Viking Age Combs, Comb Making and Comb Makers in the Light of Finds from Birka and Ribe
Transcript of Viking Age Combs, Comb Making and Comb Makers in the Light of Finds from Birka and Ribe
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STOCKHOLM STUDIES IN ARCHABOLOGY
2
VIKING AGE COMBS, COMB MAKING AND
COMB MAKERS
in the light of finds from Birka and Ribe
Akademisk avhandling som för avläggande av filosofie doktorsexamen
vid Stockholms universitet offentligen försvaras i hörsal 11, hus F i Frescati
fredagen den 27 mars 1981 kl. 10.(X)
av
Kristina Ambrosiani fil. kand.
Department of Archaeology, North-European, University of Stockholm
S-106 91 Stockholm
Stockholm 1981
ISBN 91-7146-150-7
Abstract
This thesis discusses the types of comb used in the Viking age, their production and the factors affecting the craft of comb making around the south Baltic and the North Sea. It is based on an analysis of the 325 combs found in the graves of Birka and of the comb making debris found in the recent excavations at Ribe. Published evidence from many other sites is also used. The combs used throughout this area were remarkably similar, and changes in their form and decoration apparently occurred simultaneously in widely separated places. It is argued that this was the result of the activity of itinerant comb makers rather than of traders or locally based craftsmen. Most of the combs were of high quality and must have been made by specialists. Comb making debris is found in most Viking period market places showing that they were made throughout the area. An attempt is made to determine whether combs were made of elk or red deer antler, a matter of particular interest because elk was the natural raw material in, for example, Birka and Staraja Ladoga, while in south Scandinavia it was red deer. By calculating the number of combs made annually in different places, and the time needed to make them, it is shown that the debris in any one place cannot represent a full year's work, and it is argued that the craftsmen travelled from place to place making, and selling, combs at the different markets. The evidence further suggests that there was some measure of regularity and organisation in the holding of markets throughout this area in the Viking period.
STOCKHOLM STUDIES IN ARCHAEOLOGY
2
VIKING AGE COMBS, COM[B MAKING AND
COMB MAKERS in the light of finds from
Birka and Ribe
Iby Kristina ^ mbrosiani
© Kristina Ambrosiani ISBN 91-7146-150-7 Göteborgs Offsettryckeri, Stockholm 1981
To my daughters Lovisa and Jenny
Contents PREFACE 7
VIKING AGE COMBS, COMB MAKING AND COMB
MAKERS 9
Introduction 10
On the use of combs 12
Viking period comb types and their areas of distribution 15
The chronology and dating of Viking period combs 23
Areas of origin and places of manufacture 32
Conditions for the comb maker's work 40
Summary 55
DIE KÄMME AUS BIRKA - Untersuchungen zum wikingerzeit-
Hchen Kamm-Material aus den Gräbern
THE COMBS FROM BIRKA - Studies of the Viking period comb
material from the graves 57
Einleitung - Introduction 58
Gruppeneinteilung - Classification 58
Kammfutterale - Comb cases 66
"Pferdekämme" 68
Kämme mit bronzenen Griffleisten - Combs with bronze connecting
plates 68
Indexwerte der Griffleisten - Relations between the breadth and
thickness of connecting plates 70
Niete - Rivets 72
Verteilung der Gruppen auf Brand- und Körpergräber - Distribution
of comb types in cremation and inhumation graves 72
Verteilung der Gruppen auf Männer- und Frauengräber - Distribu
tion of comb types in male and female graves 73
Datierung der Kammgruppen - Dating of the comb types 74
Zusammenstellung über die Verteilung der Kammgruppen auf die
verschiedenen Gräberfelder - Distribution of comb types in the
different grave fields 83
Zusammenfassung 88
Summary 89
ANTLER, HORN AND BONE FROM EARLY RIBE - evidence
for comb making in a market place 91
Introduction 94
Terminology 94
The raw materials 98
Antler p. 98, Horn p. 99, Bone p. 102, Identification of antler and
bone p. 102
Practical attempts to make combs 103
Evidence for the production process in the debris and unfinished
parts 119
Bone and antler objects 128
Combs p. 128, Gaming pieces p. 132, Tools p. 134, Needles
p. 135,
Bored sheep or goat bones p. 136, Bone skates p. 138
Worked antler tines p. 139
The Distribution of material in different areas and phases 141
Other indications of comb making in Ribe 150
Dating 152
The scale of comb production 155
Comb making - a specialist craft? 157
The development of the craft 158
Summary 163
LIST OF LITTERATURE 165
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 171
INDEX OF PLACE NAMES 172
APPENDIX: Djurben med bearbetningsspår från Ribe, Jylland,
Danmark av Torstein Sjøvold, Osteologiska forskningslaboratori
et, Stockholms universitet 173
Preface This work consists of three separate parts, brought together under the title of
the first : Viking age combs, comb making and comb makers in the Hght of finds
from Birka and Ribe. The second part is devoted to the Birka combs and the
third to the material from Ribe.
The discussion of the combs found in the grave fields of Birka has been
undertaken as part of the Birka project's study of the material excavated by
Hjalmar Stolpe and first published by Holger Arbman in 1940 and 1943. This
part is in German because that is the language that has been adopted for the
Birka publication. It was translated by fil. kand. Sigrid Fritzlen, who has also
helped with the proof reading of the German text. Fil. kand. Per-Olof Bohlin
has drawn figures 23-36 and 41. These illustrations, and the translations, have
been financed by the Birka Project and 1 should like to express my gratitude to
the committee of that project for allowing me to use this contribution in the
form of a pre-print in anticipation of its publication by them.
Part i l l , Antler, Horn and Bone from Early Ribe, is a study of the combs
and comb making debris found in the excavations undertaken in the 197()'s by
the Antikvarisk Samling of Ribe. In this connection particular thanks are due
to the leader of those excavations, Mogens Bencard, now Överinspektör at
Rosenborg Slot, for having given me the opportunity to study the Ribe
material, for the interest he has always shown in this work and for inviting me
to take part in stimulating discussions with other participants in the Ribe
Project. This part is a pre-print of my contribution to the series on the Ribe
excavations and I am particularly grateful to the project leader for making it
possible for me to use it in this way. The drawings have been prepared by Miss
Moira Mackenzie and, together with the translation, have been financed by
the Ribe Project. Except where otherwise indicated, the photographs are by
the author. In part I figures 3-9, 11-15 and 17-19 were drawn by fil. kand.
Roger Blidmo and figure 10 by architekt Jan Polacek. I should like to thank all
four draughtsmen for the skilful way they have helped me realise my
ideas.
In doing this work I have been supported by many people. In the first place I
wish to thank my supervisor Professor Mats P. Maimer who has encouraged
me to renewed efforts. Gratitude is also due to many friends and colleagues,
especially Björn Ambrosiani, Greta Arwidsson, Anneke Clason, Olga
Davidan, Kjell Engström, Willem van Es, Nils Gustaf Gejvall, Tove Hatting,
Åke Hyenstrand, Elisabeth Iregren, Ingmar Jansson, Gunborg O. Janzon,
Ola Kyhiberg, Arthur MacGregor, Hans Jørgen Madsen, Ulf Näsman, Margit
Pettersson, Kurt Schietzel, Clas Henrik Siven, Wolf-Dieter Tempel, Ingrid
Ulbricht and Marit Åhlén. In this connection I will also with gratitude mention
Sten Svensson, my father - the comb maker (cf pp. 103 ff.).
I should also like to thank Professor i^eter H. Sawyer who not only
translated my text into English but also discussed the contents with me and
with English colleagues, to the benefit of the final version.
1 have profited from discussions with Professors Alf Johnels and Torstein
Sjøvold about the problems of distinguishing elk and red deer antler, and I was
fortunate to have help of Intendent Åke Andersson of Naturhistoriska
riksmuseet in Stockholm with the photography.
My first attempts to identify antler were made at the Research Institute of
Physics at Stockholm, and 1 should like to thank Docent Carl Johan
Herrlander and fil. kand. Peter Carié for their efforts.
The work would have taken much longer without the help given by the staff
of Vitterhetsakademien s Library, to all of whom 1 should like to express my
warmest thanks. I am indebted to Fil. kand. Maria Wolodarska making the
Russian and Polish literature accessible to me through her translations.
I also thank Svea Orden for awarding a scholarship that made it possible for
me to have leave in the Spring of 1980 in order to write part 111, and my
employers at The Swedish National Council for Cultural Affairs (Statens
kulturråd) for generously granting me that leave.
Of the many people who have helped me with the technicalities of producing
this thesis I wish particularly to thank Mr Elon Landh and from GOTAB
Helmuth Jäger and Bengt Ståhl.
It is manifestly difficult to combine normal employment and family life with
the writing of a thesis, and 1 fear that it has often been the thesis that has
suffered. In the last year, however, it has had to take first place and the final
hectic weeks of proof reading were made possible by Björn Ambrosiani's
unfailing help.
I wish, finally, to thank my family and my friends for the understanding
support which, in varying degrees, they have been obliged to give.
This book is dedicated to my daughters, Lovisa and Jenny, who perhaps
more than any have suffered from my preoccupation with Viking age combs,
comb making and comb makers.
Täby januari 1981
K ristina Λ mbrosian i
Viking Age Combs, Comb Making and Comb Makers - in the light of fînds from Birka and Ribe.
Introduction "Bronze ornaments have hitherto been valued most highly by archaeologists because it is possible to trace their development with least difficulty and so to detect contacts with alien folk. Who knows what the significance of other objects, for example combs, may be when they come to be studied?"
These words occur in one of H jalmar Stolpe's diaries from the years he was
excavating the cemeteries of Birka (1873-79, 1881, 1888-90, 1895). It was,
however, many years before simpler utensils could rival bronze ornaments as
objects of scholarly interest. There are certainly some early studies of combs
such as F. Winthers' Die Kämme aller Zeite, published in 1907, and G. J:son
Karlin's short account of their typology and history (1909). in C. R. af Ugglas'
survey of the material from Lödöse combs are said to be common medieval
finds but they are not discussed in detail (1931, p. 546). S. Grieg (1933, pp. 233
ff.) not only reported that many bone combs were found at Bergen and Oslo
but he also discussed the different medieval types and their distribution. A
similar discussion was undertaken by K. A. Wilde in 1939 on the basis of
medival and prehistoric combs from Wollin.* In the 1940's further discoveries of combs were, of course, reported but in
addition two specialised studies appeared: R. Blomqvist (1942) on medieval
combs and B. Nerman (1947) on combs of the Vendel period. It was, however,
first in the 1960's that more extensive studies of combs were made in
connection with the publication of material from the excavation of early towns
and markets. These have yielded a large quantity of combs and traces of their
manufacture, and this material has naturally stimulated the increased interest
in these everyday objects that Stolpe hoped for a century ago.
The Russian comb material from the Staraja Ladoga excavations has been
studied by O. I. Davidan who, like most modern students of this topic, has
discussed the methods of production as well as the types of combs and their
chronology (O. I. Davidan 1962, 1968, 1970, 1977). Excavations at Wollin,
Stettin, Gdansk, Menzlin and other Polish towns with permanent populations
have not only produced large quantities of comb material but they have also
uncovered areas in which combs were made (E. Cnotliwy 1956, 1970, Z.
Hilczerowna 1961, L. Leciejewicz 1972, U. Schoknecht 1977, 1978).
The combs from the 1937-39 excavations at Hedeby were published by H.
Jankuhn (1943). The material from the more recent excavations there has
been studied by W.-D. Tempel in an unpublished thesis (1969) in which he
^Conventional Scandinavian terminology will be followed here; the Viking age is the last prehistoric period and is followed by the medieval period.
discussed types of comb, their dating and manufacture. Some parts of this have
appeared in the series of Hedeby reports (1970). The most recent material
from Hedeby has been studied by I. Ulbricht (1978) who concentrated on the
methods of manufacture. Frisian combs and traces of comb-making in that
region have been discussed by A. T. Clason (1978), W. Hübener (1953), A.
Roes (1963, 1965) and W.-D. Tempel (1972, 1979).
The excavations in Southampton and York have also produced a large
number of complete and incomplete combs. The Southampton material has
been published by P. V. Addyman and D. H. Hill (1969) and by D. A. Hinton
(1980) and the York material has been studied and published by D. M.
Waterman (1959) and A. MacGregor (1978). The large quantity of material
found at Dublin has been mentioned in various publications, including
conference proceedings, but it has not yet been published in a systematic
manner (B. O'Riordain 1976).
As far as Scandinavia is concerned the largest quantity of Danish material so
far published is from Århus and this has been discussed by H. J. Madsen (1971 )
who has also dealt with the combs from Aggersborg (forthcoming publication).
The medieval combs from Ribe have been published by Aa. Andersen (1968)
and the comb-making debris is discussed in the last section below (here
referred to as KAR).
J. P. Lamm (1973) has discussed the late Iron Age combs taking as his
starting point the material from the grave-field of Viken in Lovö parish, west
of Stockholm. The combs and comb-making debris found in the excavation of
the Black Earth harbour area of Birka have been published by the writer (K.
Danielsson 1973a) and the combs from the Birka graves are discussed here, in
the following section (referred to as KAB).
The Finnish material from the early Iron Age has been studied by C.
Carpelan (1961) while the best guide to the more recent material is E.
Kivikoski's book on the cemetery at Långängsbacken (1980).
Combs are commonly found in Norwegian cremation graves of the Roman
and Migration periods (H. Schetelig 1912) and they also occur in the Viking
period (J. Petersen 1951, Th. Sjøvold 1974) but less frequently, and traces of
their manufacture are even rarer. The excavations at Kaupang in Vestfold did
not yield the debris of antler and bone that is so common in other trading
places, even though there was plenty of burnt and unburnt bone in the
settlement there (Ch. Blindheim 1972, p. 73) together with abundant evidence
of the activity of other craftsmen, for example crucibles, moulds, and tools
used by smiths (Ch. Blindheim 1975, p. 148).
When this manuscript was partly in print another thesis Håndverket i
forvandling, studier i horn og beinhåndverkets u tv i kl ing i Lund ca 1000-1350
by A. Christophersen, was published at the University of Lund.
I regret the very surprising fact, that I was ignornt of this work and that it
is therefore nol discussed here.
As already exphiined, the second and third sections of the present work are
devoted to the comb material from Birka (KAB) and the comb-making debris
from Ribe (KAR). These analyses, undertaken in the light of the literature
mentioned above, have led to the formulation of the following questions which
will be more fully discussed in this section:
- What importance did combs have among the possessions of people in the
Viking age?
- Does the chronology established for the Birka combs apply to other places
with similar material?
- Is it possible to learn anything about the areas in which the comb types
originally developed by studying their distribution?
- How were combs distributed?
- What can be learned about the factors affecting the activity of comb makers
from the traces of that activity found in towns or market places?
On the use of combs* In Scandinavia combs have been items of personal equipment since the bronze
age and they are commonly found among the belongings of the dead from the
Migration period until the custom burying grave goods was abandoned. Apart
*For the terminology see KAR, fig. 47-49, pp. 95 ff.
Fig. I Roman iron age grave with a comb under the head of the skeleton. From F. Winter 1907, fig. 19
from the most natural reason tor owning a comb - to tidy hair - they can serve
other purposes. The short metal combs with open-work backs that occur in the
bronze age (O. Montehus 1917, nos 935, 936) were certainly used in hair
arrangements and a similar use has been suggested for the simpler antler
combs with semi-circular backs of the Roman iron age and the early Migration
period. Combs of this type have been found in women's graves placed under
the head and it has been suggested that they were used together with pairs of
antler pins that are often found in West Scandinavian graves of the early Iron
age ( Vh. I^etersen 1923, p. 36, K. Danielsson-Ambrosiani 1974, pp. 194 ff.,
see also fig. 1 ). This type of comb is also found in male as well as female graves
and in both has been found elsewhere than under the head, implying that they
were not only used in hair arrangements. The combingof hair can also be a ritual. Liturgical combs-often of elephant
ivory - were used in the early Middle ages to arrange the hair of celebrants and
were considered to be part of the altar furnishings, but the comb that was used
in the anointing of a bishop was, on the other hand, treated as his property and
followed him to the grave (H. Hildebrand 1894, p. 667).
Combs of the Viking period doubtless had more prosaic uses, even though
they too were buried in graves. There is written evidence for their use: Ibn
Fadlan described how the Rus washed and combed their hair every morning
(S. Wikander 1978, p. 84, KAR, p. 160) and John of Wallingford's Chronicle
shows that English girls appreciated the Danish custom of combing the hair
every day, of bathing every Saturday and of frequently changing clothes (R.
Vaughan ed. 1958, p. 60, KAR, p. 160). The references to combs by Ibn
Fadlan and John of Wallingford suggest that the Scandinavians in the Viking
period used them every day, presumably against lice, but they do not tell us
whether they were family possessions or belonged to individuals. The fact that
combs are, next to pottery, the most common objects found in Viking age
graves of both men and women suggests that everyone owned a comb, and that
they were also regarded as important items of equipment for the after life: we
may reasonably assume that they were valued for more than their practical
utility.
Most of the combs found in graves were very well made and not even the
swiftest craftsman could have produced them so fast that they could be treated
as disposable objects (KAR, p. 118). Combs that have been repaired or whose
teeth had apparently been damaged before burial show that they were not
lightly discarded (W.-D. Tempel 1969, p. 42). The raw material, red deer or
elk antler, is hard to work but is very durable, and in normal circumstances
could be expected to last a long time. 7 he weakest part was the teeth and it was
possible for a comb maker to replace these if too many were broken. Tempel
(1969, p. 45) has drawn attention to an example from Aalsum in Frisia. It may
be that the presence of both bronze and iron rivets indicates that the
connecting plates have been used for more than one set of teeth. There were
three such combs in the Birka graves (KAB, p. 72).
One way to protect the teeth was to use a comb case. At Birka, combs with
cases are only found in male graves, or at least they are not found in graves
whose contents clearly show that they were female. Some of these combs with
cases have a hole in the end, presumably so that they could be hung from a belt
(KAB, p. 66). The association of comb cases with men suggests that the
women kept their combs in purses or something similar, and one leather comb
case was found at Birka (grave 1074). It is indeed most unlikely that such large
combs at those classified here as A combs (see p. 63) were dangled on a chain
together with other items of female equipment like scissors, needle cases, etc.
(1. Hägg 1974, fig. 33) and what is more, most combs lack a suitable hole.
Combs therefore appear to have been relatively well looked after and may
normally have lasted for the greater part of an owner's life.
Fig. 2 Birka grave 978 with the comb (10) lying by the thigh
To judge by the position of the combs found in the Birka inhumations, they
were not used in hair arrangements. None was found in the end of the grave in
which the head lay, and the position of most of them suggests that they were
kept in pockets or purses that hung from the waist (fig. 2, plan of grave 978, H.
Arbman 1943, p. 405). There are several indications that combs were not worn
conspicuously despite the fact that they are often elaborately decorated.
Although the design of combs changed, they do not appear to have been
intended to match other personal ornaments such as oval brooches, beads,
etc., whose designs were developed independently. It should also be
emphasised that combs, ahhough made with great care, did not have such a
high value as oval brooches and other objects that were made of a raw material
that was itself valuable. It should be obvious that, for purposes of chronology, combs are more
reliable than the more costly bronze, silver and gold objects that tended to be
better looked after and might be treated as heirlooms. A comb found in a grave
as part of the personal equipment of the dead ought to mirror that person's
generation better than the ornaments that are sometimes demonstrably an
older element among the grave goods. For example, Birka grave 1079
contained a Gotlandic brooch of a familiar Vendel type together with two
Byzantine or Russian brooches that may be dated to the tenth century (H.
Arbman 1943, p. 448). As dating criteria in graves ornaments are, in general,
as reliable as coins, they only provide a terminus post quern, for the period of
use between manufacture and burial can vary greatly. In contrast, utensils like
combs had a more limited period of use and are therefore more helpful as
chronological indicators.
Viking period comb types and their areas of distribution Many of the scholars who have worked with Viking period combs have devised
groups or types in order to classify their material. Wilde was the first ( 1939) to
arrange a large number of combs from one site. The 1934 excavations at Wollin
produced 37 combs and these provided the basis for Wilde's five types. These
were determined by shape. The different decorative schemes, which he
described, were not taken into account.
Wilde\s type 1 consists of combs with connecting plates that have a semicircular cross section and a bow-shaped profile, that is both back and base are curved.
In type 2 the connecting plates have a semicircular cross section like type 1, but a straighter profile.
The cross section of the connecting plates in type 3 is a trapeze or triangle {dachförmig, cf. fig. 8, p. 23 below), but the profiles are the same as in types 1 and 2.
Type 4 have connecting plates that have square cross sections. In profile they have slightly curved backs combined with straight bases, and they almost all have incised lines parallel to the edges.
Similar lines occur on the one comb in Wilde's material that he classified as type 5, with connecting plates that have shallow convex cross sections and are in profile broad and slightly curved.
If one considers the stratigraphical distribution of the 23 combs from the
excavation of the Marktplatz in Wollin that could be classified by Wilde, it
appears that his types fall into a chronological sequence. It is however also
clear that few of them belong to the Viking period, 14 being dateable to about
the year 1000.
Year Layer
1200 13-15 A A A A A
10-12 Α Α Δ Δ
~ 1000 6 - 9
3 - 5
A#0
·····
~ 950 1 -2 •ooooo
Comb type 4A 3Δ 2· 1 O Fig. 3 The stratigraphical distribution of the combs found in the excavation of
the Marktplatz in Wolhn, based on Wilde 1939
Jankuhn (1943, p. 150) argued that Wilde's classification cannot be directly
applied to the Hedeby material, most of which is older, and he proposed a
different classification, also into 5 types, based on both shape and ornament.
These can be described briefly as follows;
Type /, which he considered the most beautiful and the oldest, consists of combs
with long, broad connecting plates that have shallow convex cross sections. The connecting plates have plaited ornament and the ends are shaped as animal heads.
Type 2 has connecting plates shaped like those of type 1 but without animal head terminals and they are decorated by lines or groups of lines with dot and circles.
Type 3 combines Wilde's types 1 and 2, that is their connecting plates have semicircular cross sections.
Type 4 comprises 2 combs that have trapeze-shaped or triangular cross sections. Decoration is not a criterion for either this type or type 3.
Type 5 consists of one comb with connecting plates that are triangular in cross section but have a distinctive decoration of parallel lines and dot and circles.
Jankuhn's classification is, in fact, based on a total of 17 combs from
stratified levels.
The 1963-64 excavations at Hedeby yielded a much larger quantity of
combs, 85 in all, and these, together with other Scandinavian combs have been
classified in 14 types and 6 sub-types by Tempel in his thesis Die
Dreilagenkämme aus Haithahu (1969). in his very detailed analysis he
distinguishes 22 variations in the profile of connecting plates, 13 in their cross
sections, 24 different types of comb ends, 12 types of edge ornament, 9
varieties of decoration of the end plates, 25 variations in the composition of
decorative motifs, 112 decorative elements and 10 types of back ornament.
Tempel calls his types "form groups" {Formengruppe) but is prepared to use
ornament as a classifying feature.
Form groups l-2c have connecting plates with straight bases and slightly bowed backs. They also have slightly curved cross sections and are decorated with dot and circles. In order to distinguish form groups 1 and 2 it is necessary to see the combs in their entirety.
In form group 3, and 3a, the connecting plates end in stylised animal heads. In the main group the connecting plates are decorated with plaited bands while the decoration of the sub group can vary.
Form groups 4-6 all have connecting plates with semicircular cross sections and these groups are only distinguished by the different treatment of the ends, and they can therefore only be recognised if these survive.
Form group 7 has connecting plates that are triangular in cross section. Form group 8 is only marginally different from form group 6 but has a distinctive
decoration. Form group 9 has connecting plates with a trapeze-shaped cross section, and there is
a sub group, 9a, that is distinguished by only having decoration on one side or by being completely undecorated.
In form group 10 the connecting plates have a rectangular cross section. The distinctive feature of form group 11 is its decoration with several parallel lines
that follow the edges of the connecting plate, their profiles and cross sections are otherwise very similar to those in form groups 1-3.
Form group 12 is very similar to form group 11 but somewhat shorter. Form group 13 consists of two combs whose common feature is an unsymmetrical
shape and finally. Form group 14 cannot be regarded as a unitary group because it comprises all the
combs that cannot be placed in any of the other 13 form groups.
Davidan has classified the 135 single and composite combs from Staraja
Ladoga in 2 main types with 5 and 2 sub-types respectively (according to a
duplicated summary of O. I. Davidan's thesis, Staraja Ladoga's bone and
antler objects as an historical source (translated), Leningrad 1974.)
Typel are broad, long combs with connecting plates that have a shallow cross section
l:la-lc have straight ends and are decorated with dot and circles l : l d h a v e s t r a i g h t e n d s a n d p l a i t e d o r n a m e n t l:2a-c have animal head terminals and plaited bands l:2d have animal head terminals and a grid decoration
2 17
Typel are smaller combs with connecting plates that have semicircular cross sections.
2:1 have straight ends 2:2 have animal head terminals.
Wilde's types were unsuitable for the classification of the 325 combs from
the Birka graves because the greater part of them does not correspond either in
time or type to those from Birka. In Jankuhn's classification the larger part of
the Birka material would be placed as an undifferentiated mass in his type 3,
and two of his types are irrelevant. His five types are therefore inapplicable to
the Birka combs. TempeFs more detailed classification is hardly more helpful
because a large part of the Birka material comes from cremations and is so
fragmentary that the original shape can often not be determined.
If Tempers classification were used most of the Birka combs would be
undifferentiated and grouped under his form groups 4-6 because in many cases
it is not possible to determine how the connecting or tooth plates ended.
Davidan's scheme lacked adequate subdivision of type 2.
It ought, finally, be emphasised that these earlier classifications were based
on relatively small numbers of combs and are difficult to apply in a satisfactory
manner to the larger Birka material. The classification proposed in KAB
(p. 62) was originally based only on the decoration of the combs, but it later
appeared that the shapes of the combs were consistent with the decorative
types. In order to facilitate comparison between the comb material from
different places the Birka classification will be used exclusively here, the basis
for the translation of other classifications into the Birka scheme is set out in
fig. 4.
