，『現代イス ラーム 世界論』名古屋 大学出版会 ．

松本弘 1998，「ム ハ ン マ ド ・アブ ドゥ の イス ラ ム 改革

一 その 思想 と制度的 ・法的改革運動一

」『日本中

　　　東学会年報』 No．3−2：1−42．

cr

K 鵬   F吋 umi

Mullammad ‘Abduh ｛amd 　John 　Wllliam　Draper

　　　　This　paper 　ana ユyzes　the　inHuence　of 　Western　thought 　upon 　Muhammad ‘Abduh ｛18491905），

one σf　the 　greatest　founders　 of 　modern 　Islamic　 thought 　In　 lslam　and 　ChristianitV．　 in　re 〜dtion　 to

＆1ience 　and 　Civilization（1902｝，　an 　important　theological　work 　of‘Abduh ，　he　was 　influen6ed　by

Htstery　of　the α 耀ガict　between　1〜61忽加 碑 4 覦 8鷹 6 （1874），　the　work 　of　an 　AmericaD　scientist 　JohnWi丗am 　Draper （1811−1882）．　Not　only 　did　he　quote　many 　elements 　from　Draper’s　work ，

‘Abduh 　also

employed ∠）θガ劭 認3 （the　Dogmatic　Constitution　of　the　Catho益c　Fai亡h，　issued　in　the 血 st　Vatican

council ，1870），　which 　Draper　recorded 　in　his　book．　During　the　rise 　of　the　secularist 　movement ．　Qf 　the

lgth　century ，　the　Catholic　Church　dehberated　on 　how 　to　defend　its　f証th．　Dei　Fitius，　pronouncing

the　compatibility 　of 　faith　and 　reason，　corresponds

‘Abduh

’s　own 　theory　that　proposed

‘‘harmony

between　revelation 　and 　reason ．”‘Abduh 　took　what 　he　needed 　from　the　wide 　range 　of　ideas　being

advanced 　by　the　modem 　Western　civihzation 　of　the　time，　which 　contained 　not　on ユy　modernization

and 　secularization 　but　 also 　 anti −modernization 　 and 　 anti −secularization ．　 His　 delicate　 intellectual

eperations 　need 　to　be　understood 　properly　in　the　comprehensive 　context 　of　the　world 　of　the　19th

century ，　in　order 　to　introduce　a　new 　model 　of　the　moderh 　Islamic　world ，　which 　tied　and 　related 　to

the　modem 　Western　world 　very 　dosely．

PhD ．　Student　Tokyo 　University　of　Foreign　Studies

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　東京外国語大学博士課程

185 Muhammad 　‘Abduh 　and 　John　Wi 「｛iam　Draper （Katsuhata）

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　N 工工一Eleotronio 　Library