The Birka comb types also occur in many other places either as grave goods
or in settlements. The map fig. 7, which is largely based on published finds
shows how widely these different groups are spread (O. I. Davidan 1962, B.
Nerman 1958, E. Kivikoski 1980, K. Danielsson 1973a, J. Petersen 1951, Th.
Sjøvold 1974, K. Α. Wilde 1939, Α. v. Müller 1973, Η. Jankuhn 1943, W.-D.
Tempel 1970, 1972 and 1979, Η. J. Madsen 1971, Th. Ramskou 1976, Α. Roes
1963, D. M. Waterman 1959, Α. MacGregor 1978, J. R. C. Hamilton 1956, A.
W. Brøgger 1930, Β. Α. O'Riordäin 1976). Chronologically they span the
Viking period: the oldest group already occurs in about 800 and in some
places, such as Lund and Sigtuna, the youngest extends into medieval times
(see the section of chronology and dating, below p. 25).
Rectangular double-sided combs, with or without a case, (fig. 5:1-2) were
the predominant type in central and western Europe from the Roman period
onwards (V. Hruby 1957, p. 175, G. Behrens 1947, O. Tschumi 1945, fig. 6, Α.
Roes 1963, p. 14).
In England the popularity of this type was challenged by Viking types, but
later recovered (D. M. Waterman 1959, p. 87). Very few examples of such
AMBROSIANI TYPE (KAB Fig 25-33}
WILDE TYPE
JANKUHN TYPE
TEMPEL TYPE
D AVI DAN TYPE
AIES=^« 2
1 2c 3a f 5
2 1 2c 3a
1a-c 2d
A3 cssHSüat 1 3 1d 2a-c
B1;1 ÆSBIHIGiEJ Î
81:2 08··® f 1 4 1
3 2 B2 ÎSlIlllllllllllllllllijH f 2
3 6
2
HI (D gø LiIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIWIIIIIIJIIIIIIiiJ τ
Β 4 τ Fig. 4 Comparison of different classifications
double-sided combs have been found in the Baltic region or in Scandinavia
before the middle ages (M. Biörnstad 1955, p. 59, B. Ambrosiani 1956, p. 12,
U. Schoknecht 1977, p. 95) In their place another type, also Roman in origin,
consisting of composite single combs with semicircular or triangular backs (fig.
5:3-4) spread along the North Sea coast into north Germany, and Scandinavia
(S. Thomas 1960).
In Frisia (see fig. 6) the connecting plates of this type of comb became
smaller and straighter and the tooth plates often protruded through the back
either along the whole length of the comb or at the ends (W.-D. Tempel 1972,
p. 57). Similar combs are also found in England (P. V. Addyman and D. H.
Hill 1969, pi. vii, D. A. Hinton 1980, fig. 15, S. E. West 1978, fig. 15, see also
Abb\2
Jl
AbbA2
Abb 5
Taf 52:543
G Behrens 1947
S Thomas 1960
WD. Tempe! 1979
S.E.West 1978
VWG.
VWG.
Taf 52 · . 545
5:1-2 Double combs of the Roman iron age and the migration period, from Behrens 1947, abb. 119 and 12
5:3-4 Single combs of the Roman iron age with semicircular or triangular backs, from Thomas 1960, abb. 5 and 42
5.·5-6 Frisian single combs, from Tempel 1979, p. 155 and West 1978 abb.
15
5:7-8 Scandinavian single combs, from Nerman 1935, nos 543 and 545
here fig. 5:5-6). The fact that contact between Enghind and Frisia is reflected
in these comb types has also been pointed out by A. MacGregor (1975, p. 195
f.).
Distribution map showing double combs of the Roman iron age and later -Fig 5:1-2
Double combs of the Roman iron age with semicircular or triangular back
Single combs of the late iron age - Fig 5:5-6.
S Single combs of the migration and vendel periods - Fig 5:7-8.
Fig. 6
In Scandinavia (fig. 6) there was a development of Roman comb types and in
the Migration and Vendel periods they were changed into long, composite
combs with slightly curved rather than semicircular backs, and the ornament
commonly consisted of dots and semicircles arranged in swirling patterns.
Later this decoration developed into clusters of dots and full circles or lines
parallel to the edges, or a combination of the two (fig. 5:7-8). The earliest
Viking period combs classified here as A-combs are found at Staraja Ladoga,
along the Bahic coast, in Scandinavia, northern England, the Scottish islands
and in Ireland (fig. 7). They also occur in Frisia where at the same time older,
local types of comb were still made (fig. 5:5-6, and see below, p. 34), as they
also were on the other side of the Channel. B combs are generally found
throughout the same area except in Norway and Frisia, and they are relatively
rare in the Scottish islands.
ΟΑ1-Α2ΦΑ3 Δ B
Fig. 7 Distribution of A and B combs
Throughout their areas of distribution the form and decoration of both A
and B combs is very consistent and only a few local variants can be detected in
the published material. One example of such a local variant occurs in Frisia
during the currency of A combs, and this variant is classified by Wilde as type
3, by Jankuhn as type 4, and by Tempel as form groups 7 and 9. It has
connecting plates that are either triangular or trapeze shaped in cross section
(see fig. 8).
According to Tempel (1969, p. 98) the examples with triangular cross
sections are mainly found south of the Baltic, and he dates them to the tenth
century, while trapeze-shaped connecting plates are found in the same area
and are dated by him to the tenth and eleventh centuries (1969, p. 100). Combs
Fig. 8 Connecting plates with triangular {dachförmig)
or trapeze-shaped cross sections
with similar cross sections but with only one connecting plate decorated are
found in Frisia and apparently belong to the eighth century (W.-D. Tempel
1969, p. 101). In Wollin combs with these cross sections were found in levels
that are dateable to the later tenth and eleventh centuries (cf. fig. 3). These
combs can therefore be considered a local variant in the south Baltic and are
younger than A or B combs.
The chronology and dating of Viking period combs Apart from understanding the development of Viking period combs and comb
making, it is essential to attempt to determine the chronology of these combs
because they are such common grave goods. In cremations they are, indeed,
often the only objects recovered other than burnt bone and, as already pointed
out (p. 15), they are a more reliable basis for dating than many of the bronze objects that have traditionally been used.
Any assessment of the usefulness of an object as an aid in dating must take
account not only of its value and age but also of the circumstances in which it
was found. The waste produced in making a comb is, for example, likely to
have been deposited some time before the comb itself was buried as part of its
owner's possessions. On the other hand, the complete combs that have been
found in such places as Wollin, Hedeby or Århus were for the most part
discarded after use and are therefore chronologically comparable with the
grave material, for combs that were thrown away because they were broken or
damaged need have landed up in waste tips no earlier than combs of the same
type that were used to furnish graves. Accidents can obviously happen to
combs so that they break while still new but equally an individual could die
soon after acquiring a new comb and in such circumstances a comb may have
been buried after a short period of use.
In order to determine the chronology of different types of comb it is
necessary to have a large number from the same place with either the
possibility of dividing them stratigraphically as in settlement sites, or dating
them by find combination in graves.
In settlements there is some risk that older and younger material may have
been mixed in a particular level, for waste rarely accumulates without some
disturbance. The occurrence of anachronistic material in a level does not
necessarily mean that it really belongs there, although that possibility cannot
be excluded.
Surveys of settlement material generally do not provide information on the
quantities found in each level. This means that it is not possible to assess the
value of such a statement as that 16 combs of one type were found in the lower
layer while there were 7 in an upper level when the lower layer may have
contained five times as much material as the upper. Nor can so-called closed
finds be said to provide a narrowly limited chronological framework because
they may contain ornaments and other valuable objects which could have been
inherited and, for the purposes of dating, can only given a terminus post quern
(cf. p. 15).
An interesting insight is given by graves that contain more than one comb for
it is then possible to see how different types are combined. The 325 combs from
the Birka cemeteries came from 269 graves and 31 of these contained more
than one. The matrix in KAB fig. 39 p. 78 shows how the different types of
comb are chronologically grouped. Approximately the same sequence is found
if one studies the relationship between combs and oval brooches that occur
together in graves (see KAB fig. 42 p. 82). In doing this the latest possible
combination is taken as the basis, i.e. if a particular comb occurs with
differently dated brooches the younger combination is used.
The dating of the combs in the Birka grave material is summarised in the
following diagram fig. 9.
In addition to the 31 Birka graves containing more than one comb there are
two graves from the cemetery at Ormknös (fig. 22), which was partly
investigated in 1975 as a seminar excavation of the Archaeological Institute of
Stockholm University under the direction of Docent Birgit Arrhenius.
Both graves contained a B1:3 comb, one together with an A3 comb and the
other together with an A comb that cannot be classified more precisely. This is
further confirmation that B 1:3 combs are one of the older types of B combs
and also that the A3 combs belong to a relatively late stage of the A
combs. Arrhenius nevertheless considers that more weight should be put on the fact
that B combs occur in ninth-century Birka graves than that they are given a
later dating at Hedeby and Wollin (1978, p. 49 f).
Of the 190 Birka graves containing B combs she cites three that also
contained older finds.
I η grave 29 there was a brooch ( Ljønesspanne) which she considers dates the
grave to the ninth century. It is apparently the oldest grave containing a Β
TYPE OF COMB
A1
A2
A3
B1 1
81:2
Fig. 9 The chronology of the different types of combs, based on the material from the Birka graves (for definitions see The drawings indicate the main period of each type, but earlier or later occurrences are indicated by
the extended lines
comb in Birka. The fact that it also contained a large number of cylindrical blue
and yellow beads suggests that the burial occurred in the last quarter of the
ninth century (K. Danielsson 1973b, p. 80), a date that is consistent with the
fact that the filling of the grave contained a copper coin of Ethelred II of
Northumbria (841-848/9) which must have reached the site before the grave
was made.
Grave 184 is said by Arrhenius, referring to Selling 1955, to be dated by the
pottery to the ninth century. However, it appears from Selling Taf. I (1955,
p. 233) that grave 184 contained a pot of type A IV 3 al and one of type A
IV 3c, that is native vessels both of which are most common in the tenth
century although they both occur throughout the Viking period. Indeed 3al is
found as late as the thirteenth century (D. Selling 1955, p. 226). Moreover the
knife sheath found in the same grave is characteristically tenth century (cf.
Birka graves 59, 581, 644, 703, 967) and the facetted cornelian and rock crystal
beads also belong to a tenth century context (K. Danielsson 1973 b,
p. 80).
The third grave cited by Arrhenius in support of ninth century date for B
combs is no 208 with, among other things, a mount reminiscent of Style III,
DATE
800 850 900 950
together with beads of cornehan and rock crystal as in grave 184. It is therefore
reasonable to interpret the bronze as an antique element in this grave.
It is clear that A combs belong to the oldest horizon in Birka, that is the ninth
century, despite their occurrence in the tenth. B combs on the other hand,
begin some time about 900 and are the commonest form in the tenth
century.
The first classification proposed by the writer was based on the cross section
of the connecting plates of the combs found in the excavations of the harbour
area of the Black earth at Birka (K. Danielsson 1973a, p. 42). Connecting
plates with a shallow convex cross section were classified as A combs while
those with semicircular cross section were classified as B combs (KAB, fig.
37).
The analysis of the much larger volume of material from the Birka graves
was originally based on the decoration of the connecting plates, but it soon
became clear that these independent classifications were consistent: the
classification of combs by the shape of their connecting plates was found to
agree with the one based on their decoration.
In analysing the material from the cemetery of Långängsbacken in Åland,
Kivikoski (1980) used the classification devised by the writer in 1973. It is
significant that in that cemetery the 23 graves containing A combs were mostly
of the ninth century while none of the B combs were found with objects that
were dateable earlier than the tenth. This corresponds remarkably well with
the chronological sequence that can be independently derived from the Birka
graves.
It is obviously a matter of some interest whether the chronological sequence
that can be derived from the Birka material and from Åland also applies
elswhere. Fig. 10 compares the chronology of the published material from
Staraja Ladoga, Wollin, Hedeby and Dorestad expressed in terms of the Birka
classification as in fig. 4.
It has not been possible to classify the B combs as elaborately as in Birka
because the other classifications have been based mainly on the shapes of the
combs, while the Birka material has been more closely analysed with the help
of the ornament. It has however been possible to suggest that certain types are
older or more recent and this is reflected in fig. 10. The lowest layer at Staraja Ladoga contained combs that correspond to the
oldest type from Birka, with dot and circle patterns and connecting plates with
shallow convex cross section. Combs lika Al were not found, but A3 combs
with plaited bands lay in a higher layer than A2 and represent a transition to
the upper levels that are dominated by B combs of the tenth century.
It ought however to be noted that a fragment of a comb case is ornamented
in the same style as B 1:3 combs. At Birka comb cases were particularly
associated with male graves as are the B 1:3 combs. The discovery at Staraja
BIRKA STARAJA WOLLIN HEDEBY ELISEN- DORESTAD LADOGA (JANKUHN) HOF
950
900
850
800
B
Α3Ψ^;:ί;:
A i ;
A2
A 3
A2
B 2
A1 A3 Bl m B?
A 1-2
À2
A2 Al
Time of occupation according to archaeological finds
Fig. 10 Comparison of the datings of Viking period comb types found in different excavations. The classifications are converted to those used for the Birka combs, cf. p. 19
Ladoga of a comb case with this particular ornament did not offer any
possibility of determining the sex of the owner.
The uppermost level contains simple combs of the same kind as are found at
Sigtuna and in other early medieval towns around the Baltic and North Sea (O.
I. Davidan 1962).
The lowest level of the Marktplatz excavation in Wallin, which is dated to
the early tenth century, contained no A combs and the finds there are, until the
eleventh century, dominated by B combs, with Bl:l and B 1:2 in the first half
and B2 in the second. Excavations in other parts of Wollin have only yielded a
small number of A combs, none of which corresponds to the oldest Birka type.
A2, while one Al comb was found stratigraphically below an A3 type (K.A.
Wilde 1939, Abb Vb). That the absence of A2 combs is a chronological
question is confirmed by the fact that at Menzlin, which is not far away, and
was occupied in the eighth and ninth centuries, a comb has been found
ornamented with groups of dots and circles (U. Schoknecht 1978, Fig. 11
p. 225). Tempel states that at Hedeby no combs were found in the lowest levels. The
oldest combs, stratigraphically, were Al and A2, while in the upper levels,
which are tenth century, B combs were found. It appears that those having
connecting plates with raised ends were the oldest (W.-D. Tempel 1970, p.
43). In the Birka material raised ends (KAB, fig. 41) of this kind occur in all
varieties of B combs and appear to have no chronological significance within
this type. It is likely that these raised ends continued throughout the greater
part of the Viking period and they are also found in medieval material, even
though it is often only the tooth plates that protrude above the connecting
plates and form the raised ends as happened in the Frisian-English combs of
the kind illustrated in fig 5:6.
In Jankuhn's analysis of the combs found in the 1937-39 excavations at
Hedeby he reports two combs belonging to his type 2, that is equivalent of
Birka types Al and A2 (cf. fig. 4). These came from levels 7 and 9, that is from
the first half of the tenth century. The older levels contained no combs, despite
the abundance of other finds. The more recent levels were dominated by B
combs. Of these, combs with grid patterns (Bl) and with vertical lines (B2)
were most common in the first half of the tenth century. The excavators also
found two A3 combs but they were not discovered in a stratigraphically
defined level although Jankuhn dated them to the middle of the ninth century
by comparison with a similar comb from Oseberg, which must have been,
when he was writing (1943, p. 153), material with which he was peculiarly
familiar. Tempel has also analysed and published the combs found at Elisenhof in
Eiderstedt (1979). These are mostly of the eighth century but the more recent
types, found in the muschelgrus pottery layer, dated to the ninth century (H.
Steuer 1979), are very similar to the oldest Birka type, A2. Examples of the
younger type, B 1:2, are also found at Elisenhof. They have been described as
^'imtypische Fragmente'^ and their stratigraphical placing is not made clear
(W.-D. Tempel 1979, p. 163). They are however illustrated together with
medieval double sided combs but that cannot of course be taken as an
indication that they were a recent element there. These "^intypische
Fragmente^' are not included in fig. 10 because the dating in that figure is based
on either find combinations or stratigraphy.
The second settlement phase at Dorestad, from c. 760 to the second half of
the ninth century, has yielded only 26 combs (W. Hübener 1953, p. 185). It is
probable that many more were found in earlier excavations to judge by a letter
written on 15 June 1880 by Hjalmar Stolpe to Hans Hildebrand, and published
by Anna Roes ( 1965):
,,,,Ι never dreamed that such an important monument for the history of the
Netherlands could be so scandalously vandalised, as I saw. Almost all Old Dorestad
has been dug up and all bone has been turned into bone-black (hensvärta) or powder. The only objects that are kept are those that strike the eye, and they are sent here and there. I did however see much that is fully = Björkö."
The combs from this second settlement phase that are comparable with the
Birka material are all of types Al and A2. In all cases A combs give a
consistent impression of being older than B combs, and within the type it
seems that A2 combs, with dot and circle decoration, were the oldest and that
the plaited decoration of A3 combs occurred relatively late. The A3 comb
from Oseberg, cited by Jankuhn cannot be taken to contradict the indications
that for the most part such combs are younger.
A similar consistency is found in the dating of B combs to the tenth century
although it appears that A combs did, to some extent, continue in this period.
They occur, for example, in the material from Århus Søndervold, where all
single combs, with one exception, can be assigned to pottery horizon 1, that is
from the beginning of tenth century to the thirteenth (H.H. Andersen and
H.J. Madsen 1971, p. 264).
Among the 36 single combs from this horizon, there were only 7 A combs
and they can all be said to belong to the lower level (H.J. Madsen, op cit p.
147), which corresponds well with the situation found elsewhere, summarised
in fig 10. The comb dating on the basis of the Birka graves therefore corresponds well
with settlement material found elsewhere. That in one case it is grave material
and in the other debris from settlements need have no chronological
significance (cf p. 23), and it appears that the waste from Birka also supports
the chronology based on combs from its graves. The stratigraphical
distribution of the combs compared with the excavated volume of each layer in
the Black Earth harbour area of Birka shows that A combs occur in the recent
levels which are otherwise dominated by B combs and other tenth-century
finds (K. Danielsson 1973a). The filled in noughts serve to underline what can be seen from the figures
themselves, namely that B combs are rare in the levels IX-XII. Level IX must
belong to the period shortly before the pier, excavated in 1970-1971, was
constructed. According to Ambrosiani (1973, p. 243) this pier belongs to a
relatively late date in the tenth century, and Kyhlberg argues that the absence
of Samanid coins under it dates the lower levels to the period before 893 when
those coins were first struck. Allowing some 30 years for these coins to reach
Birka would imply that the pier was built in the period 920-940 (O. Kyhlberg
1980, p. 55).
Table 1
Type of combs
Stratigraphical levels I II III IV VI-VIII IX X XI XII
Al • 5 I • 1 1 2 • 1 A2 • • 1 • 1 • • 1 • A3 • 4 • I 1 • 1 • • ad A 1 3 • 3 7 5 6 • •
Bl:l 3 6 1 1 4 • • • • Bl:2 • 2 • • 1 • 1 • • Bl:3 • • • • 1 • • • • 32 1 1 • 1 1 • • • • 83 • 1 • • • • • • • 84 2 2 • • 1 • • • • ad 8 2 1 • 2 3 3 1 • •
Level IX contained most of the facetted cornelian beads that were found in
the excavation (K. Danielsson 1973 b, p. 75). In the graves these have
generally been dated, by their association with coins and bronze objects, to the
early tenth century, and this also gives a terminus post quern for the pier. One
must assume that beads were worn for some years before they were buried
with their owners, but those found under the pier cannot have been dropped
there when they were first brought to Birka for they appear to have been mixed
up with the waste layer of stone chippings that was spread out under the pier
and they must therefore have been deposited sometime before they finally
found their way into level IX. With level IX assigned to the early tenth century
the picture of the distribution of the different comb types in the levels (of which
the uppermost was ploughed up and is therefore disturbed) corresponds well
with the chronology that can be based on the material from the Birka graves,
and is further confirmed by the finds from other contemporary sites.
The later development of Viking period combs can best be illustrated by
finds from those places where there was continuity from the Viking period into
later medieval times. No medieval material has been found at Dorestad,
Hedeby or Birka. The latter two appear to have been abandoned in the course
of the late tenth century, possibly at the same time as Schleswig and Sigtuna,
their respective neighbours, began. Elisenhof and Staraja Ladoga both have
medieval combs in their upper levels but in both cases they are all double-sided
simple combs and these cannot be considered a development of Viking types.
In Wollin and Århus, on the other hand, there is continuity from about 900
until the middle of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries respectively. The
main difference between the Viking and medieval combs from Wollin is
apparently in the cross sections of the connecting plates. Until about 1050 they
are all rounded while after that they are either triangular, rectangular or
trapeze shaped. The grid pattern found on tenth century combs also occurs on
the more recent ones and diagonal decoration is also used. In Wollin as in
other medieval centres the decoration of connecting plates tended to be
concentrated in the upper and lower parts leaving the middle field plain ( K. A.
Wilde 1939, fig. Vb). In Århus most medieval combs were double-sided. Only
three single combs are said to belong to the upper level of pottery horizon 1. Of
these two have a round cross section and the third is rectangular (H.J. Madsen
1971, p. 150 f).
Blomqvist (1942) states that connecting plates with oval cross sections are
older than those with rectangular cross sections, and it appears that the oldest
material from the medieval excavations at Lund corresponds in both form and
decoration to the latest combs of the Viking period. The main changes appear
to have been associated with the more extensive use of bone for connecting
plates. Connecting plates made of antler were naturally rounded while split leg
bones, metatarsals or metacarpals which were suitable raw material, resulted
in flat, rectangular or trapeze-shaped connecting plates.
In Frisia combs with trapeze-shaped connecting plates are found as early as
the eighth century (W.-D. Tempel 1969, p. 101) and the Frisian forms also
include very flat cross sections bordering on the rectangular. In his analysis of
the Elisenhof material, Tempel (1979, p. 152) says that some were made of
bone probably because of the shortage of other material in this marsh land,
devoid of deer. It is thus possible to recognise a link between the use of bone as
raw material and the angular cross sections that are also observed in medieval
combs. There is, in addition, a special type of comb that occurs in Frisian and
English finds (fig. 5:6) and which later appears in medieval material
elsewhere. These are combs with tooth plates that protrude above the
connecting plates giving a profile quite unlike the A and B combs of the Viking
period in which the connecting and tooth plates generally match (K. A. Wilde
1939, fig. V b nos 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12).
The tooth plates can also be carved into figures (H. Arbman 1945, fig. 5,
J. Persson 1976a, combs 9A, IIA etc.). Persson states (1976a, p. 331) that the
single combs from Lund include some with bone connecting plates and tooth
plates of antler. This may be the reason why the tooth plates were used to
create the shape of the comb because antler was better suited to plastic shaping
than bone which was more difficult to work.
Even if B combs are uncommon in Norwegian tenth-century graves the early
medieval material from, for example, Bergen and Oslo (S. Grieg 1933, fig.
183-192) include the same type of single combs as are found at Sigtuna and
Lund and which are developed from tenth-century B combs. As far as Sigtuna
is concerned, it appears that the oldest types of comb are similar to the latest
Birka comb types and are found in the first half of the eleventh century (D.
Selling 1945, p. 64). It also appears that the Viking period comb shapes, with
connecting plates having a curved profile and a rounded cross section were, in
the course of the eleventh century, replaced by combs with straighter and
longer connecting plates that have rectangular cross sections. Already towards
the end of the eleventh century these types were replaced by a new shape,
doublesided combs which were to be the predominant type until the
eighteenth century.
Areas of origin and place of manufacture The distribution map (fig. 6) shows that Viking period combs of the types here
described as A and B are found throughout a large area, including the coasts of
the Baltic and the North Sea, Norway and northern Britain. Although A
combs are found in both Frisia and Britain, their absence from southern
England suggests that they did not reach the northern parts of Britain by way
of the Channel. Similar types of combs found in, for example, Southampton
and Dorestad certainly show that these places were in touch with each other
but those contacts did not apparently involve A combs. Their occurrence in
Britain is therefore better interpreted as a sign of direct contact with
Scandinavia across the North Sea (fig. 11:1). Within the area of distribution of
A combs, all three types are found everywhere except in Dorestad where only
the oldest types, Al and A2 occur. The explanation is, of course, that the
Dorestad material comes predominantly from the latter part of the eighth
century and the first half of the ninth (W. Hiibener 1953, p. 188) while the A3
combs, in the main, date from the end of the ninth and the beginning of the
tenth century. It has generally been asserted that A1 and A2 combs originated in Frisia. In
Schweden und das karolingische Reich Arbman (1937, p. 238) maintained,
with particular reference to A2 combs, that bone and antler combs were
imported to both Birka and Hedeby from Frisia. Wilde (1939, p. 76) thought
that these types of comb came from Frisia, that Dorestad was the main centre
for their development, and that they spread into Scandinavia at a relatively
early date. In Hedeby and Birka these types persisted for a long time and he
believed that they were made in these places by Frisian craftsmen. According
to Jankuhn (1943, p. 154), Al and A2 combs were predominantly western
types and because they are so well represented in Frisia he considered them
Frisian. He claimed further that combs of these types found in Scandinavia
were either imports or Scandinavian copies. Hiibener (1953, p. 186) also
thought that the centre of distribution of Al and A2 combs was in Frisia and
Groningen. 11 of the 26 combs found in Dorestad are of these types, i^eferring
to both Arbman and Jankuhn, Davidan (1968, p. 58) wrote that A2 combs
appear to have had a Frisian origin but that they were spread over a wide area
and were adopted as the comb type in many parts of eastern Europe, for
example in Staraja Ladoga, Novyje Dubovnik at the Volchov mouth, in the
cemeteries of Gniezdovo and Timerovsk, in the fort of Sars, in the fort of
Kamno near Pskov and in Novgorod.
The Frisian origin of the early A combs appears to have become an accepted
fact through frequent repetition rather than on the basis of any reasoned
argument other than the claim that they are numerous in Frisia, 11 having been
found at Dorestad. This total is however put in perspective by the fact that the
volume of plates in Birka I, published in 1940, illustrated 15 A1 and A2 combs,
and that the Black Earth catalogue of Stolpens excavations contains no fewer
than 112.
Tempel says that Al and A2 combs have hitherto been interpreted as
imports from Frisia, made by well trained craftsmen and widely distributed.
Combs were also made at Hedeby in the ninth century, probably in such large
numbers that they supplied an extensive area and served as patterns for comb making elsewhere (1969, p. 132).
A3 combs, that is combs with plaited decoration and animal head terminals,
are not found in Frisia, and are rare at Hedeby. Jankuhn (1943, p. 152 f)
interpreted them as a west Scandinavian variant and Davidan (1968, p. 61)
followed his lead and treated the A3 combs found at Staraja Ladoga as eastern
variants of a west Scandinavian type. Jankuhn however only cited three
examples from Birka, a serious understatement for the graves alone contained
14 with plaited ornament. 13 of these come from cremations and are so
fragmentary that it is only possible to recognise the animal head terminal on
one of them for certain. The older finds from Stolpe's excavation of the Black
Earth include 30 A3 combs of which at least 13 have animal head terminals,
and since 1943 a further seven have been found in the excavations of
1970-71.
It is likely that A3 combs had a more limited distribution than the other A
combs, but within their area they are relatively common. It is also clear that
plaited ornament was not an innovation in Viking age Scandinavia. Simple
forms are found on Vendel age material from Gotland as well as Norway (B.
Nerman 1969, nos 1598, 1993, Th. Sjøvold 1974, pl. 13), and its frequent use in
Lapp art underlines its northern character (W. Holmqvist 1934). The question
3 33
whether this plaited ornament and the animal head terminals were originally
adopted on combs in east or west Scandinavia should not be discussed on the
basis of the distribution used by Jankuhn.
The form and ornament of Al and A2 combs also had a long Scandinavian
tradition. Broad connecting plates with incised lines parallel to the edges
occur, with variations, from the late Migration period, through the Vendel
period into the Viking period. These show an unbroken sequence of
development in which there is no evidence of a sudden Frisian influence (cf. B.
Nerman 1935, plates 18, 52, and 1969, plates 37, 38, 39, 121, 122, 192, 242 and
292). According to Tempel (1972, p. 57), who is very familiar with north
European types, the eighth century combs from the Frisian terps have a
completely different appearance. The first occurrence of broad connecting
plates there, with lines parallel to the edges, was in combs that correspond to
the A2 type. It is therefore clear that in Frisia Al and A2 combs represent an
innovation. It should also be noted that the older types of Frisian comb are
found in Southampton, but that the A combs are not (cf. fig. 5 and 6).
The fact that A combs can be seen as a link in a Scandinavian chain of
development but appear to be a new type in Frisia contradicts earlier claims
that this type was Frisian. A further argument against such an origin is their
absence from southern England. Other types of comb, both contemporary and
earlier, show that there were close contacts across the Channel, and it would
indeed have been remarkable if A combs had not also spread to southern
England if were in fact a Frisian development. That they are not found in
southern England and appear to have reached the northern parts of Britain by
another route suggests that their appearance in, for example, Dorestad was
the result of other contacts and that Frisia was their western limit on the
Continent. It therefore seems reasonable to interpret ΛI and Λ2 as well as Λ3 combs as of
Scandinavian origin.
Rimbert's Vita Anskarii shows that Dorestad had contact with Scandinavia
in the early ninth century and this could well have resulted in the export of A
combs to Frisia (see fig. 11:1). A Scandinavian origin for the A combs is also
suggested by their broad and relatively flat connecting plates, a natural shape if
they are made from the palmatic shovels of elk antler. Elk was at that time not
found west of the Oder (A. Skuncke 1949, p. 18) but was common in Norway
and Middle Sweden as well as in Poland and further east. Flat connecting
plates can also be made from the beams of red deer antlers, and red deer,
inhabiting forest lands south of the elk, were in prehistoric times common in
south Scandinavia and north Germany (I. Ahlen 1964/65, p. 363). To use the
beam to make connecting plates would however have been very uneconomic,
for the tines would be left over (see KAR, p. 112). The connecting plates of Β
Fig. 11:1 Distribution of A combs. The arrows indicate the way they spread from
their areas of origin
Fig. 11:2 Distribution of B combs. The arrows indicate the way they spread from their areas of origin
combs could, however, have been made from red deer tines.
A combs should therefore be seen as a direct development from Vendel
period combs that occurred in an area in which elk antler was easily available.
When, later, this shape of comb began to be used outside that area, for
example in Hedeby or Frisia, the beams of red deer antler were used to make
connecting plates as well as tooth plates. The increased demand for combs that
resulted from a growing population led to the development of B combs whose
connecting plates could be made from the tines of red deer antlers leaving the
beams for the tooth plates, in this way more combs could be made from one
antler. In time these B combs spread into the area in which A combs had
originated. They never completely replaced the A combs in that area but they
did become the predominant type in the tenth century. B combs are however
almost unknown in Norway. The combs found there in tenth-century graves
are of the A type (Th. Sjøvold 1974, p. 238).
A study of the different kinds of antler used in comb making at Birka leads to
some interesting conclusions. As already pointed out, elk antler is most
suitable for A combs, while red deer antler is best for B combs. The waste
material from comb making at Birka is however mostly elk. Two burrs of red
deer antler were found during the 1970-71 excavation of the Black Earth
harbour area (identified by Dr Elisabeth Iregren oi Statens historiska museum,
Stockholm) and these must have been imported; red deer did not live in the
Mälar region at that time (1. Ahlen 1964/65, fig. 2). It is, however, more
difficult to identify the type of antler used in complete combs. Elk appears to
have a less compact structure than red deer, but such structural differences
cannot be used with any confidence to distinguish kinds of antler because too
few identified samples of prehistoric antler have been examined structurally.
The difference between more or less compact structure needs to be defined in
some measurable way to avoid the danger of impressionistic identifications.
There is also the difficulty that the structure can vary in different parts of one
antler. It is however easier to recognise elk antler by the traces of the blood supply
that appear on old samples as dark threads that are clearly visible when
magnified 30-40 times (KAR, p. 108). Even though the method cannot be said
to have been sufficiently tested, it has been used as the basis for a study of the
combs found in the Black Earth of Birka, some from Stolpe's excavations and
some found in 197(V-1971. It should be noted incidentally that these figures show that the material
excavated by Stolpe was older than that from the graves. Two thirds of the
combs from the graves were B types while those found by Stolpe in the Black
Earth were mostly A combs.
It appears that, as might have been expected, most combs were made of elk
antler. The only types in which a large proportion were made of red deer
Table 2
Λ 1 A 2 Λ 3 B l : l Η 1 : 2 Β 1 : 3 Η 2 Η 3 l U
ΝΟ^γ ΝΟ^γ NO^/f Ν()% NO NO'Vf NO NO
r e d d e e r
a n t l e r 7 1 7 1 1 1 9 2 7 4 1 5 9 4 5 3 4 3 1 5
e l k a n t l e r 3 4 S 3 4 6 8 1 2 8 9 3 2 3 8 5 1 1 5 5 4 5 7 1 3 1 0 0 4 1 0 0 1 8 9 5
NUMBER
7 0 -
6 0 -
5 0 -
40-
3 0 -
2 0 -
1 0 -
AJ A2 A3 BJ;I BÎ-2 BV3 82 8 3 8^
• ELK ANTLER | RED DEER ANTLER
Fig. 12 Diagram showing the use of elk and red deer antler in A and Β combs from
the Black Earth of Birka
antler, which was not locally available, were Β1:2 and Β1:3 even though their
total numbers were small. Hardly 20 % of the A2 combs were made of red deer
antler but they are more numerous than the Β 1:2 combs made from the same
material.
Most combs were made of elk and the question remains whether those made
of red deer antler were imported as finished objects or were made at Birka with
imported antler. Despite the discovery of some pieces that show that red deer
antlers were brought to Birka, it is difficult to believe that the demand can have
been so great that there was a need to import it in any quantity into an area
surrounded by elk forests. It is of course possible that different types were
preferred for different types of combs, but fig. 12 shows that, although red
deer antler may have been more suitable for B combs, it was possible to make
them from the locally available elk. The presence of this foreign antler at Birka
therefore requires a different explanation.
Other questions that also need to be considered concern the way A and B
combs spread over such a large area. There are three main possibilities:
I that they were objects of trade and were taken to the market places by
merchants
II that they were made locally, possibly from imported material under such
powerful influences that they were made to very similar patterns in widely
separated places
III that they were made by itinerant comb makers who worked and sold their
products at different places
If trade is the explanation for the distribution, the pattern must have been
that they were exported from the north in the ninth century but that in the
tenth the stream of commerce was reversed so that most combs were imported
into the north. It is in the first place most unlikely that such a highly developed
craft as was clearly flourishing in the north in the ninth century would have
been overwhelmed in such a manner in the tenth by combs imported from the
south of the Baltic.
More important, the discovery of comb making in so many places is an
argument against much long distance trade in combs. Evidence of comb
manufacture has been found in towns and market places throughout the whole
area in which these combs were current. The debris in these places shows that
A combs were made not only in areas where elk was locally available, for
example Staraja Ladoga (O. I. Davidan 1962), but also in Frisia, where it was
not (W. Hiibener 1953, p. 187). It has been asserted that A combs were not
made at Hedeby because no unfinished examples have been found there but in
fact no antler debris of any kind was found in the lower levels (I. Ulbricht 1978,
p. 132) and it is therefore possible that the comb making took place
somewhere outside the excavated area, which is indeed, only a small part of
the whole (cf. K. Schietzel 1975, fig. 1). Similarly, B combs were made
throughout the whole area in which they are found (cf. KAR, fig. 97).
Even if a large area could be supplied with combs from one market place it
seems most unlikely that combs from Birka were sold, for example, in Hedeby
or Staraja Ladoga. In most of the places shown in the map, fig. 13, almost the
only combs found at this time were A or B types, whether in graves or in
settlement debris. Other types were only exceptionally used. In all these places
there is also a large quantity of debris from comb making which shows that A
or B combs, or both, were being made and this suggests that the demand did
not lead to a large scale, long-distance trade in combs.
The most important places in which excavations have demonstrated comb
making are indicated in the map, fig. 13.
7. Sta raja Ladoga 2. Novgorod 3. Birka 4. Gdansk 5. Kolobrzeg 6. Wollin 7. Stettin 8. Menzlin 9. Hedeby
10. Ribe 7 7. Århus 12. Dorestad 13. Southampton 14. York 15. Dublin
Fig. 13 Main places with evidence of comb production in the late iron age
Combs were also made, on a small scale, in many other places. Two of these,
Ystad (16) and Paviken (17) are included on this map because they are
discussed below.
The debris is in most cases spread among levels of settlement and working
places have rarely been certainly identified. At Kolobrzeg c. 1700 pieces of
debris from comb making were found associated with a wattle hut (E.
Cnotliwy 1956, p. 177) and at Staraja Ladoga concentrations of debris were
found in several of the wooden houses that have been excavated (O. I.
Davidan 1977, fig. 1 ). Traces of comb making have also been found elsewhere.
At Ystad in Skåne, which was a coastal settlement occupied in the Vendel and
Viking periods, in addition to bone and antler objects, burrs and sawn tines of
red deer antler indicate that, among other things, combs were made there (M.
Strömberg 1978, fig. 29). Some of this material was found in pit-houses but
none of them seems to have been a specialised comb maker's workshop
containingonly antler debris (op. cit . p. 45). The combs found at Ystad were of
A and B types, as elsewhere in the area of fig. 13 (op. cit . fig. 25, 26).
Paviken on Gotland should also be mentioned as a site with comb making
debris. It is true that very few antler fragments were found to demonstrate this
but there are enough, taken together with the completed B combs found there.
|12 6 - 8
to suggest that a comb maker visited this harbour and trading place in the
Viking period as well as a bronze smith and a bead maker (P. Lundström 1974,
p. 87).
None of these sites has been completely excavated and it is, of course,
possible that more comprehensive investigations would reveal more evidence
of comb making. The discoveries made so far at least indicate a minimum of
comb making activity although there may in fact have been a lot more.
Despite the fact that combs were made in many places, the finished products
show a remarkable consistency throughout a very large area stretching from
Staraja Ladoga in the east to Dublin in the west, a distance of more than 2500
kilometers as the crow flies. If the similarities in the shape and decoration of
combs do not depend on their production in a small number of centres, and
distribution by traders, they must imply either that local craftsmen were
induced to copy combs made by other craftsmen, or that the comb makers
were themselves itinerant.
Conditions for the comb maker's work There are two possible main hypotheses about the way comb makers
worked:
1
Local comb makers, settled in market
places, from which they supplied the
people of the area with combs and,
possibly, other objects made of antler
and bone, who
• if they were specialised workers
must have had an even spread of
support throughout the year within
their areas,
and who • should have left concentrations of
debris because they had permanent
workshops whether or not they wor
ked all the year, and
• either bought their raw material
from the local population or import
ed it.
2
Itinerant comb makers, travelling
between markets where they knew
that many people would gather, who
• by going from market to market
were able to spread their production
and support through the year,
and who
• because they only worked for a
short time in each place did not leave
large concentrations of debris, and
• largely worked with local material,
brought by locals to the market.
In either case the comb makers can have been either specialists or general
craftsmen who made other things as well as combs.
Ulbricht has maintained that too little comb making debris was found at
Hedeby to represent the full t ime employment of a craftsmen and that he must
therefore have earned his living by doing something else. As she cannot
determine what that other activity was, she is unwilling to call the comb maker
a craftsman ( 1978, p. 138). She interprets the fact that no special areas of comb
making debris were located at Hedeby as confirmation of her theory that the
comb maker was not a specialist. She starts with the assumption that the comb
maker was a permanent resident at Hedeby. If however he was only there for
certain periods of the year it would be easier to understand why, to judge by
the debris, only about 15 combs were made in a year. It would also explain why
there was no special comb making quarter and the debris was spread widely
over the excavated area, except in the lowest level where, in general, no antler
was found either as debris or in the form of complete objects.
Whether comb makers worked full or part time is obviously relevant to the
question whether they were specialised craftsmen, and it is therefore desirable
to examine the claim that a comb maker only made 15 combs a year. Ulbricht
( 1978, p. 118) determined the number of combs made by means of the sawn off
parts of tooth plates, that is the pieces that protruded above the connecting
plates when the comb was assembled and were then cut off (cf. KAR, p. 154).
She considers that these provide a more reliable basis than TempeTs use of the
burrs (W.-D. Tempel 1972). Counting burrs means, of course, also counting
antlers that were used for other purposes than combs, and one should also take
account of parts that were thrown away because of some fault in the making.
The fact that the sawing off of the protruding parts of tooth plates was one of
the last stages in making a comb means that they are more likely to represent
finished combs than the burrs.
In order to work out the number of combs that were made it is necessary to
divide the total number of tooth plates by the number needed for a comb.
Ulbricht claims that the weakest point in her calculation is that the number of
tooth plates per comb can vary, but a more serious weakness seems to lie in the
small sawn pieces themselves. One cannot, in the first place, assume that all of
them protruded so far that they had to be sawn off; smaller corners could more
easily be removed with a rasp, a tool that comb makers certainly had. What is
more, the sawn off pieces are so small that on grounds of both preservation and
recovery by excavation they must be considered an unreliable starting point.
This is confirmed by the material from Ribe where the number of sawn tooth
plate fragments indicates the making of at most 10 combs, while other finds
show a significantly larger production (KAR, p. 155). Experiments have
shown that it is possible to make three or four B combs from one red deer
antler as well as some playing pieces and handles. In calculating the number of
combs it seems better to start from the possibility of making at least three
combs from one antler than to rely on the sawn pieces of tooth plates that have
been recovered.
It is, unfortunately, not absolutely clear how many burrs have been found at
Hedeby. Ulbricht states that the number varied from ()-752 in the different
excavated squares (1978, p. 100) and from her histogram (diagram 77) it is
possible to calculate that at least 2000 were found in the latest excavations,
suggesting a much larger number of combs than is implied by the sawn tooth
plates. According to Tempel (1972, p. 221 ) 3390 burrs were found in 196Φ-65,
making a total of well over 5000 antlers, from which at least 15,000 combs
could have been made, that is some 75 a year for the two centuries of Hedeby's
existence.
Another method of calculating the scale of comb production from excavated
debris has recently been proposed by A. Christophersen (1980). In one early
medieval waste pit at Lund a large quantity of debris from comb making,
including raw material and unfinished pieces, was found, and it has been
interpreted as a closed find, all deposited in the pit at the same time.
Christophersen assumes that a normal, fully grown red deer had a pair of
antlers that were each long enough to yield at least a metre of usable material.
He then calculates that, by cutting a metre of such antler into 28 sections it
would be possible to make about 120 tooth plates corresponding to 18 combs,
each with six tooth plates (fig. 14:1). Alternatively, the same length of antler
could, he claims, be cut into 6 blocks from which 60 connecting plates, could be
cut, enough for 30 combs (fig. 14:2). On this basis he has concluded that the 16
burrs found in the pit at Lund are evidence for the production of between 150
and 200 combs. The pit also contained 611 triangular cores corresponding to
the same number of tooth plates and these, at 6 tooth plates per comb, indicate
102 combs.
Christophersen's calculation of the amount that can be taken from one antler must be considered very optimistic. He has taken as his starting point the largest fossil antlers known in Denmark or Sweden, with a length of 110 cms, and although allowing that some 30-40 % of the beam would have to be discarded for various reasons, he assumes that the larger tines would compensate for this loss. The tines are, however, significantly thinner than the beam and as they cannot be split more than once they yield far less useable material. Even with the largest antlers it is not reasonable to treat the beam as a cylinder of hard and useable material. Neither beam nor tines are consistently cylindrical, but are often twisted and curved, making it impossible to cut them into 3,6 cm long pieces and expect every block to be useable. What is more, large sections of the antler in the crown and where tines and beam meet are not useable, as Christophersen himself recognises in his figure 7. It should also be pointed out that the debris from prehistoric sites shows that antler was not cut to the exact lengths needed for connecting or tooth plates. It
1 2 3
Fig. 14:1-2 Representation of Α. Christophersen's calculation of the number of tooth and connecting plates that can be made from a metre of antler
Fig. 14:3 Drawing of an antler with the unuseable parts shaded. Based on debris found by excavation
is true that the 611 pieces of porous core found in the pit imply larger number of combs than could, on my calculation of 3 per antler, have been made from the 16 antlers represented by burrs in the same pit. But the fact that the material in the pit has been interpreted as a closed find does not mean that it was the entire waste from one workshop, for the comb maker could well have deposited a similar quantity of debris elsewhere, nor is it either necessary or reasonable to assume, when calculating the number of combs made, that the 611 pieces of core and the 16 burrs correspond. Christophersen's calculations are, in any case, inapplicable to prehistoric material. The connecting plates of A combs are at least 2 cm broad, much larger than the 1.4 cm allowed in the
Lund estimate, quite apart from the need to allow some margin for working.
The ealeulation made by Tempel (fig. 15) is a more reasonable basis and agrees well with my own experiment in comb making (KAR, p. 112).
This showed that large parts of the antler had to be thrown away beca use the porous core in curved or twisted sections, of which there are a large number, made it impossible to obtain the straight pieces of compact antler needed (cf. fig. 15:3). An objection to Temple's scheme, which does not however affect the number of combs that can be obtained from an antler, is that the diameter of the tines is often too small to allow tooth plates to be cut from them. They are however suitable for making the connecting plates of B combs.
The prehistoric material shows that 3 or 4 combs could be made from each antler, and even if the medieval connecting plates were smaller making it
S Connecting plates
T Tooth plates
lor: I I Compact antler.
• Porous core.
Fig. 15:1-2 Estimations made by Tempel ( 1972, abb. 1 ) of the number of combs that can be made from a red deer antler
Fig. 15:3 Section of a red deer antler showing the compact material and the porous core
possible to produce more from one antler, the figure of 15 combs per antler proposed by Christophersen seems too high.
In deciding whether the comb maker worked full t ime it is necessary not only to consider how many combs he produced but also how long it took to make each one. Christophersen (1980, p. 164) claims, on the basis of a Danish experiment, that a comb can be made in three hours. The attempt reported below (KAR, pp. 103 ff.) showed that it was a day's work for an unskilled worker with an effective vice and modern tools to make one comb from red deer antler. A skilled worker could certainly have done it faster but in my experiment we omitted the final, and most time consuming operation, the rounding and pointing of the teeth, very necessary if the comb was to be used on hair (cf. fig. 16).
Fig. 16 Unsharpened and sharpened comb teeth, c. 2:1
My comb was moreover undecorated and it would have taken time to ornament it . In the Danish experiment ( R. Theiltoft 1977) a longtoothed comb (a so-called weaving comb) and a composite double-sided comb were made. The tooth plates of the latter came from the metacarpal of a cow and the connecting plates from a rib. Bone requires less work because it is easier to saw flat tooth plates from a metacarpal which is not so twisted as antler can often be, nor does it have such a round cross section. By using the flatter part of the bone it is possible to make broader tooth plates, fewer of these being needed for a comb than if made from red deer antler. The rib bone already has a curved profile in cross section and only needs splitting and cutting to the required lengths, and polishing, to make the short, straight connecting plates used in the double-sided comb. The time taken to make the Danish comb from
Fig. 17 Diagram showing a method of split t ing a section of a cow's metacarpus to make tooth
plates. From R. Theiltoft 1977
bone cannot be compared with the more complicated types made of antler. It is not clear whether the Danish combs were decorated, and that would require a variable length of time depending on whether the decoration was of simple lines or dot and circles or the more elaborate and time consuming plaited ornament.
For a comb maker working on his own the production of a comb must normally have been a day's work, although it is possible that he could make two much simpler combs in the same time. The craftsman's day was, moreover, not solely devoted to comb making for he presumably had to bargain with both customers and suppliers. Christophersen's proposed comb making time of 12 hours a day seems a little too high.
If, as Ulbricht calculated (1978, p. 119) 15 combs were made a year in Hedeby, that would require some 10-15 days work by a single craftsman. If, however, we base the calculation on the number of burrs found, that is c. 2000 in Ulbricht 's material and c. 3400 in TempeTs, in total c. 5400, the production would have been significantly higher, c. 75 combs a year, that is a full two month's work for a single craftsman. The largest concentration that can be interpreted as the gathered debris of a comb maker at Ribe, working in a limited period, contained burrs that correspond to 33 combs, that is 25-30 day's work (KAR, p. 155).
There has also been some discussion whether comb makers also made other things. Cnotliwy has claimed that in Poland there is evidence for specialised antler and bone working from the second half of the ninth century but that from the outset this craft was combined with amber working, and in Kolobrzeg large concentrations of antler were found with unworked amber (E. Cnotliwy 1956, p. 177). Similarly, at Staraja Ladoga antler waste was found together with amber, crucibles and moulds in wooden houses in the north eastern part of the excavated area (O.I. Davidan 1977, fig. 1). Hearths were found in all these houses and Davidan thought that they were not only workshops but also dwelling houses, and that the members of each household had a different craft. That amber was found mixed with antler debris at Kolobrzeg and Staraja Ladoga is hardly proof that the comb makers also worked with that material, although it seems very likely that they made other objects than combs from bone and antler. Even if all comb makers were not such superb craftsmen as the maker of the Cammin casket (H. Arbman 1945, p. 7 f.) working with antler required some degree of skill and those who made combs probably also made handles, spoons, needles, gaming pieces etc. This variety probably
Fig. 18 Comparison of the decoration of an A3 comb and an antler spoon. Both were found in the Black Earth of Birka, c. 2/3
depended less on his skill than on the fact that comb making left pieces ot antler, including burrs, that were ideal for making such things.
It is also possible to recognise the motifs of comb ornament and the techniques of their manufacture in other objects made of antler. Dot and circle decoration is found on handles and plates (H. Arbman 1940, Taf. 155, 166) as well as on gaming pieces (KAR, fig. 82) and there is an example of a handle decorated like a B 1 comb (H. Arbman 1940, Taf. 156:7). There are also examples of spoons from Birka decorated with plaited ornament of exactly the same kind as found on A 3 combs (fig. 18).
Comb makers could certainly make objects other than combs from antler and bone, but the debris from Ribe, Birka (K. Danielsson 1973 a, p. 53) and elsewhere proves that combs were the main things they made. The finished combs are high class handiwork, despite the difficulty of the material, and the fact that the same quality of craftsmanship is found universally strongly suggests that they were made by specialists rather than ordinary home craftsmen.
If the comb maker is recognised as a specialised craftsman who did not, to any significant extent, work on other kinds of antler objects and who did not work all the year round in any one place, the hypothesis that he was itinerant seems much stronger than the alternative, that he was locally based. I he fact that comb material from widely separated places has similar forms and decoration further strengthens the argument that a limited number of craftsmen travelled from place to place in order to make and sell their products. The debris from a year's work was thus scattered in many different places. The question remains, however, how large was each comb maker's area?
^ Main places for combproduction ( c f F i g U )
iiil Distribution of A-combs.
^ β
Fig. 19 Map showing possible contacts between different trading places
The places in which comb makers worked and that also reveal traces of other crafts appear, in the main, to have been the large markets. These were unlikely to have developed by accident but were rather administered and protected by powerful individuals who could ensure the safety of merchants, craftsmen and other visitors (cf. J. Jensen 1979, pp. 216 ff.). Some markets like Distingen, were associated with t ing, but they must all have been regular occasions so that buyers and sellers knew when and where to meet.
Although the common comb types recur through a very large area, it is unnecessary to suppose that every comb maker travelled to all the markets between Dublin and Staraja Ladoga. It is more likely that each one was active in a limited area that could well overlap with the territory or circuit of other comb makers. When these craftsmen met at markets they would naturally influence each other and in this way an individual craftsman could have some influence outside the area in which he himself operated. Whether a craftsman's range was large or small must have depended on the density of the population, that is the demand, rather than on any passion for travel on the part of the comb maker.
if such a specialised craftsman stayed in one place or only had a very limited circuit he must have had customers among the settled population of the area at
other times than the short periods in whieh the markets were held, tor he was ahnost certainly paid, at least in part, in such goods as food that he needed and that could hardly be stored for long periods between markets. As combs were durable and were also valued, there must have been a dearth of customers for the comb maker among the normal population of even such relatively large settlements as Birka. The craftsmen would therefore have had greater security if they sold their wares at times and in places they could be sure of finding a large number of people including some who gathered in order to buy or sell. Birka, for example, had a large hinterland. It has been calculated that in the Viking period there were some 2()(K) farms in the Mälar region (B. Ambrosiani 1970, p. 59) whose inhabitants did not go to a local market every week or even every month but probably visited the annual fair.
The fact that combs are so commonly found in Viking period graves suggests that most adults possessed one. Some idea of the demand for combs can be gained if it is assumed that the number of combs grew in proportion with the growth of population. Disregarding, for the moment, combs that were replaced because they were lost or broken, the number of new combs needed should, on the above assumption, correspond to the number removed from circulation by burial in graves, with the addition of those needed for any increase in the population. According to Hyenstrand ( 1974, p. 88) a death rate of four per cent at the end of the prehistoric period would have led to at least lOOO burials a year in the Mälar region. Assuming this applies to the period of Birka, and that 60 % of the population never reached adulthood, there would have been some 300 adult burials in the area every year. It is true that only 25 % of the Birka graves hitherto excavated contained combs, but they are more frequent in the other Viking age graves in the area. For the purpose of this calculation it may be taken that some 150 new combs would have been needed each year to replace those that were buried. To these must be added combs that were needed to replace lost and broken combs but they can to some extent be balanced by the improbability that all households bought combs every year at Birka. There are many obvious weaknesses in such estimates but an annual demand at Birka for 200-300 combs does not seem implausible.
It is also a figure that could represent a year's production but, if these 200-300 combs were sold during a relatively short market period they are unlikely to have been made by one man but rather correspond to what 10-15 comb makers could produce in about 14 days.
In populous areas markets could lie closer together and in the southern Baltic it appears that craftsmen had no need to travel great distances between markets. Hedeby probably served as a centre for craftsmen (fig. 19) and apparently had contacts in Jutland as well as along the coasts of the North Sea and the Baltic.
At present no trace of the manufacture of either A or B combs has been found in the Baltic States and it therefore appears that travellers to Staraja Ladoga must have gone there directly by sea, stopping at Birka and possibly also in Gotland (fig. 19). A place such as Ystad was certainly visited by comb
4 49
makers who also worked in the Menzhn-Gdansk region. Strömberg (1978, p. 46) has suggested that at Ystad, as in hirger phices at that time, eombs were made by itinerant workers who did not need a speciahsed workshop. If the craftsmen evidenced in Dubhn and York also visited Scandinavian markets, they must have done so via Jutland because English contacts across the Channel did not involve A or B combs and there is no evidence of comb making in Norway at that time, even though Norway, like Denmark, had close links across the North Sea during the Viking period.
In most of the places in which combs were made the debris is spread over the excavated area and it is not possible to identify specific workshops. If comb makers were not specialised craftsmen but more general workers, such as wood carvers or smiths, who were permanently settled and each made some 20 or 30 combs every year, there would have been clearer indications in the form of concentrations of debris. The itinerant comb maker, on the other hand, probably did not work in exactly the same spot every year and consequently left his antler shavings etc. in different heaps of waste. As already mentioned, at Staraja Ladoga antler concentrations are found in some of the wooden houses and it is possible that as no site has been completely investigated there are concentrations of similar debris associated with houses elsewhere. But until such evidence is found it appears that the difference between the widely spread debris at Hedeby and Ribe and the more permanent working places in Staraja Ladoga may indicate a certain regularity, even organisation, in the movements of the craftsmen.
The fact that at Hedeby and Ribe buildings do not seem to be associated with the activity of craftsmen may be because they visited those places at the warmer times of the year when they would have been content with simple shelters that have left no trace. At Ribe the working areas of such craftsmen as bead makers and bronze smiths were found, but no trace of any hut or house (M. Bencard et al. , 1979). If a comb maker had a stable working bench on which to deal with his material, and the necessary tools (cf. KAR, pp. 113 ff.) he could well have worked out of doors without any difficulty.
In contrast, anyone wishing to work or trade at Staraja Ladoga at any other time of the year than the summer would, thanks to the extreme climate, need some form of house, and in the winter months it would also have been essential to have had some form of heating, as would have been provided by the hearths found there (O.I. Davidan 1977, p. 101).
It may seem strange to hold markets at the most inhospitable time of the year but there were accompanying advantages. That such markets were indeed held is proved by the Uppsala Distingen, held annually when the first new moon after Twelfth Night was full, that is sometime between the 21 January and 19 February, and originally associated with the festival of Disa (J. Granlund 1958, col. 112ff.) Distingen is described by Glaus Magnus in his History of the Northern Peoples and he also notes in other connections that the northerners had a preference for holding markets on frozen lakes and waterways (1:19, 4:5, 4:6). The ice provided a large open site on which many
men could gather and winter was obviously the best time to attract the farmers of the neighbourhood.
Fig. 20 Picture from Olaus Magnus (4:6) illustrating the northern custom of holding markets on the ice
W I
Fig. 21 Aerial photograph of Birka from the south-west showing the wide extent of the ice compared with the limited space within the town itself. Photograph, B. Amhrosiani 1979. Reproduced by permission of Försvarsstaben
There are several indications that winter markets were held at Birka. ί he area within the walls was limited, about 7 hectares (70 ()()() m'), and was large enough for the permanent population which, to judge by the graves, numbered about 7()()-l()()() (B. Ambrosiani 1970, p. 62), but was hardly
adequate for additional craftsmen and visitors. Nor did the waterfront of the Black Earth have enough space for many boats. The ice, on the other hand, would provide ample space for merchants and other visitors together with their horses, sledges etc. The large number of ice skates found in the i^ack Earth confirms that travel over ice was normal.
Winter would also have been the best time of the year for transporting iron from the centres of production to places like t^irka where it could be sold, or further worked on and later sold to locals or to traders who returned when the ice melted and ships could again sail on Mälaren. The late autumn and early winter were also the best time for hunting or trapping squirrel and other fur bearing animals when their fur was thickest and finest (H. Yrwing 1970). It was at much the same time of year, that is in January, that the elk shed their antlers and it is therefore possible that the same men hunted squirrel and gathered antlers, both of which could be sold at market.
Most of the burrs of red deer antler found at Hedeby (Η. Reichstein 1969, p. 62) and Ribe (KAR, p. 99) came from antlers that had been shed naturally. This suggests that they were systematically gathered soon after the annual moult. The comb makers can hardly have gathered the material they needed for a year's work in the relatively short time that shed antler could be found in good condition, for voles and rats quickly attacked it. Olaus Magnus says that reindeer antler was delivered to the makers of bows and cross bows, and was eagerly sought by them in bartering (17:30). He also says that elk and deer antler belonged to those who found it but that it was no easier to do so than to 'see hinds calve or the wild ass bray in the salt desert ' (18:4). Antler was probably brought to markets by men who then sold it thus, in effect, enlarging the area from which a comb maker acquired his raw material.
In order to meet the supposed demand for 200-300 combs a year at Birka, some 75-100 antlers would have been needed, assuming that the same number of combs could be made from elk as from red deer antler, it is not unreasonable to suppose that fur hunters and other customers could have brought that quantity to the annual market.
In this way the comb makers were able to use local material in different places, but they presumably did not arrive, or travel, empty handed. This would explain the occurrence of a few pieces of red deer antler at Birka and of elk at Ribe (KAR, p. 98) and Hedeby (I. Ulbricht 1978, p. 107). There seems to be no reason to speak of antler imports to such places, as has been suggested for Hedeby (op. cit. p. 127). Had there been any significant trade in antler it would have left more substantial traces than finds that are only measurable in parts per thousand of the locally available antler. The occurrence of ' foreign' antler is therefore best explained by assuming that it was brought to the different centres by the comb makers themselves who otherwise mainly worked with local raw material.
Comb makers were probably not the only craftsmen who worked in this way with local materials. Bronze smiths, who can also be considered itinerant workers (H. Brinch Madsen, manuscript), were unlikely to have travelled through either settled or wild areas with their valuable metals. It would have been far safer for them to travel with no more than their tools and skill . When they reached a market place they could expect to be supplied with the old bronze ornaments, the silver coins and other valuables that they were to convert into new products.
Comb makers did not have to travel from place to place in order to obtain supplies of their raw material. If particular localities could supply the needs of several itinerant craftsmen, a permanently settled worker could have obtained all that he needed between the annual moulting seasons. The concentrations of debris, however,clearly show that comb makers, whether they worked at that craft full or part time, were not permanently settled anywhere. The completed combs also demonstrate that they were not made by local craftsman out of touch with a wider world. The fashion in combs cannot have been so powerful that comb makers in widely separated places like Hedeby, Birka and Staraja Ladoga, all worked in the same way and produced combs with such identical shapes and decoration. It is possible to argue that travelling merchants could have disseminated the different types and that they were then copied in many places, but such independent centres of production would inevitably have produced many local variants. The fact that the range of combs produced throughout this vast area was, except in Frisia, virtually identical proves that these local centres cannot have been so independent. The relatively small permanently settled populations in the market places can hardly have supported comb makers between market periods. Birka was occupied for 200 years and the graves so far excavated (about one third of the total) included 325 combs. Even if this figure is multiplied by ten to allow for the unexcavated graves and the combs that had to be replaced because they were lost or damaged, it would still amount to a demand for no more than about 15 combs a year. Such a demand could hardly support a comb maker and his family and we may reasonably suppose that once the market at Birka was over, the comb makers set out for other markets, and new groups of customers. The situation was however changing. The Viking period saw a very rapid growth in the number of settlements in the Malar region from c. 1000 in the Vendel period to about four times that number by the end of the eleventh century (B. Ambrosiani 1980 a, pp. 128 ff.). Such an expansion must have affected the circumstances of the different craftsmen.
i3efore the Viking period we know of no comb making sites on the scale of those discussed here. Even Ribe appears to be no earlier than the second half of the eighth century. Four phases have been recognised in the recent excavations (KAR, p. 94) and the sceattas found in all but the earliest of these indicate such a date (K. Bendixen, manuscript). The debris of bronze working shows that Berdal brooches were made there in phase 3, placing it firmly in the early Viking age. 10 of the 30 eighth-century sceattas were found either in phase 4 or in the disturbed level above it . Phase 4 also contained early
medieval material and it is doubtful if coins that are associated with debris that accumulated over such a long period can safely be used to determine whether the recently excavated activity at Ribe should be dated before or after the year 800.
Pre-Viking comb making does not even appear to have been concentrated in such early craft centres as \ lelgo and this suggests that the comb makers at that time led an even more itinerant life than their Viking age successors, travelling from settlement to settlement and leaving so little debris in each that it can very rarely be detected (KAR, p. 158). The fact that some of the oldest Birka combs were made of red deer antler shows that comb makers must then have had distant contacts, for they were using antler that must have been brought from a great distance, as well as the local elk. The proportion of Birka combs made of red deer antler grew with the earliest B combs but was later reduced to almost nothing. As red deer antler is, as already explained, particularly suitable for making B combs, the use of elk for such a large number of the younger B combs made at Birka may indicate that the comb makers then travelled less widely. This change was made possible by the growing population whose increased demand enabled the comb maker to support himself by working in a smaller area. To provide the necessary raw material the local elk antler was, little by little, supplemented by bone and, presumably, horn (KAR, p. 161). The relatively younger comb types, B2, B3, B4, apart from being in general very well made, are simpler, being decorated only with vertical lines or dot and circles, or they are entirely unornamented. Such combs can hardly be said to prove long distance contacts even though similar combs are found elsewhere.
At a later date, in Sigtuna, where the earliest combs correspond to the latest from Birka (B. Axelsson 1979), concentrations of debris have been found which appear to indicate a permanently settled comb maker (M. Douglas 1979). Comb makers seem, however, to have been very slow to form themselves into guilds. It was perhaps the continuing demand for antler combs that caused comb makers to persist in an itinerant life so that they could obtain this locally gathered raw material, long after other crafts had become permanently established in towns (KAR, p. 161).
Summary
Ihe chronology of Viking period combs is interesting because they were
everyday objects that were frequently used as grave goods. Dead women and
men were frequently buried with combs which, thanks to changing fashions in
their form and decoration can be regarded as rehable indicators of date.
Combs are, indeed, more rehable for this purpose than metal ornaments that
were not only durable but also valuable, and possibly also valued as heirlooms.
On the basis of the material from the Birka graves it has been possible to
distinguish nine different types of comb that can be placed in different, but
sometimes overlapping, chronological horizons (fig. 9). I he chronology
established for the Birka combs is shown to apply to other sites in which similar
combs are found (fig. 10). The early A combs (KAB, fig. 25-27) are shown to
be a direct development of Scandinavian Vendel period combs, and began
about A.D.800. At that time Frisian combs were of a different type and the
early A combs with dot and circle decoration were an innovation in that
region. Ihere is no evidence for the earlier view that these A combs were
originally Frisian. They spread from Scandinavia into the areas south of the
Baltic and the North Sea, and also to the Scandinavian settlements in the
British Isles (fig. 11:1). The younger B combs (KAB, fig. 28-33) originally
developed in areas in which red deer antler was available and in the tenth
century became the dominant type in Scandinavia, apart from Norway where
A combs continued to be used as grave goods (fig. 11:2). Certain types of B
combs continued into the eleventh century but with changing designs that were
probably due to the increased use of bone.
Combs found through the area from Staraja Ladoga in the east to Dublin in
the west show remarkably similar developments in both form and decoration,
clear evidence for close contacts within that region. Many places in which
combs were made have been discovered throughout the area (fig. 13) showing
that combs were not made in a few specialized centres and then distributed by
long distance trade, but that they were made in many localities. The small
quantities of comb making debris found in these places also shows that combs
were not made all the year round in any of them. The comb makers were
however clearly specialised craftsmen, combs were not made as a side line, and
the debris can therefore be interpreteted as the waste left by itinerant
craftsmen when they visited different markets. Like other craftsmen, comb
makers must have travelled to places in which regular markets were held and
where they knew that they would find customers. A permanently settled comb
maker could hardly have maintained himself throughout the year because the
permanent population in any one neighbourhood was too small. During
market periods the numbers would increase significantly but it is not possible
to equate, say, \5 comb makers working in a particular place tor 14 days with a
single worker resident all the year round. Hven it the comb maker could spend
the year producing combs for the eventual market, the selling must have been
concentrated to the market times. It does not seem likely that a craftsman
could have lived on what he earned in such short periods, not least because
much of what he earned must have been in the form of food and other goods
for consumption that could not easily be preserved.
Markets must have been held regularily at the same time every year, and
some were possibly associated with meetings of a iing. The lack of houses or
other constructions associated with the concentrations of debris and the
working places found at Hedeby and Ribe may mean that in those places the
markets were held in the warmer season of the year. But where the debris is
associated with substantial wooden houses, as at Staraja I.adoga, it may mean
that men worked there in the winter. Winter and ice markets are well
evidenced in such institutions as the Uppland Disting and in the work of Olaus
Magnus. At Birka there is much to suggest that winter markets were held, not
least because that was the best time of the year to move iron. There and
elsewhere it was also the time to hunt squirrel and other fur bearing animals,
and also to collect the shed antler that could be taken to the market.
rhe growing population towards the end of the Viking period made it
possible for comb makers to be less itinerant and the increased demand also
led to the use of other materials such as bone and horn, which may sometimes
have been used earlier. Combs are an excellent aid to the study of Viking
period craftsmanship because they were not luxuries but common objects.
They were a normal part of personal equipment and were often buried with
their owners. This makes it possible to establish correlations between the
combs themselves and the evidence for their manufacture.
The debris left by Viking comb makers also Fiiakes it possible to study the
development of this craft in the period before the growth of such towns as
Schleswig (Ulbricht 1980), Lund and Sigtuna in which more permanent
workshops can be recognised.
DIE KÄMME AUS BIRKA
Untersuchungen zum wikingerzeitlichen Kamm-
Material aus den Gräbern
Preprint from
ΒΙΚΚΛ 11:1
Einleitung
Aus den Schilderungen Ihn Fadians geht hervor, dass die Rus ihre Haare
jeden Morgen wuschen und kämmten. Die Gräberinventare der Wikingerzeit
geben zu erkennen, dass der Kamm zu Hause ebenso wichtig war wie auf den
Handelsfahrten, denn er stellt einen der häufigsten Gegenstandstypen in
sowohl Männer- als Frauengräbern dar.
In vielen Fällen kann der Kamm die einzig identifizierbare Beigabe sein,
und eine zeitliche Festlegung der einzelnen unterscheidbaren Kammtypen ist
natürlich von grosser Bedeutung. Obwohl das Kamm-Material gross ist, findet
man nämlich über weite Gebiete, von Dublin im Westen bis nach Staraja
Ladoga im Osten, Übereinstimmungen in Grösse und Verzierung der
Kämme.
Die Funde von Björkö (Birka) im Mälarsee (vgl. Abb. 22) sind das
umfangreichste wikingerzeitliche Material, das von ein und demselben Ort in
Schweden vorliegt, und eignen sich daher gut als Ausgangspunkt für eine
Studie über die Chronologie der wikingerzeitlichen Kämme. Unterlage dieser
Studie bilden die etwa 1100 von Hjalmar Stolpe in den Jahren 1874-79, 1881
und 1895 erforschten Gräber sowie in gewissem Umfang auch die Kämme, die
bei den Untersuchungen im Hafengebiet der Schwarzen Erde 1970-71 zum
Vorschein gekommen sind (B. Ambrosiani u.a. 1973).
Das Material umfasst Bruchstücke von 325 Kämmen aus 269 Gräbern und
verteilt sich auf die einzelnen Gräberfelder (vgl. Abb. 1) wie folgt:
Anzahl Kämme/Anzahl Gräber
Hemlanden Ν der Burg innerhalb S und SÖ Grindsbacka
der Burg der Burg
250/206 17/15 1/1 53/43 4/4
Die vorliegende Arbeit hat also hauptsächlich das Ziel, eine Gruppenein
teilung der Kämme durchzuführen, die Verbreitung der Gruppen auf den
verschiedenen Gräberfeldern von Birka zu überprüfen und die Kammgruppen
zu datieren.
Gruppeneinteilung Sämtliche Kämme und Kammfragmente sind den Dreilagenkämmen mit
einseitiger Zahnreihe zuzurechnen; sie bestehen aus zwei Griffleisten,
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BJORKO Abb. 22 Karte des Bodendenkmalbezirks auf Björkö Fig. 22 Map of the main area of ancient monuments at Björkö
zwischen denen eine wechselnde Anzahl von Zahnplatten mit Hilfe von Eisen
oder Bronzenieten festgehalten wird (Abb. 23). Während des Mittelalters
findet man im Norden auch doppelseitig gezähnte Kämme, die häufig eine
gröbere und eine feinere Zahnreihe aufweisen (Abb. 23:1).
Mit Ausnahme von zwei Kämmen mit bronzenen Griffleisten sind die
Kämme im Gräbermaterial von Birka aus Hirsch- oder Elchgeweih gefertigt.
In vereinzelten Fällen hat man für die Herstellung von Zahnplatten vielleicht
^ ^ κ
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Abb. 23 Dreilagenkamm mit ein- und zweiseitiger Zahnreihe Fig. 23 Composite single and double comb
auch Knochen verwendet.
Bei der Definition von Kammgruppen hat sich vielen Forschern, die
wikingerzeitliches Kamm-Material bearbeiteten, die Form der Griffleisten als
naheliegendes Einteilungsprinzip angeboten.
So fasst etwa FI.J. Madsen (1971, s. 143) die Dreilagenkämme mit
einseitiger Zahnreihe in drei Gruppen zusammen: "Enkeltkammer med brede
flade skinner, enkeltkammer med smalle afrundede skinner og enkeltkammer
med kantede skinner' ' .
W.-D. Tempel (1972) unterscheidet Kämme des 9. Jahrhunderts "mit
breiten, flachgewölbten Griffleisten" von Kämmen des 10. Jahrhunderts "mit
schmalen, dicken Griffleisten".
O. Davidan (1962) gliedert die Kämme von Staraja Ladoga in zwei
Gruppen: (übersetzt) grosse, elegante Kämme mit breiten Griffleisten und
Kämme mit schmalen, dicken Griffleisten.
In einer früheren Arbeit (K. Danielsson 1973), in der ich die Kämme aus
I
Abb. 24 Illustration des Verhältnisses von Gritfleistenhöhe und Ciriffleistenbrei-
te Fig. 24 Relationship between the height and the breadth of connecting plates
dem Hafenbereich der Schwarzen Erde von Birka behandelt habe, wurden
nach dem Verhältnis von Höhe zu Breite des Griffleistenquerschnittes zwei
Gruppen herausgestellt .
Als plankonvex wurde der Querschnitt bezeichnet, wenn Höhe/Breite der
Griffleisten 3,5 überschritt (Abb. 24 oben), lag das Verhältnis von Höhe/
Breite dagegen unter 3,5, wurde der Querschnitt als rundgewölbt bezeichnet
(Abb. 24 unten).
Es zeigte sich, dass die an verschiedenen Stellen der Griffleisten vorgenom
menen Messungen annähernd das gleiche Resultat für die Proportionen ihrer
Querschnitte ergaben, wodurch es möglich war, diese Indexzahlen auch für
fragmentarische Kämme anzuwenden.
In gleicher Weise scheint das Verhältnis nicht dadurch beeinflusst zu
werden, ob die Kämme verbrannt sind oder nicht, was im Hinblick darauf,
dass ein beträchtlicher Teil der Funde Brandgräbern entstammt, von grosser
Bedeutung ist.
Neben dem bereits erwähnten chronologischen Aspekt ist es denkbar, dass
die Formgebung der Griffleisten von der Wahl des Rohmaterials abhängig
gewesen ist. Unter den Abfällen aus der Schwarzen Erde befindet sich sowohl
Elch- als auch Hirschgeweih, von denen das letztere importiert sein muss.
Arbeiten sind im Gange mit dem Ziel, eine Methode zu entwickeln, mit deren
Hilfe an fertigen Kämmen entschieden werden kann, welches Tier das
Ausgangsmaterial geliefert hat; es ist daher gegenwärtig nicht möglich, das
Rohmaterial für eine Gliederung der Kämme zu verwenden.
Was sich hingegen als Einteilungsgrundlage für Kammfunde anbieten
müsste, ist die Verzierung der Kämme, auf die sich auch die nachstehend
vorgelegten Gruppen stützen.
Es erweist sich im folgenden, dass zwischen Kämmen mit einem plankon
vexen Querschnitt und der Verzierungsgruppe A sowie zwischen Kämmen mit
rundgewölbtem Querschnitt und der Verzierungsgruppe B ein Zusammen
hang besteht, ansonsten jedoch hat die Kammform auf die Typeneinteilung
keinen Einfluss.
Bei der Bearbeitung eines solch fragmentarischen Materials kann eine
Zuweisung zu den einzelnen Gruppen bisweilen schwierig sein. Ein unver-
ziertes Kammbruchstück besagt nicht zwangsläufig, dass der Kamm in seiner
Gesamtheit unverziert gewesen ist; wo indessen eine Unsicherheit bestand,
habe ich mich zur Verwendung von ad-Gruppen entschlossen (M.P. Malmer
1962, S. 10), damit das Exemplar in der Gesamtsumme berücksichtigt werden
konnte.
A Kämme mit einer Griffleistenverzierung aus randparallelen Linien
Diese Gruppe zerfällt wiederum in drei Untergruppen
AI Griffleisten, die nur randparallele Linien oder randparallele Linien und
vertikale Striche aufweisen (Abb. 25)
A2 Griffleisten mit randparallelen Linien und einer Punktkreisverzierung
(Abb. 26)
A3 Griffleisten mit randparallelen Linien und Flechtband (Abb. 27)
B Kämme ohne randparallele Linien
Diese Gruppe umfasst vier Untergruppen, von denen B1 drei Varianten
hat. B1 Griffleisten mit Rautenornament.
Variante Bl:l Griffleisten, auf denen eme oder mehrere parallele Linien andere einmal kreuzen (Abb. 28)
Variante Bl:2 Griffleisten, auf denen eine oder mehrere parallele Linien
andere mehr als einmal kreuzen (Abb. 29)
Variante BI:3 Griffleisten, auf denen eine oder mehrere winkelförmige
Linien andere winkelförmige Linien kreuzen (Abb. 30)
B2 Griffleisten nur mit vertikaler Linienverzierung (Abb. 31)
B3 Griffleisten nur mit Punktkreisverzierung (Abb. 32)
84 Völlig unverzierte Griffleisten (Abb. 33)
Abb. 2S Kammgruppe Bl:l Fig. 28 Comb type Bl:l
Abb. 29 Kammgruppe 81:2 Fig. 29 Comb type 81:2
TTTTf • : j . i -1^ ,
' f' 1^1 '# Γ'•»Irå il 1 • . ,1-: .4tl:
Abb. 30 Kammgruppe 81:3 Fig. 30 Comb type 81:3
Kammgruppe 82 Abb. 31 Fig. 31 Comb type 82
Abb. 32 Kammgruppe 83 Fig. 32 Comb tvpe 83
Abb. 33 Kammgruppe 84 Fig. 33 Comb type 84
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5 65
Neben den in Gruppen erfassten 259 Kämmen oder Kammfragmenten
liegen noch 10 Kammbruchstücke vor, die keine Einordnung zulassen. Sie
sind auch nicht einheitlich genug, um die Aussonderung weiterer Gruppen zu
motivieren.
Dies bezieht sich auf die folgenden Kämme:
Tabelle 4
Grab. Nr.
Br. K. CT 9 Bronzeniet
Eisenniet
Index
24b X X 4,07
71 X X 2,39 94b X X 2,65
138 X X X 2,57
158 X X X 2,15 171 X X 3,0
177 X X 2,45 784 X 2,41
1021b X 2,57
1028 X X 3,07
Diese Kämme sind durchgehend innerhalb des Gräberfeldes in Hemlanden
angetroffen worden. Schliesslich sind noch Fragmente von weiteren 56 Kämmen vorhanden, bei
denen es sich vorwiegend um Zahnplatten oder abgebrochene Zähne handelt,
Fragmente, die für eine Bestimmung des Kammtyps, zu dem sie gehörten,
nicht herangezogen werden konnten.
Kammfutterale
Das Kammfutteral, das zum Schutz der Kammzähne diente, war oft mit einem
Ring versehen, der die Befestigung des Kammes am Gürtel ermöglichte.
Kämme ohne Futteral weisen im allgemeinen keine Aufhängevorrichtung
auf, und sicherlich wären die dünn gesägten Zähne beschädigt worden, hätte
man den Kamm nicht wie in Grab 1074 in einem Lederfutteral aufbe
wahrt.
Die Kammfutterale (Abb. 34) bestehen aus zwei Endplatten und vier
Griffleisten, von denen die unteren zumeist mit den Griffleisten das Kammes
identisch sind, allerdings nur an den Enden Nietlöcher besitzen. Die oberen
Futteralgriffleisten sind häufig etwas länger als die unteren und können einen
dreieckigen Querschnitt haben. Auch sie weisen ausschliesslich an den Enden
Nietlöcher auf, wo sie wie die unteren Griftleisten an den Endplatten befestigt
sind.
Die Kammgriffleisten sowie die oberen und unteren Futteralgriffleisten
pflegen die gleiche Ornamentik zu tragen.
Aus den Gräbern von Birka sind 18 vollständige oder fragmentarische
Kammfutterale geborgen worden. Sämtliche in einem Futterale aufbewahrten
Kämme sind wie die Griffleisten ihrer Futterale der Gruppe B entsprechend
verziert. Auch der Index der Griffleisten schliesst an den der übrigen
B-Kämme an.
Kämme mit Futteral oder Futteralbruchstücke sind aus folgenden Gräbern
überliefert: Bj. 74, 112A, 115, 128, 154, 359, 268, 376B, 496, 793, 830, 900,
955, 1040, 1051, 1052, 1053 und 1070.
Q o O O û O'
Abb. 34 Kammfutteral Fig. 34 Comb case
' 'Pferdekämme' '
Die sog. "Pferdekämme" (Abb. 35) sind in Birka mit vier Exemplaren
vertreten. Sie sind erheblich grösser als andere Kämme (16-19 cm lang),
stimmen in der Ornamentik jedoch weitgehend mit den übrigen Kämmen
überein. Ihre Grösse und gröbere Zähnung legen die Annahme nahe, dass sie
am ehesten als Tierkämme Verwendung gefunden haben.
Drei der Kämme sind auf dem Rücken mit einer AutTiängevorrichtung
versehen. Diese Stücke stammen aus Männergräbern, die ferner Reitzeug
verschiedener Art geliefert haben (Bj. 628, 644 und 944). Der vierte Kamm unterscheidet sich nicht nur durch die fehlende
Aufhängevorrichtung, sondern auch durch die abweichende Verzierung mit
einem Hexagonalgitter, wie es ähnlich auf dem Kamm aus Bj. 784 zu finden
ist. Er kommt aus Grab 854, einem reich ausgestatteten Frauengrab, das
indessen keine weiteren Funde enthielt, die mit Pferden zu verknüpfen
wären. In den beiden Gräbern Bj. 628 und 944 (siehe unten) war jeweils noch ein
Kamm von "Normalgrösse" vorhanden.
Kämme mit bronzenen Griffleisten
Aus den Gräbern von Birka liegen zwei Kämme vor, deren Griffleisten aus
Bronze bestehen, während die Zahnplatten aus Geweih oder Knochen
gefertigt sind (Bj. 944 und 1074).
Der in Grab 1074 gefundene Kamm steckte, wie bereits erwähnt, in einem
Lederfutteral. Er trägt im Gegensatz zu dem vergoldeten, mit Bandgeflecht
geschmückten Exemplar aus Grab 944 (Abb. 36) keine Verzierung.
Ein ähnliches Stück wurde in einem Frauengrab von Ihre, Ksp. Hellvi, auf
Gotland angetroffen, das in das ausgehende 9. - frühe 10. Jahrhundert datiert
wird (H. Jankuhn 1953, S. 41).
Die Bronzekämme von Birka und Gotland finden Entsprechungen in
Friesland und in Haithabu. An letzterem Ort sind auch Gussformen für
Abb. 36 Der Kamm mit bronzenen Griffleisten aus Grab 944. Birka Fie. 36 The comb with connecting plates of bronze from grave 944. Birka
Griffleisten zum Vorschein gekommen, weshalb man das Herstellungszent
rum dieses Kammtyps in Haithabu vermutet hat (H. Jankuhn 1953, S. 37 f.) Ein Fehlen von Gussformen an anderen Plätzen besagt allerdings nicht, dass
solche Kämme nicht auch dort gefertigt worden sein können; man kann
feststellen, dass die Bronzekämme trotz ihrer beschränkten Anzahl eine weite
geographische Verbreitung haben. Auch in Staraja Ladoga ist in einer Schicht des 10. Jahrhunderts eine
bronzene Griffleiste gefunden worden, deren Flechtbandornamentik mit der des Kammes in Grab 944 verglichen werden kann. (Freundliche Mitteilung
von Frau Doktor Olga Davidan.)
Indexwerte der Griffleisten
An sämtlichen Griffleisten wurden - mit Ausnahme weniger, allzu schlecht
erhaltener Stücke - Messungen vorgenommen und der Index nach dem auf
S. 61 dargelegten Prinzip ermittelt . Aus dem Ergebnis (Abb. 37) geht hervor, dass Griffleisten der Gruppe A
hauptsächlich bei der 3,5-Linie erscheinen, die einen Index über 3,5 anzeigt,
während Griffleisten der Gruppe B einen Index unter 3.5 besitzen. Man kann
demnach konstatieren, dass die randparallelen Linien, die fur die Gruppe A
kennzeichnend sind, an Kämme mit einem plankonvexen Griffleistenquer
schnitt gebunden sind, und die verschiedenen Varianten der Gruppe B auf
Kämmen mit einem rundgewölbten Griffleistenquerschnitt vorkommen (vgl.
K. Danielsson 1973, S. 40). Dies ist auch an den Mittelwerten der für die einzelnen Kammgruppen
gewonnenen Indexzahlen in Tab. 1 abzulesen, die sich für A1-3 zwischen
4 (M 9 und für Bl-i zwischen 2,69 und 2,92 bewegen: A2 (4,9), AI (4,66) A3
(4,0). 'B3 (2,92). B2 (2.82), Bl:l (2,81), Bl:3 (2,75). B4 (2.72) und Bl:2
(2.69). Die einzigen A-Kämme. deren Index 3,5 unterschreitet, sind zwei
χ: φ ς
1< <i - 3 - «
• •
Μ Μ Φ r-> ΓΜ
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Abb. 37 Diagramm, dass zeigt, dass die wie A verzierten Griffleisten einen Index über 3,5, die Griffleisten mit einer B-Ornamentik dagegen einen Index unter 3,5 besitzen
Fig. 37 Diagram demonstrating that the connecting plates of A combs are more shallow than those of B combs. The diagonal line represents the ratio of 1:3,5
Exemplare der Untergruppe A3. Unter den B-Kämmen weisen acht Stück,
d.h. 4 %, einen Index über 3,5 auf.
Niete
An 126 A- und B-Kämmen waren noch Niete aus entweder Bronze oder Eisen
erhalten. Auf gleiche Weise wie an den Kämmen aus dem Hafenbereich der
Schwarzen Erde beobachtet werden konnte (K. Danielsson 1973, S. 42), dass
sämtliche Exemplare mit Konturlinienverzierung und plankonvexem Griff-
ieistenquerschnitt mittels Eisennieten zusammengesetzt waren, traten auch an
den A-Kämmen der Grabinventare zum grössten Teil Eisenniete auf.
Dagegen findet man an B-Kämmen vorwiegend Bronzeniete. Der einzige
A-Kamm mit Bronzenieten ist ein A3-Kamm, dessen Index den Grenzwert für
rundgewölbte Griffleisten tangiert.
Wenn es auch nicht ebenso eindeutig ist wie die Kombination Ornamentik-
Griftleistenform, scheint es doch möglich, zu diesen Elementen noch das
Material der Nieten zu fügen:
Ornamentik Al-3 + Index>3,5 -l· Eisenniete
Ornamentik Bl-4 -f Index<3,5 -f Bronzeniete
Drei der Kämme waren sowohl mit Eisen- als auch mit Bronzenieten
zusammengesetzt. Von diesen gehören zwei der Untergruppe B2 und einer
der Untergruppe B4 an.
Verteilung der Gruppen auf Brand-und Körpergräber
Von den Kämmen der Gruppen A und B mit ihren verschiedenen Varianten
stammen 217 aus Brand- und nur 42 aus Körpergräbern. Diese Zahlen sind
insofern bemerkenswert, als auf Björkö etwa ebensoviel Körper- wie
Brandgräber erforscht sind (527 Körpergräber und 560 Brandgräber). Da
einige der in Körpergräbern angetroffenen Kämme sehr schlecht erhalten
waren, liegt es nahe, ihre niedrige Frequenz in diesen Gräbern als das Resultat
ungünstigerer Erhaltungsbedingungen für unverbranntes Knochen- und
Geweihmaterial zu betrachten. Es ist indessen festzustellen (vgl. Tab. 1), dass lediglich drei der
66 A-Käinme in Körpergräbern zutage getreten sind. Für die F3-Kämme ergibt
sich ein etwas abweichendes Bild, das in Prozent ausgedrückt - folgender-
massen aussieht;
Bl;l Bl:2 Bl:3 B2 B3 B4 A + B-
Kämme
83 % 17
Brandgrab 66 Körpergrab 33
93 7
90 10
72 28
80 20
66 33
Obwohl die Brandgräber dominieren, findet sich doch ein Drittel aller B1:1-
und B4-Kämme in Körpergräbern, und auch die 82- und B3-Kämme sind
häufiger in Körpergräbern vertreten als der Durchschnitt sämtlicher Exemplare in den Gruppen A und B.
Da kein Anlass besteht zu vermuten, dass sich Kämme der Gruppen A und
B 1:2 in Körpergräbern schlechter erhalten sollten als Kämme der Gruppen
Bl:l und B4, dürfte das Fehlen der erstgenannten nicht mit der Frage der Erhaltung in Beziehung zu setzen sein.
Verteilung der Gruppen auf Männer· und Frauengräber
Bei der Hälfte aller mit Kämmen ausgestattenen Gräbern konnte das
Geschlecht des Bestatteten hauptsächlich mit Flilfe der Begleitfunde, in
einigen Fällen an Hand einer osteologischen Analyse, bestimmt werden;
danach entfallen 48 Kämme auf Männer- und 74 auf Frauengräber. Diese
Zahlen lassen keinen präzisen Rückschluss darauf zu, ob der Kamm als
Grabbeigabe bei Frauen beliebter war als bei Männern, zumal 137 Kämme aus
Gräbern vorliegen, bei denen das Geschlecht der in ihnen Bestatteten nicht
festzustellen ist. Ausserdem zeigt es sich, dass - vornehmlich unter den
Brandgräbern - allgemein gesehen mehr Gräber durch die Begleitfunde als Frauengräber ausgewiesen sind. Vor allem scheinen es die offenbar obliga
torischen Perlen in den sonst ' 'mageren' ' Gräbern zu sein, die eine
Überrepräsentation von Frauengräbern ergeben haben.
Das oben angezeigte Zahlenverhältnis von 48 zu 74 Kämmen entspricht
völlig der Tatsache, dass sich in Birka 419 Bestattungen auf 167 Männer- und
252 Frauengräber verteilen; dem daraus errechneten Verhältnis von 1:1,50
steht für die Männer- und Frauengräber mit Kamm ein Verhähnis von 1:1,54
gegenüber.
Al A2 A3 Bl:l Bl:2 Bl:3 B2 B3 B4 Futteral
1 4 3 6 11 10 5 8 5
σ" X 1, II 4.5 9 16.5 15 7.5 12 7.5
9 13 8 5 8 12 3 12 1 12
Vor diesem Flintergrund erscheint es bemerkenswert, dass von insgesamt 13
Kämmen der Variante B 1:3 allein 10 in Männergräbern vorkommen und dass
diese demnach als ein vorwiegend für Männer bestimmter Kammtyp
aufgefasst werden dürfen. Ebenso kann man an Fland der Funde feststellen,
dass die Kämme mit Futteral ausschliesslich in Männergräbern lagen. Wenn es
sich auch nur um 5 von 17 Gräbern handelt, ist es dennoch aufschlussreich,
dass in keinem einzigen Frauengrab ein Kammfutteral angetroffen worden
ist.
Die Verteilung der übrigen Kammtypen muss, wenn man von AI absieht,
im Flinblick auf die in der Geschlechtsbestimmung bestehende Unsicherheit
als relativ gleichartig betrachtet werden.
Für AI ergibt sich das Bild, dass 13 Exemplare aus Frauengräbern und
lediglich eines aus einem Männergrab stammen. Obgleich darüber hinaus
noch 13 Kämme dieser Untergruppe vorliegen, die keine Zuweisung zu einer
Männer- oder Frauenbestattung erlaubten, scheint doch diese Kammgruppe
in Frauengräbern am häufigsten aufzutreten.
Datierung der Kammgruppen Von den mit Kämmen der Untergruppe AI vergesellschafteten Objekten
seien genannt: ein im Greiftierstil verzierter Riemenendbeschlag in Grab
lüA; eine gleicharmige Fibel, Typ Taf. 79:3^ in Grab 134; eine gleicharmige
Fibel mit Greiftierornamentik in Grab 854 sowie zwei ovale Schalenspangen,
Ρ 51:B2, und ein im Jellingestil verzierter Bronzeanhänger in Grab 1084.
' Alle Tafelhinweise beziehen sich auf Arbman 1940
Zusammen mit Kämmen der Untergruppe A2 fand man in Grab 29 eine
gleicharmige Fibel des Typs Taf. 78-79, in Grab 208 drei Bronzebeschläge -
nach Arbman (1943, S. 83) aus der frühen Wikingerzeit - mit Reminiszenzen
an Stil III, und in Grab 212 eine ovale Schalenspange, Ρ 42.
A3-Kämme wurden in Grab 39B zusammen mit einer Schalenspange vom
Typ Ρ 51A sowie mit einer angelsächsischen Münze und Scherben eines
gläsernen Trichterbechers angetroffen. Arbman (1937, S. 37) gibt eine
Datierung in die Zeit um 900 oder den Anfang des 10. Jahrhunderts an. In
Grab 127 befand sich u.a. eine ovale Schalenspange vom Typ Taf. 66:1, und in
Grab 175 gab es eine Taf. 44:6 vergleichbare Ringnadel; das dort abgebildete
Exemplar kommt aus Grab 1076, das von Arbman in Birka III (A. Geijer
1938, S. 174) dem 10. Jahrhundert zugewiesen wird. Wie Grab 398 gehört auch
Grab 348 nach Arbman (1937, S. 37) der Zeit um 900 oder dem 10.
Jahrhundert an. Es ist natürlich schwierig, aus der geringen Zahl dieser zu Datierungs
zwecken anwendbaren Fundkombinationen weitreichende Schlüsse zu zie
hen. Doch lassen sich Hinweise finden, dass die Gruppe A ein vergleichsweise
altertümliches Gepräge hat, wobei A3 wiederum am jüngsten zu sein
scheint.
Die grössere Zahl von Kämmen in Gruppe B ermöglicht es, auch eine
grössere Zahl von Gräbern zeitlich einzuordnen - allerdings muss der
überwiegende Teil der Gräber von den Fundkombinationen her gesehen
undatiert bleiben.
In vier Gräbern mit Bl:l-Kämmen waren Münzen vertreten: in Grab 29
eine umaijadische Kalifenmünze von 710/11 n. Chr., in Grab 496 ein um 900
oder zu Beginn des 10. Jahrhunderts geprägter samanidischer Dirhem, in
Grab 991 zwei arabische Dirhems, der eine von 893-912 n. Chr., der andere
unbestimmbar, und in Grab 944 ein arabischer Dirhem (nunmehr verschol
len).
In weiteren vier Gräbern (Bj. 60A, 824A, 978 sowie 1067) kamen
Ovalspangen der Typen Ρ 51 Bl-f-Dl und Ρ 52 vor. An Spangen fanden sich
ferner in Grab 151 eine gleicharmige Bronzefibel vom Typ Taf. 81:6 und in
Grab 923 zwei runde Bronzespangen, Taf. 71:9, 12.
In die jüngere Birkazeit weisen die Gräber 496 und 955 mit Wetzsteinen aus
Bandschiefer, Grab 944 mit einer Ringnadel, Taf. 51:1, sowie Grab 644.
12 von 13 datierbaren Gräbern mit Kämmen der Variante Bl:l sind nach
einer traditionellen Fundkombinationsdatierung eindeutig der jüngeren
Birkazeit zuzuordnen, während das 13. Grab (Bj. 29) mit einer gleicharmigen
Fibel, Typ Taf. 78-79, der älteren Birkazeit anzugehören scheint. Es
erbrachte neben dem Bl:l-Kamm noch ein Exemplar der Untergruppe
A2.
Was die Î31:2-Kämme anbetrifft , so sind aus zwei Gräbern (Bj. 187 und 581 )
Münzen des 10. Jahrhunderts überhefert. In fünf Gräbern (Bj. 127, 209, 214,
431 und 922) waren Ovalspangen der Typen Ρ 37:1, Ρ 51 Bl, Ρ 51 Dl und
Ρ 55:1 vorhanden. Gleieharmige Fibeln, Taf. 81:6 und 82:5, fanden sich in den
Gräbern 151 und 959, runde Bronzespangen, Taf. 71:9, 12, in Grab 923.
In Grab 217 gab es eine Gürtelschnalle sowie einen im Borrestil verzierten
Riemenendbeschlag, Taf. 87:3.
Insgesamt liegen 13 Gräber mit Bl:2-Kämmen vor, die sich in die jüngere
und drei, die sich in die ältere Birkazeit datieren lassen. Für die B1:3-Kämme
ist nur ein Fund mit einer Münze bezeugt; es handelt sich um einen Anfang des
10. Jahrhunderts gesprägten Dirhem in Grab 830. In die jüngere Birkazeit
gehören ferner Grab 110 mit einer runden Bronzespange, Taf. 70:9, Grab
112A mit einem Wetzstein aus Bandschiefer sowie Grab 127 mit einer
Ovalspange des Typs Taf. 66:1. Grab 229 enthielt eine im Borrestil verzierte
bronzene Gürtelschnalle, Taf. 87:2.
In acht der Gräber, in denen B2-Kämme gefunden worden sind (Bj. 13,465,
823, 964, 980, 1012, 1030 und 1062), kamen Ovalspangen vor, die an Hand der
Typen Ρ 51 Bl, Ρ 51 Dl, Ρ 51 Cl, C2 und C3 sowie Ρ 51 G der jüngeren
Birkazeit zuzuordnen sind.
In Grab 737 gab es zwei runde Bronzespangen, Taf. 70:13. Eine runde
Bronzespange trat auch in Grab 1035 auf, das ausserdem einen Wetzstein aus
Bandschiefer enthielt.
Die einzige Münzdatierung lieferte Grab 467A mit einer arabischen Münze,
die zwischen 893 und 903 n. Chr. geprägt ist.
Von den fünf Gräbern mit B3-Kämmen lassen sich zwei in die jüngere
Birkazeit datieren. Es handelt sich zum einen um Grab IIA, das ein von
Arbman (1937, S. 36) dem 10. Jahrhundert zugewiesenes Kindergrab
überlagerte, zum anderen um Grab 571 mit einer runden Bronzespange, Taf.
71:6.
In vier der Gräber mit B4-Kämmen kamen Münzen vor, deren Zeitstellung
die jüngere Birkazeit ist (Bj. 86, 495, 644 und 991).
In vier Gräbern befanden sich Ovalspangen (Bj. 77B, 543, 607 und 644), die
sich durch Typen wie Ρ 51 :C1, C3 sowie Ρ 52 ebenfalls in die jüngere Birkazeit
datieren lassen. Der gleichen Zeit gehören eine runde Bronzespange, Taf.
71:1, in Grab 24A und eine gleicharmige Bronzefibel, Taf. 82:1, in Grab 1105
an.
Grab IIA wurde bereits im Zusammenhang mit den Kämmen der
Untergruppe B3 besprochen, wo festgestellt wurde, dass es über einem Grab
angelegt war, das Arbman ins 10. Jahrhundert datiert hat. Das gleiche gilt für
Grab 73B, dessen E^randschicht teilweise ein Körpergrab aus dem 10.
Jahrhundert verdeckte.
In die Zeit um 900 datiert Arbman (1937, S. 92) schliesslich die Riemen
beschläge aus Grab 369.
Wie aus dieser Zusammenstellung hervorgeht, deuten die Datierungen der
unverzierten Kämme vom Typ B4 eindeutig auf die jüngere Birkazeit hin.
Die Fundkombinationsdatierungen bekräftigen das Bild, das im Hafenbe
reich der Schwarzen Erde (K. Danielsson 1973, S. 44) gewonnen werden
konnte; dort finden sich die Griffleisten mit plankonvexem Querschnitt -
ihnen entsprechen die Kämme der Gruppe A - vorwiegend in den unteren
Schichten, während die Griftleisten mit rundgewölbtem Querschnitt erstmalig
in Schichten aufzutreten scheinen, die dem Beginn der jüngeren Birkazeit
entsprechen (Abb. 38).
SCHICHT GRUPPE A GRUPPE B
M = Kamm/10 m^
Abb. 38 Verteilung der A- und B-Kämme auf die verschiedenen Schichten der Schwarzen Erde anhand der Untersuchung von 1970-1971
Fig. 38 Distributions of A and combs in the different levels of the excavation in the Black Earth from 1970-1971
So wie im Hafenbereich die älteren Kämme noch in geringem Umfang in
den oberen Schichten zu belegen sind, findet man auch in Grabinventaren der
jüngeren Birkazeit A-Kämme, obgleich sie in einem der älteren Birkazeit entsprechenden Milieu meistens heimisch sind.
Dass zwischen diesen beiden Gruppen keine scharfe chronologische Grenze
verläuft, geht u.a. daraus hervor, dass sie gelegentlich Seite an Seite im gleichen Grab vorkamen.
Sieht man von den Gräbern ab, in denen sich nach Ausweis der
unterschiedlich gezähnten Fundstücke mehr als ein Kamm befundet hat,
deren Gruppe jedoch nicht mehr festzustellen ist (Bj. 308, 335, 391 und 1040),
sowie von solchen Gräbern, die 'Tferdekämme" enthielten (Bj. 628, 854 und
944), so kennen wir 31 Gräber, die mehr als einen Kamm erbracht haben, der
einer der oben definierten Gruppen zugewiesen werden kann.
In sieben der Gräber waren die Kämme so miteinander kombiniert, dass
Exemplare der gleichen Untergruppe zusammenlagen. Mit Ausnahme des
Grabes 320, das zwei B2-Kämme lieferte, waren in den übrigen B1-Kämme
vorhanden (Bj. 151, 184, 326, 359, 715 und 917).
In weiteren neun Gräbern waren lediglich Kämme mit niedrigen Indexwer-
A 1 A 2 A 2 A 1 A 3 B1:2 1 2
B1:1 1 1 2 A3 2 B1:2 2 1 2 1 B1 3 1 1 1 B1;3 1 1 1 B1 1 1 1 1 2 8 2 1 1 2 83 1 83 1 82 1 1 2 8 4 1 2 2 84 1 2 2
T" CM η Γ OJ c? CM CO CM CM CO CO τCO CN
< < < Ύ— ω ω
τ-ω m m < < OÛ < m ω CÛ ω
Abb. 39 Kombinationen verschiedener Kammgruppen in Gräbern mit mehr als einem Kamm
Fig. 39 Combinations of Combs found together in graves
ten miteinander vergesellschaftet (Bj. IIA, 104, 128, 376B, 991, 10218, 1051
und 1153).
In keinem Falle trat mehr als ein A-Kamm im gleichen Grab auf, hingegen
kamen in 13 Gräbern A- und B-Kämme zusammen vor (Bj. 29, 31, 77, 106,
127, 154, 157:1, 208, 427, 429, 436, 628 und 1059). Diese von den
Kammfunden her gemischten Gräber haben auch unterschiedliche Datierung
en geliefert. Auf die ältere Birkazeit verweisen die bereits besprochenen
Gräber 29 und 208. In die jüngere Birkazeit datiert sind Grab 154 mit
orientalischen Bronzebeschlägen, Taf. 91:3, und ebenso Grab 157:1, das
gegenüber dem im gleichen Hügelgrab gelegenen und dem 10. Jahrhundert
zugewiesenen Körpergrab sekundär sein dürfte.
Nicht unerwartet sind von den A-Kämmen allein fünf A3-Exemplare, d.h.
ein Drittel aller Stücke dieser Gruppe, mit B-Kämmen kombiniert. Dieser
A3-Kamm mit randparalleler Linien- und Flechtbandornamentik muss, wie
bereits auf S. 75 dargelegt, als der jüngste der A-Kämme betrachtet
werden.
Aus den Matrizen (Abb. 39), von denen die linke das unstrukturierte
Ausgangsmaterial wiedergibt, geht hervor, dass der A2-Kamm am seltensten
mit den relativ jüngeren B-Kämmen zusammen auftritt . Als ein sehr früher
wikingerzeitlicher Typ erweist sich auch eine Variante des A2-Kammes, und
zwar das Exemplar, das als Verzierung ein mit Punktkreisen ausgeführtes
liegendes S trägt und in den unteren Schichten von Staraja Ladoga (O.
Davidan 1962), in den älteren Schichten von Haithabu (W.-D. Tempel 1970,
S. 36) sowie in der Schicht G im Hafenbereich der Schwarzen Erde (K.
Danielsson 1973, S. 45) gefunden worden ist.
A1 Β1·2 A2 A3 B2 84 B1:1
P27 P37;1 P42
P51 Al P51 Bl P51 B2 P51 Dl P51 CI P51 C2 P51 C3 P51 6 P52 P55:1
φ KOMBINATION ΚAMM / O V A L S P A N 6 E
Abb. 40 Kombination Kamm-Ovalspange. Chronologische Ordnung nach der ältesten Spange
Fig. 40 Combinations of combs found with oval brooches, arranged chronologically by the oldest brooch
Die A3-Kämme sind nicht nur, wie schon angeführt, am häufigsten mit
B-Kämmen vergesellschaftet, sie sind auch von den Fundkombinationen her
eher in den Übergang zur jüngeren Birkazeit als in die ältere zu datieren, der
im übrigen die Mehrzahl der A-Kämme anzugehören scheint. Hinzu kommt,
dass sie die durchschnittlich niedrigsten Indexwerte sämtlicher A-Kämme
haben (Mittel 4,0) und dass es gerade ein A3-Kamm ist, der als einziger
Vertreter der Gruppe A Bronzeniete aufweist - ein Tatbestand, der wie die
niedrigeren Indexwerte mit jüngeren Kämmen verknüpft werden kann.
Eine teilweise abweichende Abfolge ergibt sich für die verschiedenen
Varianten, wenn man die Kammgruppen an Hand der mit ihnen zusammen
angetroffenen ältesten Ovalspangen ordnet (Abb. 40, gemäss einer Durch
sicht der ovalen Schalenspangen Birkas durch Fil. kand. Ingmar Jansson).
In dieser Aufstellung sind die Kammgruppen 131:3 und B3 nicht vertreten,
da sie nie mit Ovalspangen kombiniert sind. Hinsichtlich der Variante B 1:3
wurde bereits festgestellt , dass sie selten in Frauengräbern vorkommt, und
auch in den fünf Gräbern mit B3-Kämmen sind keine Ovalspangen
enthalten. Die Reihenfolge von A2 und A3 ist die gleiche, wie sie aus der
Kombinationsmatrize hervorging. Ebenso scheint B1:2 unter den B-Kämmen
am ältesten zu sein, obwohl die Tabellen ansonsten einige Abweichungen
erkennen lassen. Zusammenfassend lässt sich folgendes über die Datierung der Kammgrup
pen sagen: A2-Kämme wurden, wie schon erwähnt, mit Funden angetroffen, die
eindeutig in der älteren Birkazeit heimisch sind (Bj. 29, 208 und 212), und sie
haben darüber hinaus den durchschnittlich höchsten Indexwert aller A-
Kämme. Auch die Punktkreisornamentik, durch die sie sich von den übrigen
Kämmen mit randparallelen Linien unterscheiden, ist ja stark in älteren
Perioden verwurzelt, während sie auf jüngeren Kämmen relativ selten ist (vgl.
mit den B3-Kämmen, die nur mit fünf Exemplaren im Gräbermaterial von
Birka vertreten sind). Es liegt daher nahe, diesen Kammtyp als den im
Zusammenhang ältesten zu betrachten. Die Bl:2-Kämme weisen sich in der genannten Abfolge als frühe Kämme
aus, doch ergeben die Fundkombinationen ein stärker variiertes Bild. Man
findet diese Gruppe sowohl mit frühen Ovalspangen wie Ρ 37 als auch späten
wie Ρ 55 zusammen. Sie sind auch mit den meisten anderen Kammtypen
vergesellschaftet, was auf eine lange Anwendungszeit schliessen lässt. Die
übrigen Fundkombinationen deuten ebenfalls darauf hin, dass die Bl:2-
Kämme in der älteren Birkazeit vorkommen, wenn auch der überwiegende
Teil der datierten Gräber mit solchen Kämmen der jüngeren Birkazeit
angehört. Nach den Grabinventaren zu urteilen, scheint B 1:2 die älteste
B-Variante zu sein, die bereits - in sehr bescheidenem Umfang - während der
älteren Birkazeit auftritt , doch wie die anderen B-Kämme grösstenteils der
jüngeren Birkazeit zuzuordnen ist. Die A1 -Kämme sind wie B1:2 mit sowohl frühen Ovalspangen des Typs Ρ 27
als auch den späteren vom Typ Ρ 51 B2 angetroffen worden und ausserdem mit
den meisten B-Arten kombiniert, was auf eine Gebrauchsdauer bis in die
jüngere Birkazeit hinein weist. Diese Untergruppe, die erstmals in der älteren
Birkazeit auftritt , ist vielleicht diejenige unter den A-Kämmen. die sich noch
am häufigsten während der jüngeren Birkazeit findet, in der die B-Kämme
dominieren. Die A3-Kämme bilden eine vergleichsweise kleine Kammgruppe. Keines
der Stücke ist in eindeutig frühen oder späten Fundkomplexen zum Vorschein
gekommen, die Gruppe scheint vielmehr eine einheitliche Zeitstellung am
Übergang von der älteren zur jüngeren Birkazeit zu haben, wobei einige
Kämme noch darüber hinausreichen. Vom Index her steht Λ3 von allen
A-Kämmen der Gruppe B am nächsten. Dieses Bild wird auch von der
Schichtenfolge in Staraja Ladoga gestützt, wo sich A3-Kämme stratigraphisch
zwischen Kämme vom Typ A2 und den verschiedenen Gruppen von B-Kämmen einordnen (O. Davidan 1962).
Die Verwandtschaft mit den B-Kämmen zeigt sich auch an den tierkopf-
ähnlichen Enden der Griffleisten, die bei Kämmen der Untergruppe A3
vorkommen und zu einfachen Ausbuchtungen weiterentwickelt worden sind.
Diese Ausbuchtungen können an nahezu sämtlichen Typen der B-Kämme beobachtet werden (Abb. 41).
Abb. 41 Tierkopfabschlüsse des A3-Kammes, verglichen mit den Ausbuchtungen der jüngeren B-Kämme
Fig. 41 Animal head terminal of an A3 comb compared with the raised ends of younger Β combs
Man kann in diesem Zusammenhang auch darauf hinweisen, dass die
jüngeren Bronzekämme eine den A3-Kämmen ähnliche Flechtbandornamentik haben.
B1:3-Kämme gehören überwiegend der jüngeren Birkazeit an; die ältesten
Beifunde sind eine Bronzeschnalle in Grab 229 und ein A3-Kamm in Grab
628. Ein altertümliches Merkmal der Variante B 1:3 ist die grosse Anzahl von
Eisennieten, mit deren Hilfe die Kämme zusammengefügt sind. Bei den
Kämmen mit erhaltenen Nieten bestanden diese zur Hälfte aus Eisen,
wogegen B-Kämme ansonsten überwiegend Bronzenieten haben.
Bl:l-Kämme werden durch 12 von 13 funddatierten Gräbern in die jüngere
Birkazeit verwiesen, und lediglich in einem Fall zeichnet sich eine frühere
Zeitstellung ab (Bj. 29). Dass der Kammtyp während der ganzen Periode
auftritt , kann dadurch gestützt werden, dass er auch unter den Kammfunden von Sigtuna vertreten ist.
Für die B2-, B3- und B4-Kämme scheint sich nach diesem Material eine
einheitliche Datierung in die jüngere Birkazeit zu ergeben, wobei allerdings
6 81
festzustellen ist, dass B4 mit jüngeren Ovalspangen vergesellschaftet ist als
B2. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist es auch interessant, die Abfolge der Kamm
gruppen zu sehen, wenn man sie im Vergleich zu Abb. 40 nach den jüngsten
Ovalspangen aufstellt (Abb. 42). Bei einem Material wie den Ovalspangen
besteht immer das Risiko, dass sie bei der Niederlegung bereits alt gewesen
sein können.
P P P P P P P P P P P P P
27 37 1 42 51A1 51BI 51B2 5101 51C1 51C2 51C3 51B 52 55:1
• KOMBINATION KAMM/oVALSPANGE
Abb. 42 Kombination Kamm-Ovalspange. Chronologische Ordnung nach der jüngsten Spange
Fig. 42 Combinations of combs found with oval brooches, arranged chronologically by the youngest brooches
Abb. 42 zeigt, dass A2-Kämme nicht mit jüngeren Ovalspangen als Ρ 42
vorkommen, d.h. der älteren Birkazeit angehören. Es wird auch klar
ersichtlich, dass sich die B-Kämme im allgemeinen zeitlich weiter erstrecken
als die A-Kämme. Bl:3-Kämme treten nicht, wie früher erwähnt, zusammen mit Ovalspangen
auf und sind überhaupt in Männergräbern gewöhnlicher als in Frauengräbern.
Ordnet man die Bl:3-Kämme nach der Kammkombinationsabfolge zeitlich
zwischen B1:2 und B1 :1 ein, so kann eventuell dieser "Männerkamm" parallel
mit den jüngsten "Frauenkämmen" der Gruppe AI vorkommen. Das besagt,
dass diese Kammgruppen in der jüngeren Birkazeit eher geschlechts- als
zeitgebunden sind.
Zusammenstellung über die Verteilung der Kammgruppen auf die verschiedenen Gräberfelder Tabelle 5
AI A2 A3 Bi:] ί Bl:2 Bl :3 B2 B3 B4 Sonstige
Summe
! lemlanden 22 21 9 22 38 32 25 3 24 10 206 Ν der Burg 1 2 2 1 2 1 4 13 S und SÖ der Burg 4 3 4 3 16 8 1 8 47 in der Burg 1 1 Grindsbacka 1 1 2 Summe 27 25 14 27 56 33 36 5 36 10 269
Naturgemäss hat Hemlanden, das den höchsten Anteil an Gräbern
aufweist, auch den höchsten Anteil an Kämmen geliefert. Lässt man die
Zahnplatten unberücksichtigt, so liegen von Hemlanden insgesamt 206
Kämme vor; dies sind 76 % aller einer bestimmten Gruppe zuzuweisenden
Exemplare sowie die unter "Sonstige" aufgeführten Stücke.
Als Unterlage für die Verbreitungskarte (Abb. 43), auf der die A-Kämme
durch Kreise und die B-Kämme durch Dreiecke angegeben sind, dienten in
erster Linie die vorstehenden Zahlen. Die 10 Kämme in der Spalte ' 'Sonstige' '
sind in diesem Zusammenhang so behandelt worden, dass Griffleisten mit
einem Index unter 3,5 den B-Kämmen (9 Exemplare) und solche mit einem
Index über 3,5 (1 Exemplar) den A-Kämmen zugewiesen wurden.
Weiterhin sind auch die mit Bronzenieten ausgestatteten Zahnplatten auf
der Verbreitungskarte mit einem Dreieck markiert, da es sich gezeigt hat, dass
Kämme der Gruppe A bis auf eine Ausnahme immer mit Eisennieten
zusammengehalten waren und der Bronzeniet demnach als Indiz für einen
B-Kamm betrachtet werden darf. Bemerkenswert ist, dass die A-Kämme auf
dem nördlich der Burg gelegenen Gräberfeld mit allen Kammergräbern des 9.
Jahrhunderts gänzlich fehlten. Obwohl bereits festgestellt werden konnte,
dass A-Kämme fast ausschliesslich in Brandgräbern angetroffen worden sind,
erscheint es doch eigenartig, dass sie zwar in den frühen Brandgräbern, aber
nicht in den frühen Körpergräbern auftraten. Möglicherweise ist die
Erklärung in einem ethnischen Unterschied zwischen den in Brand- und
Körpergräbern beigesetzten Personen in der älteren Birkazeit zu suchen. In
der jüngeren Birkazeit ist dieser Gegensatz überbrückt, denn während der
späteren Periode findet man die gleiche Art von Kämmen sowohl in Brand- als
φ Λ-Kämme und übrige Kämme mit einem Griffleistenindex über 3,5
^ B-Kämme und übrige Kämme mit einem Gritfleistenindex unter 3,5 sowie Zahnplatten mit
Bronzenieten
Ähh. 43 Verbreitung der A- und B-Kämme auf den Gräberfeldern von Birka Fig. 43 The distribution of A and Β combs in the i^irka grave fields
• A KÄMME A B KÄMME Ahh. 44 Verbreitung der A- und B-Kämme auf dem Gräberfeld Hemlanden,
Birka Fig. 44 The distribution of A and B combs in the Hemlanden grave field at
Birka o
auch in Körpergräbern vor.
Eine Eigenheit stelh die Verteilung der B-Kämme auf dem Gräberfeld
abschnitt südhch und südösthch der Burg dar. Während die Variante B1:3 die
zweitgrösste Gruppe in Hemlanden bildet, ist sie S und SÖ der Burg
überhaupt nicht vertreten. Von den 47 Kämmen, die dort vorkommen, gehört
gut ein Drittel der Variante B1:2 an. Dass die danach häufigste Variante, d.h.
B1:3, völlig fehlt, könnte ebenfalls zu einer ethnischen Erklärung verlocken -
die allerdings der oben angeführten Theorie über einen Ausgleich während
der jüngeren Birkazeit widersprechen würde - falls nun das Fehlen von
Bl:3-Kämmen und das häufige Vorkommen von B1:2-Exemplaren auf
diesem Gräberfeldabscnitt nicht seinen Grund in einer chronologischen
Differenz haben sollte. Unter den B-Kämmen war gerade die Variante B1:2 in
ihrer Datierung am wenigsten einheitlich; betrachtet man sie als die ältere
Variante, würde der Mangel an Bl:3-Kämmen darauf beruhen, dass auf dem
Gräberfeldabschnitt S und SÖ der Burg die Gräber mit Kämmen in diesem
jüngeren Zeitabschnitt zahlenmässig zurücktreten.
Für Flemlanden findet sich ausser der Verbreitungskarte, Abb. 43, noch
eine verdeutlichende Detailkarte, Abb. 44. Im gesamten Ostteil von
Flemlanden kommen A- und B-Kämme vermischt vor, während ein einheit
licheres Bild der B-Kämme in einem Streifen zu gewinnen ist, der innerhalb
des nördlichen Stadtwallabschnittes beginnt, zwischen dem vierten und
fünften Durchgang (von Süden aus gesehen) den Wall durchstösst und sich
nach Osten fortsetzt.
Zu beiden Seiten dieses Streifens gibt es in Hemlanden sowohl A- als
B-Kämme.
Weiterhin sind ausschliesslich B-Kämme in einem Bereich ausserhalb des
nördlichen Stadtwallabschnittes sowie innerhalb des erhaltenen südlichen
Wallabschnittes bezeugt.
Eine entsprechende Häufung von A-Kämmen liegt nicht vor.
Die Konzentration der weitgehend der jüngeren Birkazeit zuzuordnenden
B-Kämme scheint anzuzeigen, dass die aktuellen Bereiche im Anschluss an
den Stadtwall erst von der jüngeren Birkazeit an als Grabplätze benützt
worden sind. Die hohen Phosphatwerte in diesen Teilen von Hemlanden
(Abb. 45) deuten ebenfalls darauf hin, dass dort vor der Errichtung der
Gräber eine Siedlung bestanden hat (B. Ambrosiani 1974, S. 60).
hemlanden
dVSTAN
dOR6
JORKOBY
Ahh. 45 Phosphatkarte des Bodendenkmalbezirks auf Birka. Ersteht von Lennart Eriksson, RAÄ. Nach B. Ambrosiani 1974
Fi^. 45 Phosphate concentrations at Birka, mapped by Lennart Eriksson, RAÄ.
After B. Ambrosiani 1974.
Zusammenfassung Die durchgeführte Einzeluntersuchung der Kämme lässt erkennen, dass die
Indexwerte auch dann noch eine massgebhche Rolle spielen, wenn man
versucht, einer Einteilung statt des früher angewandten Griffleistenquer-
schnitts andere Kriterien wie die Verzierungsmerkmale zugrundezulegen. Die
verschiedenen Verzierungsvarianten der Gruppe A, für die auch ein Index
über 3,5 kennzeichnend ist, heben sich ebenfalls in Datierung und örtlicher
Verbreitung von den verschiedenen Varianten der Gruppe B ab, deren Index
fast durchgehend 3,5 unterschreitet. Obschon zwischen den einzelnen Kammtypen keine scharfen chronologi
schen Grenzen zu ziehen sind, weisen die Fundkombinationen wie auch die
Verbreitung auf den verschiedenen Gräberfeldern doch auf das Vorkommen
verschiedener Kammhorizonte hin, unter denen Gruppe A vornehmlich der
älteren oder der Wende zur jüngeren Birkazeit angehört. Innerhalb der
Gruppe A scheint A2 am ältesten zu sein und A3 sich auf den Übergang zur
jüngeren Birkazeit zu beschränken. AI erstreckt sich über einen längeren
Zeitraum und ist sowohl in der älteren als auch - in gewissem Umfang - in der
jüngeren Birkazeit zu belegen. Während der jüngeren Birkazeit herrschen
B-Kämme vor, deren älteste Variante, B 1:2, allerdings bereits vereinzelt in
einem älteren Fundmilieu auftritt .
Die Untersuchung hat auch gezeigt, dass trotz der Vielzahl von Kämmen
nur wenig Verzierungsvarianten vorliegen, was auf eine gewisse Traditions
gebundenheit des Kammachers oder seiner Abnehmer deutet. Gleichwohl
tritt mit dem Übergang zu den kleineren Kämmen, deren Griffleisten einen
stärker gewölbten Querschnitt erhalten (<3,5), eine Veränderung ein.
Ich habe angedeutet, dass dieser Unterschied materialbedingt sein könnte.
Auf jeden Fall darf ausgeschlossen werden, dass wir es mit einer vorüberge
henden lokalen Modeströmung zu tun haben, denn diese Veränderung lässt
sich in allen untersuchten nordeuropäischen Siedlungen verfolgen, wo die
Kämme der Gruppe A in den unteren Schichten dominieren und die Kämme
der Gruppe B hauptsächlich in den oberen angetroffen werden.
Summary 269 of the Birka graves contained a total of 325 combs but 56 are only
represented by tooth plates. The shape and design of the connecting plates
make it possible to divide all but ten of the remaining 269 into two main groups
(A and B) with sub-groups based on the decoration (figs. 25-33). The
connecting plates of both groups are convex in crossection but the A combs are
distinctly shallower than the more rounded B combs (fig. 24). The difference
between these cross-sections can be measured in terms of the ratio between
width and depth, with 3.5 as the boundary between the groups (fig. 37). The
few combs with a ratio higher than this but with A-type decoration are, with
one exception, fastened with iron rivets while B combs normally have bronze
rivets (cf. p. 172)
17% of the combs come from inhumations but only 3 of the 66 A combs do
so. This cannot be an accident of preservation for a third of the B 1:1 and B 4
combs come from inhumations and there is no reasons to believe that these
would survive in an unburnt state better than A combs; it might rather be an
ethnic question. The fact that only 48 combs were found in men's graves while
72 come from women's graves should not be taken to imply that combs were
more common among women, for the overall proportion of male and female
graves at Birka seems to have been much the same. Some types of comb were,
however, particularly associated with either women's graves (A 1) or men's
(B 1:3) and it should also be noted that comb cases only occur in men's
graves.
In the 1970-71 excavation of the harbour area of Birka A combs were
comparatively more frequent than B combs in the lowest levels which are
dateable to the later half of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth
(fig. 38). A study of the finds associated with combs in the Birka graves shows
that while B combs are seldom found together with objects that belong to the
earliest period of Birka, it is similarly unusual for A combs to be found with
objects from the latest phase of the site. There is, however, no sh.irp
chronological boundary between these types and they can both occui in (he
same grave, although A 1 and A 2 combs are rarely found together with B
combs. The sequence that can be deduced from the combination matrice^ in
fig. 39 is A2-A1-B:2-A3-B1:3-Bl : 1-B3-B2-B4. This may be compared v ith
sequences based on the finds of combs together with oval brooches.
Combinations with the older types of brooch (fig. 40, in which the brooches are
numbered according to Petersen's scheme) yield the following sequence
A1-B1:2-A2-A3-B2-B4-B1:1. The sequence from combinations with
younger types of brooch (fig. 42) is A2-A1-A3-B2-B1 :1-B2-B4. Ihis
confirms A combs as the older group, with A3 combs having the closest links
with the hiter stages of Birka. Of the B combs it seems that B 1:2 had the
longest life, reaching back into the earlier period, while other B combs belong
to a later period.
The distribution map of comb types in different grave fields (fig. 43) shows
that there were no A combs in the grave field north of the fort, where there are
nevertheless a large number of chamber graves of the earlier period. A combs
are however found in the earlier cremation graves. The explanation for the
absence of combs from early inhumations may be ethnic, as has formerly been
suggested for the contrast between inhumations and cremations.
A and B combs are found throughout Hemlanden (fig. 44) except in three
areas with only B combs, outside the wall towards the south, between the third
and fifth openings counting from the south, and inside the wall 's northern
section. This may indicate that these areas were first used for burials at a
relatively late stage.
ANTLER, HORN AND BONE FROM EARLY RIBE:
evidence for comb making in a market place
Preprint from
Ribe Excavations
200
Map of Ribe showing areas of excavations 51V1 73 Kunstmuseets kaelder (the cellar of the Art Gallery) area 5 and
areas 1, 2, 3, 4 and 11 5M 74 Domerhaven (the judges court) 4M 75 Kunstmuseets have (the garden of the Art Gallery)
Ξ ^3Μ70
6 Μ 7 3
5 Μ 7 4
| Ï Ï Ï Ï ] 4 Μ 7 5
1 0 Μ 7 6
1 0 Μ 7 6
Tvedga" 5 M 7 4
4 M 7 5
Tangevej
«»•sgade
43M70
O me t r e s
Introduction In the excavation of early trading places and similar sites combs of antler or
bone are frequently found, and traces of their manufacture are even more
abundant. Since the 196() 's many publications concerning early markets and
town sites both in the Baltic and further west have drawn attention to large
quantities of evidence of this kind, e.g. Staraja Ladoga (O. Davidan 1962,
1970), Wollin (E. Cnotliwy 1970), Hedeby (W.-D. Tempel 197()a, I. Ulbricht
1978), Birka (K. Danielsson 1973), Århus (H.J. Madsen 1971), Dorestad(A.
Roes 1965), Southampton (P.V. Addyman and D.H. Hill 1969), York (Α.
MacGregor 1978) and Dublin (Β. A. O'Riordain 1976). It has been possible to
show that combs were made in all these places.
The following study of combs and comb making at Ribe is based on the
material found in the excavations undertaken by the Antikvarisk Samling of
Ribe from 1970 to 1976, with the exception of the Tvedgacie QxcdVdXkm of \916
for which some details are given below, p. 149. Antler waste found in the
plough marks of phase 1 show that combs were already being made at that
early stage, and comb making is thus the earliest craft for which we have
evidence at Ribe. Although only 15 combs or fragments of combs were
recovered, the finds include some 1400 items, mostly waste, that can be
associated with the making of combs and other objects of antler, bone and
horn, together with a similar quantity of antler shavings.
Most come from under and around Kunstmuseet (The Art Gallery) and were
found in phase 2, the layer of dung immediately above the ploughed ground of
phase I. In the undecomposed dung layer in area 5 (see maps, fig. 46) remains
of comb and bead making and of bronze casting make it possible to recognise
several levels in which these activities took place. In all there are four phases.
The third consists of activity layer above the dung and phase 4 is mixed with
medieval finds.
Terminology The terms used here for combs, their component parts, comb cases (cf P.
Galloway 1976, A. MacGregor 1978) and the description of the raw material
are illustrated in the following diagrams, fig. 47-52.
simple single comb simple double comb
=
(ü Fig. 47 Simple combs, s ingle (47:1 ) and double (47:2)
composite single comb
back 4 r ive t
too th p la te
too th
composite double comb
r i v e t hole
connect ing p la te
end p la te
r ive t
connect i ng p la te
too th '
Fig. 48 Composi te combs - singel (9:1) and double (9:2) Connect ing plate , tooth plate , tooth, r ivet , r ivet hole , back
comb case comb
Ψ y
e n d p l a t e
c o n n e c t i n g p l a t e s
Fig. 49 Combcase: comb, connecting plates, end plate
red deer antler
c r o w n
b e a m p o r o u s c o r e
c o m p a c t m a t e r i a l t i n e s
b u r r
p e d i c l e
s k u l l
Fig. 50 Red deer antler: Skull, pedicle, burr, tines, crown, beam, compact
material, (porous core)
elk antler
t ines
pa l mat ion
bur r
sku l l
Fig. 51 Elk antler: skull, burr, palmation, tines
horn
dermis
horn
core
sku
Fig. 52 Horn; fore bone, core, horn, dermis
The Raw Materials The workshop debris shows that comb makers used antler, horn and bone. The
earliest layer only has antler but from phase 2 bone and horn also occur, a point
that is worth emphasising because it has been thought that these latter
materials were not used in comb making at such an early date. At Hedeby most
combs were made of antler, it was only in its final stages that bone combs
occur, and at Schleswig bone only replaced antler in comb making in the
twelfth century (1. Ulbricht 1978, p. 132, V. Vogel 1975, p. 12).
J. Persson (1976, p. 331) suggests that composite combs, both single and
double, from the earliest stages of medieval Lund had antler tooth plates and
bone connecting plates. Simple combs on the other hand, seem to have been
antler, with the exception of the so-called weaving combs which were made
from the metacarpals of cattle.
At Århus they seem to have preferred to make double combs with antler
teeth and bone connecting plates, although there are some examples of the
opposite. All the single combs from the SøndervoUi-Qxc'åWdt'ions are made of
antler (H.J. Madsen 1971, p. 151).
Most of the complete combs from Dorestad were made of antler although
the osteological examination of the material has shown that they also used
bone for combs and that, as at Ribe, horn of sheep/goat and cattle was also
used (information by courtesy of Dr A.T. Clason, Biologisch-Archaeologisch
Instituut, Rijksuniversiteit , Groningen).
The material from Elisenhof shows that they used both bone and antler for
combs and this has been taken to imply that antler was scarce (W.-D. Tempel
1979, p. 152 f.).
Antler
The most important raw material at Ribe seems to have been red deer antler.
The only pieces that indicate the use of another kind are two fragments sawn
from the palmation of elk antler, found under Kunstmuseet {D 3071 and 6725,
area 5 phase 2).
In Hedeby not only fragments of antler from some 6-8 elks but also a few elk
bones were found, and this has been taken to prove that elk occurred in the
area during the Viking period (I. Ulbricht 1978, p. 21).
This conclusion is apparently supported by the fact that Pepin is said to have
killed an elk in 764 between Nördlingen and Dinkesbiihl. A. Skuncke (1949, p.
18) has, however, shown that the antler from this animal was preserved in the
castle of Ellwangen (which was named after this successful hunt) and in due
course passed to Friedrich Carl of Prussia (1871) and that closer examination
has shown it to be an exceptionally large red deer antler. The abundance of red
deer in fact suggests that elk is unlikely to have lived in this area of North
Germany and Jutland, for elk and red deer need different environments. The
modern distribution of elk coincides with the circumpolar fir belt while red
deer live in the forests further south. For ecological reasons these two animals
live in different areas (I. Åhlén 1964/65, pp. 285 ff.). It appears that there is no
historical evidence for the occurrence of elk west of the Oder (A. Skuncke
1949, p. 18). Despite the few elk bones from Hedeby, the few elk antler
fragments from Hedeby and Ribe and the reindeer antler fragment from
Hedeby are more likely to indicate contact with Sweden and Norway.
The fact that the excavated material includes parts of red deer skulls with
sawn off pedicles suggests that they were local animals for it would have been
possible, and sensible, to cut off the useless part before carrying the antler any
distance. A relatively large proportion of the sawn skull bones come from
Domerhaven (seven of the eleven found). The burrs found show that most of
the antler used did not come from slaughtered animals but were naturally
shed. Only a little more that 25 % of all the burrs found were sawn, the rest
came from antlers that must have been gathered after the annual moult, that is
for red deer during January and February. The proportion at Hedeby was very
similar with about 20% of sawn antler and the rest naturally shed (H.
Reichstein 1969, p. 62).
The fact that rodents tend to attack shed antler quite quickly must have
made it necessary to gather it as soon as possible but some of the points do
show signs of nibbling by small animals (D 3072, 6810 and 7123). The almost
total absence of red deer bones from Ribe (according to information from
museumsinspektør Tove Hatting of Zoologisk Museum, Copenhagen) and
from Hedeby (I. Ulbricht 1978, p. 123) suggests that the meat was not eaten in
these places and it therefore appears that the antler from slaughtered animals
that does occur must have been acquired as raw material for craftsmen.
Horn
Horn, that is the outer keratin layer of the horns of bovid animals (fig. 52), is
the same type of material as hair and nails and, being very perishable, is rarely
found in excavations. There has, consequently, been a tendency to neglect it as
a raw material for such objects as combs, despite later evidence, both textual
and material, for horn working (H. Andersson 1963, pp. 6).
Finds of worked horn cores do, however, make it possible to show that the
horn of cattle and of sheep or goats was indeed used in the early medieval
period. Horn cores are made of the same substance as the rest of the skeleton
and are therefore preserved in suitable conditions. E. Schmid ( 1972, p. 45) has
discussed the interpretation of some finds and has pointed out that whole cores
that have been broken or cut from the skull may be debris from a tannery to
which the skins were taken with the horns attached. During the preparation of
the skins the horns would have to be separated and either thrown away or
collected for use by craftsmen. According to Schmid it is customary even
nowadays in some parts of Switzerland for goat skins to be taken to tanneries
with the horns attached.
l ab 6
Distribution of horn cores and skull bones with sawn off horns:
Phase 1 2 3 4 Sum
Kunstmuseet have 1 1 Kunstmuseet's cellar 78 78 Domerhaven 1 23 1 25
Cuts on the core bases can indicate that the whole outer horn layer was used,
for example to make a drinking vessel but, as it is relatively easy to separate the
outer layer from the core by drawing it off after heating, the absence of the
appropriate cuts cannot prove that the whole horn was not used. Cores that
have been sawn off the skull do indicate that the horn was used for some
purpose. If only parts are needed, for example to make combs or knife
handles, it is best to cut it in sections together with the core so that the latter
can provide support as the horn is worked. The horn layer can then be drawn
off after heating, leaving pieces of core cut to the same shapes as the horn
handles or connecting plates. In Ribe both whole and cut cores have been
found and these show that at least from phase 2 horn of cattle and sheep or
goats was used to make a variety of objects. Some of the cut cores have the
same shape as the connecting plates of antler combs.
According to Tove Hatting the amount of horn is not matched by the
surviving bones of goats or sheep. Unlike red deer antlers, which can be shed,
goat horns must have come from dead animals and the absence of sheep or
goat bones must therefore mean that only the horns, possibly attached to the
skins, reached Ribe.
Table 6 below includes skulls from which the horns have been sawn off
because these also indicate the use of horn. Ribe is not the only earlv medieval
place in which horn was used for things other than drinking vessels. As already
mentioned, (p. 98) Dorestad had an active horn industry, demonstrated by a
Fig. 53:1 Skull bone with hacked off horn from a goat. :2 horn core from a young goat :3 sawn sections of cores
large quantity of sawn-off cores of cow and sheep or goat although none of the
horn objects has been preserved (according to Dr A.T. Clason), and there is
also evidence from Southampton for the use of cattle and sheep or goat horns
(J. Boudillon and J. Coy 1980, p. 97).
Bone
Although antler seems to have been the normal material used by comb makers
at Ribe, they also used bone, at least for connecting plates. Horse or cattle ribs
are suitable for this purpose and the finds include ribs that have been both split
and sawn. Altogether 6 split ribs were found, one from Domerhaven (D 3311),
the others from area 5, phase 2 (D 3134, 6762, 6818, 6889, 7034). The bones
with signs of having been worked on include cattle metacarpals and
metatarsals from which pieces have been cut, possibly for tooth plates. Of the
four metacarpals one comes from an unstratified find made during building
work at Kunstmuseet (D 2543), one is from Domerhaven (D 6142) and two
from area 5 (both D 3079). In addition a piece cut from a radius was also found
in area 5 (D 7165). None of these can be associated with a particular phase.
(Determinations by at that time cand.mag. Torstein Sjøvold, Osteologiska
forskningslaboratoriet, Ulriksdal, c.f. appendix).
Finds of cut off distals or proximals may mean that the rest was used for
example to make tooth plates, but according to Schmid (1972, p. 45) it could
also indicate glue making. In order to make good glue it is apparently desirable
to remove the joints because the gristle reduces the adhesive quality of the
glue. Two cut off parts have been found at Ribe. One, the proximal of a cattle
metatarsal (D 4207) from Domerhaven, the other the distal of a pig's tibia
comes from area 5, phase 2 (D 6666).
The identification of antler and bone
It is often possible to identify bone or antler in the raw material and waste by
the surface layer or the porous core but when, in finished or half-finished
objects, these features have been removed it is impossible to tell the difference
with the naked eye. Although antler is the same material as the other parts of
the skeleton it might be supposed that it differs, and thanks to its slower
growth, bone would have a more compact appearance. Still , B. Herrmann
found it difficult to recognize the differences when he investigated some
objects from Eketorp with the help of a scanning electron microscope ( 1979, p.
493). It is however possible, with the help of a less powerful microscope, to
recognize the more rapidly developed antler cells as lens-shaped or elongated
structures while bone is more complex (fig. 54:1-2). Unfortunately these
differences cannot yet be measured, and there might also be variations
between different parts of the bone or the antler.
It is even more difficult to determine whether antler used in polished combs
came from red deer or elk (P. Carle, D. Sigurdh and K. Ambrosiani
1976).
Early medieval samples of red deer antler can, when examined microsco
pically, be recognised by their regular structure while in elk the regular
structure can break down abruptly (fig. 55). These differences, like those
between antler and bone, are not yet quantified and need further investiga
tions. An interesting feature of recent shed red deer and elk antler should be
noted. Even several years after they have been shed, elk antler shows a
network of blood vessels, while red deer antler remains, for the most part,
white and compact and its structure best becoming apparent after the sample
has been coloured (fig. 56:2).
In the early medieval samples of elk antler the network of blood vessels is
less obvious but it can be recognised as black threads. Red deer antler, both
old and new, lacks these fine blood vessels and its structure appears simply as a
white network. This regular structure, without dark colouring, is characteristic
of the half finished objects from Ribe, while combs from Birka, where elk can
be assumed to have been the normal raw material, show the ' 'elk traces" with
black-brown deposits in the blood vessels and a more irregular structure (fig.
57).
Practical Attempts to make combs Material from several sites has made it possible to reconstruct the different
stages in comb production and to identify the tools that were used (e.g. K.
Hucke 1952, E. Cnotliwy 1956, V. Hruby 1957, O.I. Davidan 1962, W.-D.
Tempel 1969 and I. Ulbricht 1978). Guided by this evidence and using the
techniques that seemed natural and necessary my father and I attempted to
reconstruct the way a comb maker worked. This was done partly to obtain
some idea of time and effort needed to make a comb and also to compare the
debris with that left by early craftsmen. The stages of manufacture from the
archaeological evidence are illustrated in fig. 60, which is based on the scheme
proposed by Ulbricht (1978, Abb. 3).
The raw material used in this attempt was an antler shed by a red deer in
Stockholm's Skansen Zoo. When the burr was cut off it was immediately clear how little of this antler in
comparison with an elk's consisted of the compact material needed for comb
making (cf. fig. 58 and 59).
The shape of the connecting plates found at Ribe, whether complete or not,
suggest that they were made from the tines, while the beam was generally used
for the tooth plates, for they need larger, flat pieces that can only come from
is
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Fig. 54:1-2 Microscopic comparison of antler (: 1 ) and bone (:2) structure where it is possible to recognise the more lens shaped structure of the antler. Magnification c. 12()X.
Fig. 55:1-2 Microscopic comparison of medieval red deer ( : 1 ) and elk ( :2) antler. The latter shows a more irregular structure. Magnification c. 12()X.
Fig. 56:1-3 Microscopic comparison of recent red deer (:l-2) and elk (:3) antler, where the differences between red deer and elk antler is best shown by the red or dark coloured vessels of the elk antler. Magnification c. 12()X.
Fig. 57:1-2 Microscopic comparisons of a half finished comb from Ribe (:1) and a comb from Birka (:2). The Ribe-example appears to be red deer while the Birka comb looks more like elk antler. Magnification c. 12()X.
- · \
f
f''
Πίζ. 5fi:l-2 Crossection of red deer (58:1) and elk antler (58;2) just above the burr
showing the comparatively large porous core of the red deer antler.
Hig. 59 Longitudinal section through a red deer antler showing that the porous
core is large even in the tines anil that only a small part is usable for
combmaking
the beam, unless bone is used. There has been some discussion whether antler
was treated to make it softer and more easily worked. Cnotlivvy (1936. p. 176)
has described how this can be done by boiling it in a closed pot with water and
wood ash. boiling oil or such natural acids as ntmex acetosa. Ulbricht ( 1978, p.
.30) denies that there is any proof that antler was softened before it was
worked. She also reports that, although experiments have shown that it is
possible to soften antler in the ways Cnotlivvy describes, there are adverse side
effects on the material ( 1978. p. 48). The antler used in my reconstruction was
not softened.
Fig. 60 The stages of manufacture are illustrated based on the scheme proposed hy I. Ulbricht (1978. fig. .1)
I he tines were first sawn off to make connecting plates. Beams with small
diameters, i .e. from young animals, could also be used for this purpose. The
tlat and relatively long A-type combs of the ninth and early tenth centuries (cf
p. 34) have connecting plates that must have come from beams, unless they
were made from the palmation of elk antlers.
Each tine was then sawn longtitudinally into four (fig. 61) and the point,
w hich had already been sawn off, could then be used as a wedge to split the tine
into four segments. Normally only three of the four were suitable for the
making of connecting plates because one tended to have a concave outer
surface. This means that two fully grown tines could yield three pairs of
connecting plates.
/ \
Fig. 61 The tine sawn longitudinally into four
The porous core was cut from each segment by means of a hammer and
chisel. This could also have been done with a rasp, a tool that proved excellent
for several stages of the work. Rasps were certainly known in the late iron age,
and have been found in several Norwegian graves (J. Petersen 1951, p. 489 and
Th. Sjøvold 1974, p. 243).
Two connecting plates were then rivetted together and shaped with a rasp to
make a matching pair. The tooth plates were cut from the beam. For this, and
for the earlier sawing, a hack saw was used, a tool resembling that used by Jost
Amman (1568) showing the 16th century comb maker cutting the teeth of a
double comb.
In order to saw such thin plates as well as to shape the connecting plates it
was necessary to hold the pieces firmly. The Viking period comb makers
probably did not have access to the kind of vice that was used in this
experiment, but they must have had something more effective than the clamps
found at Hedeby and elsewhere (H. Jankuhn 1943, Abb. 74, W.T). Tempel
1969, Abb. 1,1. Ulbricht 1978, Taf. 40:7). It did not prove easy to cut plates of
the right size from the compact part of the beam because the maximum
breadth that could be obtained, without including any of the porous core, was
25 mm, although the beam had a diameter of 50 mm. immediately above the
burr. Plates sawn nearer the crown varied in breadth between 15 and 20
mm.
Fig. 62 The splitting of a tine
The next stage was to remove the rivets fastening the connecting plates
together and to insert the tooth plates between them. The whole assembly
could then be drilled and permanently fastened together with rivets. The parts
of the tooth plates that protruded above the connecting plates were then cut off
to form the back of the comb, and this was then smoothed. Finally the teeth
were cut.
The tools used thus far were, apart from the vice, a saw-either a hack saw or
8 113
Fig. 6,? The porous core is either chiselled or
Fig. 64 filed off with a coarse rasp
a contour saw, a chisel and hammer and a rasp. The decoration, normally done
before the final assembly required other tools. A two or three pronged
instrument would be needed to incise lines running parallel to the edges of the
connecting plates (cf. O.I. Davidan 1962, I. Ulbricht 1978, p. 37), drills for the
Fig. 65 The surface is smoothed with a rasp
Fig. 66 The connecting plates are shaped together with the rasp
Fig. 67 The tooth plates cut from the beam are smoothed with the rasp
Fig. 68 The tooth plates and the connecting plates are riveted together
116
Fig. 69 The tools used together with the debris and the finished comb
dot and circle pattern and a knife to carve plaited patterns, although no
examples of this apart from knives were found at Ribe (cf. fig. 62-69).
The debris from our manufacture looked very much the same as the debris
from Ribe except for the lack of antler shavings. We found it much better to
work with the rasp than the chisel, and the the reason the Ribe comb maker did
not, must have been that his was not as efficient as ours.
In the spring of 1980 one of the craftsmen employed by Historiska Museet in
Stockholm, Lars Lindberg, independently made a comb from elk antler (fig.
70). Although he used modern workshop equipment and was able to work
faster thanks to electric power, he had to find out and proceed by stages
comparable with those in my experiment and probably with those of the viking
age craftsmen without knowing their debris.
He found that the teeth plates had to come from the compact outer layer of
the antler, although he could perfectly well make connecting plates from the
more porous and more elastic core, which in elk is not so spongy and useless as
in red deer antler. Elk antler is thus relatively more economical and leaves less
debris than red deer antler. He also found that the most laborious task, cutting
out the teeth, was best done after the tooth plates had been fixed in place
between the connecting plates. Surviving complete combs show that earlier
craftsmen also realised this and worked in the same way. The rivetting was
done by boring through the connecting and tooth plates and then pushing a
heated copper rod through each hole and hammering the ends out over the
Fig. 70 Lars Lindberghs comb
connecting plates. Dot and circle patterns were made with a drill specially
shaped for the purpose. It is reasonable to suppose that Viking period comb
makers, who needed drills to perforate the plates, also used one for this
decoration: in such hard material it would have been very difficult to cut
regular dot and circle patterns by hand.
Lars Lindberg made his comb without reference to either the literature or to
the finds that show how early comb makers worked. His comb, completed on
the fourth day was made by a twentieth century craftsman, but the methods
used were much the same as those seemed to be used in the Viking age.
It is very difficult to estimate the time needed to make a comb. If the comb
maker worked alone and made one at a time he could hardly, even with
practice, have completed more than one a day. Some time, but not much,
might have been saved by preparing a stock of components. My experiment
was a family affair in which both older and younger members helped, and it
seems likely that Viking age workers had similar assistance. However much
this speeded the process, it can never have been mass production: it was rather
handicraft, and combs were probably valued as such.
Evidence for the production process in the debris and unfinished parts In table 7 on p. 122 the ineomplete parts, raw materials and debris have been
grouped according to the different stages of the process (ef. figs. 71-76).
Group 1 Skull bones with pedieles sawn off
2a Burrs sawn off or attached to skull bones
2b E^urrs from shed antlers, including those with the first t ine still
attached
3 Tines with points remaining
4 Parts of tines with the points sawn off
5 Split beams and tines
6 Pieces of porous core removed from the compact layer
7 Pieces of compact antler sawn to make connecting plates or tooth
plates. This group also includes off cuts of compact antler.
8 Shavings of antler
9 Other incomplete objects
Fig. 71 Skull bones with pediclcs sawn (group 1)
Fig. 72 Burr sawn off skull bone and
burr from shed antler (group
2 a-b)
Fig. 73 Tines with or without points
(group 3-5)
Fig. 74 Pieces of porous core removed from the compact layer (group 6)
Fig. 75:1 Pieces of compact antler (group 7)
Fig. 75:2 Pieces of compact antler (group 7)
Fit!. 76 Shavings of antler (group 8)
122
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The porous parts of the antler (group 6) removed from the compact layer
were completely useless, as were the carved or chiselled shavings (group 8).
All this must have been discarded. Group 1, the skull bones, were also waste,
but the pedicles consisted of useful compact material from which gaming
pieces could be made, and they were sawn off very closely to the skull. That
pedicles were used is shown by the fact that only one was found although there
were 29 burrs from which the pedicles had been sawn. When antlers are shed
during the annual moult the pedicles of course remain on the animal's head,
but when antlers from slaughtered animals were available, the pedicles were
kept and used. This is also the implication of the skull bones from which the
pedicles have been removed (group 1).
Fig. 77 Pedicle and gaming piece
The round gaming pieces with a hole through the middle suggest that the raw
material had a porous core no larger than the hole and that it was removed
because it could not be decorated like the rest of the piece (fig. 77). The antler
in burrs is too porous to be good working material, and most of the burrs have
simply been sawn off although a few have holes bored through them.
Some of the tines with or without points (group 3 and part of group 4) wee
large enough (cf. fig. 78) to be classified as raw material, although most may
have been thrown away because they were too small or twisted or otherwi>e
distorted. The points as well as the tines were useful, it was, for example,
possible to make connecting plates from a tine, and use the point to make a
Fig. 78 Diagram of the size of tines with or without points showing that most of the tines found were debris
gaming piece. As with the pedicles, the relative underrepresentation of tines
with the points attached indicates that they were not discarded. There must
originally have been 5 or 6 points for every burr, but the finds only contain
twice as many points as burrs. If, as it seems reasonable to suppose, unwanted
parts of an antler were discarded in the same heap, this underrepresentation of
points in comparison with burrs suggests that they were used in some way. At
Hedeby antler points served as wedges to split the tine or beam (1. Ulbricht
1978, Taf. 27).
They could also be turned into gaming pieces (cf. fig. 82:6). Tines with or
without their points were used as handles for a variety of tools including the
comb maker's own knives and chisels (cf. fig. 84).
Tines from which the points have been sawn off are relatively unusual at
Ribe, there are six times as many that have the points still attached. The
explanation must be that the separation of the point was immediately followed
by the next stage in the process of manufacture: the splitting of the tine. If the
work proceeded without serious interruption there would naturally be
relatively few tines without points left to be recovered by excavation.
50 % of the beams i.e. 18 pieces that have been sawn off but not split consist
of crowns with sawn off points. As with the tines the sawing of a beam was a
stage in comb making that has left few traces because the sawn beam was
immediately worked on. The same is also true of the split t ines and beams
(group 5). Of the 128 pieces found only 10 % were usable. The rest seem to
have been rejected for some reason: for example almost 30 % are junctions of
tine and beam where the shape of the compact layer is unsuitable for any part
of a comb. Crowns also have an awkward shape.
The discovery of more pieces of split than unsplit beams and tines is not
surprising for as the work proceeded more debris would be produced. It would
hardly have been sensible to cut unsplit material to the required length before
discovering how much porous core had to be removed and how much usable
material remained.
The stage of comb making that might have been expected to produce the
largest quantity of waste was after the splitting, when the porous core was
removed. It is therefore remarkable that so few pieces of cut or chipped porous
core were found. They number 195, that is not even twice as many as the
number of burrs. Every antler must have produced a good deal of useless
porous material that had to be discarded. Its relative rarity in the excavated
material may mean that it was deposited somewhere outside the area so far
investigated. This would also explain why so few shavings were found (group
8). It is also possible that even the Viking period comb maker sometimes used
the rasp to remove the porous core, and that would leave very little trace after
some lOOO years.
No attempt has been made in the table 7 on p. 122 to indicate the actual
number of shavings, their oeeurrenee is simply indicated by the letter X. Over
1600 pieces were found, in volume 70 dl. Five pieces of shavings came from
Kunstmuseets have (garden) phase 3, seven from area 11 phase 2 and all the
rest were found in Kunstmuseets kælder (cellar) phase 2.
The large c|uantity of shavings in area 5 implies that the rasps perhaps were
then less effective than they are today. The shavings were produced by either a
knife or a chisel but modern craftsmen have found it much quicker to use a
rasp, even when removing the outer skin. My own experiment produced
almost no shavings.
Group 7, the second largest group, includes parts of beams and tines from
which the porous core has been removed in preparation for making the
connecting or tooth plates. Various stages are represented together with
discarded off cuts.
A quarter of the 214 pieces were waste and the unfinished pieces included
twice as many tooth plates as connecting plates. These proportions are
reasonable because each comb required only two of the latter and at least four
of the former. This final stage of manufacture, when the compact antler is cut
into largish pieces and the connecting plates matched and decorated ready for
the insertion of the tooth plates, ought to have produced more debris than was
in fact recovered. Each connecting plate must have meant that at least one end
was cut off, and each tooth plate had to be cut to fit the shape of the comb (fig.
79). That so little of this type of waste was found may be because like the
shavings and porous core, the pieces were so small and fragmentary that they
easily disappeared. They could, for example, have been swept away from time
to time by the comb maker himself. It is also true that such small pieces stand
less chance of either preservation or discovery than larger objects.
4
^<ΓίΤ
Fig. 79 Cutting off the tooth plates in order to fit the connecting plates
Bone and antler objects Very few complete objects of bone or antler were found in the Ribe
excavations, and nothing made of horn. Only two simple combs (fig. 80:5 and
8) can in fact be considered to be finished, at least they each have both teeth
and connecting plates. The finds reflect the production of objects not their use,
although the gaming pieces, which have survived in a better state than other
things, may be an exception for they could have been used, and lost, in the
workshop area. Some of the comb fragments were probably unfinished
components and therefore should have been included in Group 7 above as
remnants of the production process, but they are considered here together
with complete objects because they are so nearly finished that it is possible to
compare them with other combs and to use them as evidence in discussing
chronology and distribution.
Combs
The greater part of the waste and the unfinished pieces come from the making
of combs although only 13 combs or fragments of combs were found. Besides
the 10 combs illustrated in fig. 80, fragments of three toothplates were also found (7685, 9998, 11606).
There are three double combs (fig 80:1, 3 and 4). Number 1 and 4 is the
normal medieval type that has been found earlier in Ribe (Aa. Andersen
1968), but comb 3 is unlike the others not only because both sets of teeth are
same gauge but also because according to Tove Hatting, it is made of elephant
ivory. It was found in area 11 in a recent layer and there is no reason to believe
that it belongs to the eighth or ninth centuries, as do the single combs. It is,
indeed, more likely to be relatively recent. A parallel comb (D 775) was found
in the filling of a disused cellar when an old property at Overdammen 6, in
Ribe, was excavated (jnr. ASR 43/64). The cellar, which had belonged to the
town chemist, was apparently filled in c. 1728 when the house was demolished.
It had been rebuilt after the town fire of 1580, and if the cellar had belonged to
the house then burnt down, it could be dated to the middle of the fifteenth
century because there was no earlier building on that site (1. Nielsen 1979).
The other finds from the cellar are postmedieval. The chemist had a licence
and the cellar contained a large quantity of broken drinking glasses of the late
seventeenth century, a probable dating also for the comb (according to
Mogens Bencard, former antikvar. Antikvarisk samling i Ribe).
The other double combs, 1 and 4, are as said similar to those commonly
found in medieval excavations, including Ribe. Combs of this type have
1. D 8715 Kunstmuseets have, disturbed layers 2. D 7402 area 7, disturbed layers 3. D 7612 area 10, disturbed layers 4. D 5108 Donierhaven phase 4
r
5. D 2721 Area 1 phase 3 6. D 6893 Kunstmuseets cellar phase 2 7. D 3130 Kunstmuseets cellar phase 2 8. D 4763 Domerhaven phase 2 9. D 6533 Domerhaven phase 1
10. D 6592 Domerhaven phase 1
occasionally been found in earlier contexts, for example with a Frisian pot in a
grave at Vällingby north-west of Stockholm (M. Biörnstad 1955, p. 55) and in
an early eighth-century grave in the cemetery at Norsborg, south of Stockholm
(B. Ambrosiani 1956, p. 12). There is however no reason to doubt that both
these Ribe combs, 1 from a recent level and 4 from phase 4, are medieval and
they are therefore not further discussed here. Comb 2, a composite single
comb, was, like combs 1 and 3, found in a disturbed level.
All the other comb fragments are from composite, single combs. Comb 5 has
a grid pattern common throughout the southern Baltic, in Birka and Frisia.
Comb 6 has only one rivet hole in the ends of the connecting plate which means
either that it is unfinished or that it belonged to a comb case. Combs like this
with ornament only on the back are also found in the Frisian terps (A. Roes
1963, plate XXX, W.-D. Tempel 1979, p. 155) and in Dorestad, but they are
uncommon further east.
Comb 7 has more rivet holes than comb 6 but as there is no trace on the
connecting plate that teeth were ever cut it may have been unfinished. The
connecting plate is ornamented with a grid pattern of double lines which, like
the ornament on comb 5, is widespread.
Comb 8 has ornament only on one of the connecting plates, and its closest
parallels are in the west. It has been pointed out that Frisian combs often have
decoration on only one side (W.-D. Tempel 1972). Combs like that are
certainly uncommon in Scandinavia.
Comb 9 has a zig-zag decoration which is said to have been a favourite
pattern for combs from the North Sea area (W.-D. Tempel 1979 p. 166).
Examples have also been found in Viking levels at York (D.M. Waterman
1959, fig. 17), as well as in late Vendel period Gotland (B. Nerman 1969, Taf.
242, 292) and in the gravegoods from Grobin (B. Nerman 1958, Taf. 11,24,29,
33,55). It is occasionally found on combs from Hedeby (I. Ulbricht 1978, Taf.
34) and from Birka (Svarta jordenkatalogen, Statens historiska museum,
Stockholm).
Comb K) has three lines parallel to the edges of the connecting plate. Frisian
combs only have two such parallel lines and so do the early Viking period
combs from the southern Baltic area and from Birka. The best parallels are
combs of the Vendel period found to the east and north of Ribe. There is
abundant comparative material with both three parallel lines and dot and
circle decoration from Mälardalen (J. P. Lamm 1973, plates 8,9,11,12, 13, 14,
15, 17), Gotland (B. Nerman 1969, Taf. 122, 192) and Grobin (B. Nerman
1958, Taf. 22,24, 29, 36,47,50,53,54). Examples have also been found on the
west coast of Norway (J. Petersen 1951, p. 489, Th. Sjøvold 1974, pp. 237 ff.).
At that time combs from western areas were of an entirely different type
(W.-D. Tempel 1972, pp. 57 f.).
There is, in addition, a fragment of a comb case from phase 2 in Domerhaven
Fig. 81 Comb cases from phase 2 D6247 Domerhaven (40:1) and D 7031 Kunstmuseets cellar (40:2)
(D6241) and in area 5, phase 2, the remains of a comb case: three small
fragments with iron rivets were found. What little ornament can be seen on
them consists of vertical lines on the connecting plate and is inadequate for
comparisons to be made (D 7031, cf. fig. 81).
Gaming pieces
Altogether eight gaming pieces were found, of two types: flat and cylindrical
with a central hole, and hemispherical pieces, generally turned, with a hole in
the base. Games like draughts require stackable counters like the first type
(fig. 82). These are usually made from the pedicles of red deer or elk antler and
have been found at Dorestad and in Frisian terps, where they have been
interpreted as spindle whorls (A. Roes 1963, pp. 29 f. , 1965, pp. 32 ff.). They
also occur in Hedeby (I. Ulbricht 1978, p. 54) but not at Birka and it seems that
they were not found further north until later (S. Grieg 1933, pp.251 f. ,
J. Persson 1976, pp. 379 f.). The five pieces of this type from Ribe came from
phases 2, 3 and 4 (D 2702, 3067, 3399, 5512, 7664). The hemispherical pieces were found in the Kunstmuseets have, two from
parts of phase 3 in which material from other layers is mixed, and the third
from a mixed find (rensningsfynd) seems to be similar to the others but its top is
damaged. This type of gaming piece is widespread and was used over a long
period. They are often made from antler points but they can also, as in the
Ribe examples, be made of bone, often a ball joint. Two hemispherical gaming
pieces of amber were also found at Ribe. A burnt bone dice was found in a recent layer. The dots are not arranged as
on modern dice, i . e. 6-1, 5-2, and 3-4 so that opposite faces total 7, but 1-2,
3-4, 5-6 as on medieval dice (A. Mårtensson-C. Wahlöö 1970, p. 84).
'v Ν;//
Fig. 82:1-7 Gaming pieces 1. D 2702 4. D 5512 2. D 3067 5. D 7664
3. D 3399 6. D 3068 7. D 11426
Tools
A piecc of antler measuring 3x3 cm and 1 cm high was found in Domerhaven,
phase 2 (D 5530, fig. 83). In the centre there is a pointed iron pin, with a square
base. The stumps of two other iron pins that have been smoothed near the
surfase of the block are on either side of the central pin. Objects like this have
been used in simple lathes but, even though there are traces on the surface that
something has rotated round the central pin, the fact that the base of the pin
has a square cross section, together with the remains of the other pins suggests
that whatever was held on the block was not supposed to rotate. This piece is
best interpreted as a device on which an object could be held firmly while it \ \as
being worked on. The corners of the block are bevelled, possibly so that it
could be held more comfortably in the hand. As it is very small anything held
on it must also have been small, like gaming pieces. The flat disk-shaped
gaming pieces have a central hole bored right through and the hemispherical
pieces have one, and sometimes two, holes in the base. There has been some
speculation about the significance of these holes. It has been suggested that
they were sockets for pins that fitted into holes on the playing board or,
alternatively, that the board had knobs or pins on which the pieces could be
placed. It has also been suggested that the holes were made during the making
of the pieces (C.-A. Sandberg 1975, pp. 12 ff. , M. Lindquist 1978, p. 25). In
order to polish or decorate these tiny objects it was necessary to hold them
firmly. In grave 986 at Birka 17 gaming pieces were found, made from the
points of antler tines. Seven of them are decorated, finished pieces and all
these have a hole in the base, while the remainder are in various stages of
fabrication. Those that have only been cut from the tine and not further
worked do not have such holes in the base, which suggests that the hole had
something to do with the making of pieces.
Fig. 83 Object to hold, for example, a gaming piece while it was smoothed and decorated. The X-ray shows the three iron pins. D 5530 from Domer-haven phase 2.
In flat pieces any such holes would be destroyed when the central hole was
bored through to remove the porous core that would otherwise have spoiled
the decorated surface.
In Domerhaven, phase 2, about 2 metres away from the previous object,
another tool was found that could have been used in many different crafts,
including combmaking. It is a handle made of antler tine, with remains of an
iron spike in the middle, and was presumably an awl (D 5809, fig. 84). The
X-ray photograph shows that the iron pin extends almost 2 cm into the shaft
and is tapered. The clumsy ornament does not encourage the belief that this
was a comb maker's tool. The shaft is decorated with a grid pattern bounded by
three parallel lines. It would be strange if a comb maker's own equipment were
decorated with so much less skill than his own products.
Fig. 84 Handle of an awl (?) made of antler. X-ray showing the extention of the iron pin. D 5809 Domerhaven phase 2.
Needles
When settlements and deposits of rubbish from the late iron age, the Viking
and medieval periods are excavated, the finds often include needles made
from the fibulas of domestic pigs. Three were found at Ribe, all from
Domerhaven, two from phase 4 and the third from phase 2 (fig. 85). None is
complete. One has no hole (D 5093), another lacks a head (D 5514) and the
Fig. 85:1-3 Needles of bone from Domerhaven 1. D 6358 phase 2 2. D 5093 phase 4 3. D 5514 phase 4
point of the third is missing (D 6358). D 5093 could possibly be an awl rather
than an incomplete needle. They are too coarse for ordinary sewing but would
have been suitable for mesh knitting, a method of making stockings, shrouds
etc from wool yarn (M. Lindström 1976, p. 275). This method served until the
end of the middle ages when knitting was discovered (J. Kock 1976, p. 12).
These needles therefore indicate cloth working at Ribe, possibly with wool
yarn as the raw material. It is also possible that the next group of objects are
associated with yarn working.
Bored sheep or goat bones
Seven sheep or goat bones with holes bored through one end were found in
area 5, phase 2 (D 3080, 6667, 6668, 7150) and a similar bone was found in
Domerhaven, phase 2 (D 6115). They are reminiscent of bones that have been
identified as weaving shuttles, or Icelandic pradarleg^^ir which occur both
with and without holes, /iradarleggir were used as bobbins or reels for yarn
(fig. 86:1, information kindly supplied by fil. kand. Marit Åhlén, Institutionen
för nordiska språk, Stockholm University).
Icelanders also used whole or sawn metatarsals of sheep/goat or cattle with
holes bored in them, as sinkers for fishing nets (G. Gestsson 1957, fig. 9 and 10,
cf. fig. 86:3). The examples from Ribe are all broken at one end and it is
uncertain whether they were discarded because they broke, or whether the
holes were bored to make the bone-marrow more accessible (fig. 86:4).
iiniiimifliinir iwitiiir mamm ««»μμμ» iiiiimiiiwiir'· "ΐι ιιιιι PU , , ΡΡ ΐρ PK PPI Fig. cSô. J-- iiorecl sheep and/or goatbones
1. Icelandic pradarleggir 2. Bobbin of bone after D.W. Harding 1974 fig. 21 3. Sinkers for fishing net. photo by M. Ahlen 4. Bored bones from Ribe. All of them come from Kunsiniusccts cellar
phase 2 (D 3080. 6667, 6668 and 7150) except one from Dotuerha-v e n p h a s e 2 ( Γ 3 6 1 I S )
Bone skates
Bone skates are found in virtually all Viking or early medieval towns where
lakes or waterways freeze in the winter. They are made from the metacarpals
or metatarsals of cattle or horses, and smoothed on one side to reduce friction.
Olaus Magnus, in his History of the Northern Peoples, says that skates were
made not only of polished iron but also from the leg bones of deer or cattle,
shaped for the purpose and about a foot long (Book I, chapter 25). The skates
in his drawings seem too long, in comparison with the feet, to be horse or cattle
metacarpals or metatarsals but he did not always represent proportions
accurately. The skates in his drawings could, of course, be made of iron (fig.
87).
Fig. 87:1-2 Olaus Magnus' illustration of skating 1. O. M. 20:17, 2. O. M. 11:36
Fi^. SS Bone skate D 6008
Bone skates could also have been used as runners on sledges whether to
move loads or for pleasure. Bunge museum in north Gotland has one with
three bone runners (J. Boessneck - A. van den Driesch 1979, fig. 387). This
could well be relatively modern for there are references in the early nineteenth
century to Gotlanders using polished bones to travel on ice (G. Berg 1943,
p. 83). That bones were used as sledge runners in other parts of Europe is
shown by an example from the Tyrol (A. Clason 1978, p. 296). A compre
hensive bibliography on this topic was published by A. MacGregor in
1976.
The three bone skates found at Ribe all came from Domerhaven: two from
phase 2 (D 6008 fig. 88, 7709) while the third (D 6558) was a loose find.
Worked antler tine
The loose finds made in the excavation of Kunstmuseets have included an
antler tine cut in an unusual way (D 11289 fig. 89:1 ). It has a hole bored in the
base to join a deep cut made in one side, it is broken. It may compared with
some antler tines found in Moravia that have been published by V. Hruby
(1956, figs. 17:12, 24:13) and interpreted as hunting horns (or flutes?). This is
an unlikely explanation for this object from Ribe because the hole does not
extend beyond the cut side and the signs of wear around the cut show that it
was not unfinished but was used for some purpose and thrown away,
presumably after it broke. Similar objects found at Dorestad and elsewhere in
Frisia have been interpreted by A. Roes (1963, p. 43) as cheek pieces for horse
bits. Such cheek pieces have been found in Asia as well as Europe and were
used in the bronze age as well as the middle ages. Roes ( 1960, pp. 68 ff.) has
alternatively suggested that tine points like this could have been used to draw
pieces of cord through twigs or rushes in order to make a mat or a door of a hut.
They could also be used to make nets for fishing and other purposes.
Fig. H9:l-4 Worked antler tines 1. D 11289 from Kunstmuseets have and similar piece from Moravia
2. Moravia after Hruby 1951, fig. 24:13 and 3. Dorestad after Roes 1963 PI XLI 4. Possible way of using the tine
The distribution of material in different areas and phases
It has been pointed out above, p. 125 that some parts of antlers, in particular
tine points and pedicles, are underrepresented in the Ribe material, and that
less waste was found than might have been expected. As already explained, it
is likely that some parts of the antlers that were not needed for comb making,
were used for other purposes, to make handles or gaming pieces, for example.
It is also possible that some material lies outside the excavated area.
In the following analysis of the distribution of the material in different areas
and phases, the same categories are used as in the table 7 but they are here
grouped together according to the different stages of comb making that they
represent. Groups 1, 6 and 8 represent the waste, that is skull bones, porous
core and shavings. The tiny antler shavings would distort the percentages and
they have therefore not been counted, but horn cores are included as they were
certainly waste products. Groups 2 and 3, burrs and tine points, are the parts
that were sawn off when combs were made, but they could be used for other
purposes. Groups 4 and 5, the cut off and/or split beams and tines, represent a
stage in comb making or, if small, waste from that stage. Group 7, compact
antler from which the porous core has been removed, represents the last stage
in the making of comb components. It includes connecting and tooth plates in
various stages of preparation, together with the off cuts. This group should
also include the split ribs and other bones that can be recognised as intended
for comb making.
Fig. 90:2 shows the distribution of this material between the main areas in
terms of both numbers and percentages, while fig. 90:1 does the same within
each area. These diagrams show that the largest quantity of material is in
groups 2 and 3, that can be said to be on the boundary between waste and raw
material, while the smallest is the pure waste. As every antler must have
produced a large amount of porous core and other waste it seems likely that
from time to time the comb maker had to clear his working area and get rid of
the useless debris, although he would naturally retain such useful pieces as
pedicles and tine points.
Areas of activity in the different phases
In phase 1, which has traces of ploughing and has been recognised in areas 1, 5
and 11 and also in Domerhaven, signs of comb making were only found in
Domerhaven. The finds were mainly in groups 2 and 3, i . e. burrs and tines
Kunstmuseets have Kunstmuseets kælder Domerhaven
no. %
1 • 6 cores 4 3
100 I
no %
265 35
100 I
no. %
36 21
100 % I
2 ^ 3 50 42 200 26
4 > 5 35 30 118 15 40 23
7
total
28 24 168 22
751
4 2
% no. % no. % no. % total 100-, Γ
α . 1600
28 15 168 83 4 2 200
Flg. 90:1 Diagram showing the distribution of different groups of material, et p. 119
ff. within eaeh e.xcavation area
:2 [diagram showing the distribution of different groups of material between
1/1Λ the exeavation areas
with points, but there was also some waste, skulls and sawn antler, and in
addition two pieces of compact antler that could be unfinished toothplates. All
stages of comb production therefore seem to be represented but the quantities
are too small to justify treating Domerhaven as a workshop area in phase 1. If,
as seems likely, the material found was spread with dung and then ploughed in,
it does show that combs were being made in the vicinity at that time.
-f-c J c z CO CK CM
DA CP DO CN
A C
recent CA DC DO
+
50/ /190
Fig. 91 Plan of the excavated area in Domerhaven with the limitations for decomposed (designated Z) and iindecomposed dung
Large concentrations of antler were found in phase 2, which consists largely
of dung. This dung occurs in parts of Domerhaven, in Kunstmuseets have and
also in areas 5 and 11. In the sector of Domerhaven designated Ζ (fig. 91) the
dung was decomposed and mineralised, while in sector AC of Domerhaven as
in Kunstmuseets kælder and area 11 the dung was undecomposed. The largest
concentration of antler in this phase was found in area 5, and there were
significant differences in the quantities found between the north and south of
that area. The following analyses of the distribution of the material found in
the various layers of area 5, phase 2, excludes the objects recovered during
building work at the Kunstmuseum. Layer Ad consists of material gathered
from the whole area down to level 214. The layers under that level are
North South
Ai 214-230 Ak
Be 230-240 Az
Dz 240-250 Cg
Ei 250-260 Ed
E0 26(V-270 Ey
270-275 Ig
AD north AL BC DZ EC EØ
south AK AC CG ED ΕΥ IG
so
so -
so-
• 7
^ 4>5
m 2*3
^ 1 ^6
• 8 100 -
north
k WWW) south
I S O -I
Fig. yj Diagram showing the d i s t r ibut ion in per cent o f groups o f mater ia l ( c f
p . 119 f f . ) be tween d i f f erent l ayers
In fig. 92 the distribution of the various groups of material in the different
layers are given as percentages. 1 his shows that almost three times as much
material came from the southern part of area 5 as from the north, it consisted
largely of burrs and tines with points which can in part be taken as working
material. In layer Ed in the southern part pieces of compact antler and such
waste as porous core and shavings were abundant which suggests that this was
a comb maker's working area.
Significant concentrations of comb making debris were not noticed during
the excavation. Layer 6, which lay within the opsamlingslag Ad (see profile,
fig. 93) and was distinctly more compact and sandy, contained bone,
horizontal tree stumps, strips of clay, sand, dung and scatterings of charcoal.
This could possibly be interpreted as a layer of activity in which a comb maker
worked. Ed had also a concentration of debris from a bronze smith.
The material found in the opsamlingslag Ad suggests that this may also have
been an activity layer. During the excavation a concentration of antler
shavings was found associated with the wattle Du (see profile, fig. 93). It is
possible that the sandy activity layer 39 which corresponds stratigraphically to
the wattle, should be associated with the comb maker, but no clear indications
of this were noticed during the excavation.
There was less antler from phase 2 in Kunstmuseets have than in area 5, but
what there was consisted of tines, both with and without their points, and some
waste, including a few shavings. Most of this came from the eastern side. The
dung of this phase in the garden was decomposed, unlike that in the cellar, and
consideration must be given to the possibility that the difference between the
amount of antler in these two areas may be because antler is preserved better
in undecomposed than in decomposed dung. What tells against this is the fact
that there is a significant increase in the amount of antler from the garden in
phase 3, and that large quantities were found in the decomposed dung of sector
Ζ in Domerhaven. It should also be noted that the antler from the mineralised
dung was no worse preserved than that found in the undecomposed dung in the
cellar. This suggests that variations in the amount of antler found in different
areas and phases are due to differences in the amount deposited rather than to
differences in the preservative qualities of the different layers.
Some of the antler found in both Domerhaven and Kunstmuseets kælder in
phase 2 should not be classified as pure waste, that is burrs, tines with or
without points, and pieces of beam, both whole and split . Many of these pieces
were certainly big enough to be used, but the quantities from Domerhaven are
too slight to be the accumulated debris of a comb maker. It seems rather to be
the edge of the layer of debris observed in Kunstmuseets kælder, which appears
to have stretched across the modern St Nikolaigade. At the end of the
nineteenth century large quantities of sizeable pieces of antler are said to be
found under that street, in front of the Kunstmuseum.
A* TD
NOZIdOH Ail AUD*
QNVS A1NIVW /QNVS
α. D Ο
Ό
"ο
Xi
Ό Ό
Τ3 <υ Λ > Λ ο χ <υ
c -2 eu
Os
ù:
1-10 11-30 31-100 >100 pieces
pieces of porous cofe
tines Mith points remaining
tines with the points sawn off parts of beams split and unsplit
pieces of compact antler incomplete objects of bone
5M73
4M75
94:1 phase 1 147
ζ layer
5Μ74
^ AC layar
βΜ73
5 M 73
βΜ73
•A'
94:2 phase 2 with hmitations for decomposed and undecomposed dune (cffig. 91)
6M73
5M73
6M73
4M75
94:3. phase 3 and φ
Phase 3 consists of the activity layers immediately above the dung. Evidence
of comb making in that phase was found in the eastern part of Kunstmuseets
have, lying closest to the building itself. In the south eastern corner of the
excavated area burrs and large tines were abundant. The eastern part of the
garden also contained in this phase both large and small pieces of beams and
cut tines, which imply a workshop. In area 5 there were fewer antler finds in
phase 3 than in phase 2 but there was still enough to suggest that a comb maker
was working in the vicinity.
In phase 4 comb making is only evidenced in Domerhaven (fig. 94:3). The
worked pieces of beams and tines found there clearly show that combs were
still being made but the location of the workshop is unknown.
Other indications of comb making in Ribe The cellar and garden of the Kunstmuseum were not the only places in Ribe where combs were made. This was shown by a small exploratory excavation undertaken by the Antikvarisk Samling in 1976 in Tvedgade (cf. fig. 46). The trench measured 4.5 by 1.5 m and was 3.5 m deep. The viking period layer was 0.7 m deep and lay immediately on undisturbed natural. Here too dung was spread but it appears that straw or grass was put on top from time to time to make a drier surface. The finds from this layer were similar to those from the other excavations and included pottery, spindle whorls, loom weights as well as debris from bead and comb making. All the categories of antler found in other areas were represented in Tvedgade (fig. 95).
burrs (group 2) 3 pieces tines with points (3) 5 pieces tines without point or sawn beams (4) 2 pieces split t ines or beams (5) 4 pieces porous core (6) 7 pieces compact antler (7) 8 pieces shavings (8) 14 pieces
In addition there were two tines with sharpened points (fig. 95) that may
have been used as wedges to split t ines (cf. fig. 60:1). Unsharpened, and
therefore blunter, tine points appeared however in my own attempt better for
splitting beams or tines. The catalogue of the Antikvarisk Samling shows that antler has been found
in other parts of Ribe. Split pieces (D 735) from an excavation at
Sortehrødregade 7 shows that it was still being worked in Ribe in the sixteenth
century as in the Viking age.
Fig. 95 Debris from the excavation at Tvedgude
Dating Waste and unfinished pieces show that combs were made, but they are httle or
no help in dating the activity, for the methods of comb making were slow to
change. Needles and bone skates, like other simple tools made to serve
practical purposes, are similarly hard to date. Bui when objects were also
intended to please the eye, changes in fashion or taste caused changes in style
and decoration. This was true of combs and finished examples, even when
incomplete, can, thanks to the changes in shape and decoration, be valuable
guides in archaeological dating.
Two combs were found in phase 1, both from Domerhaven.
No. 9 (fig. 80:9) has zig zag ornament which, according to W.-D. Tempel
(1979, p. 166) was very popular in the eighth century and appears from the
Elisenhof material not to have lost its popularity in the ninth. Five combs from
Elisenhof had this decoration, one from the lower levels of the rnuschelgrus
pottery layer, and two from the middle of that layer which, according to H.
Steuer (1979, p. 24) covers the period 800 to 900.
The other two combs both came from below that layer (W.-D. Tempel 1979,
p. 165). Muschelgrus pottery is also found at Ribe and its date will be
discussed in a later volume in this series. Evidence from Gotland shows that zig
zag ornament was current over a long period. According to B. Nerman (1947,
p. 115) it was common during Vendel periods III and IV (650-800). The
earliest combs of this type from Gotland also have lines parallel to the edges of
the connecting plates. Zig zag ornament, without such parallel lines, as in Ribc
comb 9, first occurs in Vendel period Vll:5 (750/800) (ί^. Nerman 1969, Taf.
292).
The other comb from phase 1, no. 10 (fig. 80:10), was found in a well lined
with split oak that is dateable dendrochronologically to 710. The grave finds
from Birka (cf. pp. 14 ff.) suggest that a comb was a form of personal property
that went with its owner to the grave and was not passed on as an inheritance. It
is therefore reasonable to assume that combs did not have a long life, which
means that this dendrochronological date can serve as a terminus post cjuem for
this particular comb. It indicates contact with the north and east. Combs of this
type, having connecting plates with a shallow convex cross section and
decorated with lines parallel to the edges, do not occur in Frisia until c. 800,
when they are found in the levels that correspond to the earliest stage of
Hedeby (W.-D. Tempel 1972, p. 58). The closest parallels are found in Vendel
age material from Sweden and Norway. Combs with such a cross section, with
three lines parallel to the edges and with simple dot and circle decoration, are
found in Gotland from Vendel period VI 1:3 (650/700) until about 800 (B.
Nerman 1969).
According to Nerman (1947, p. 115) there was a change in this ornamental
pattern in the late Vendel period. The dots and circles which had earlier been
arranged in one or two rows along the length of the comb were then arranged
in cross, or vertical lines, as in Ribe comb 10, or closely grouped and often
combined with lines. Combs like no. 10 are also common in the Malar valley.
J.P. Lamm has, for example, published several from a cemetery in Lovö parish
in Uppland which can be dated by associated finds to the period 650-800 (1973,
p. 34). It appears that combs of this type, with groups of dots and circles
arranged vertically are most likely to belong to the late Vendel period, i .e. the
eighth century. During the ninth century these so-called A-type combs spread
very widely (p. 35) but they were unlike comb 10 in having only two lines
parallel to the edge.
The three combs from phase 2 (fig. 80:6-8) have parallels elsewhere,
especially in Frisia. The connecting plate of no. 6 apparently unfinished but
(cf. p. 130) is of the same type as combs found at Dorestad and Elisenhof. In
the latter place they have been dated stratigraphically to the period 720-800,
the earlier date being determined by the dendrochronological dating of the
earliest house as 80 years older than the earliest at Hedeby (W.-D. Tempel
1969, p. 167). According to Tempel (1972, Abb. 7:2) combs like no. 7 (fig.
80:7) are also typical of the eighth century and the grid pattern made by pairs of
parallel lines is common in finds from the Frisian terps. This ornament, like the
zig zag, had a long life and is found in many places throughout the Viking
period. One example, very similar to the Ribe example, comes from Lindholm
Høje where it was found in a ship setting that belongs to the most recent phase
of that site, that is the tenth century (T. Ramskou 1976, pp. 15, 61 ). Six combs
of this type were found at Elisenhof in the layer dated 720-800 and four were
found in the relatively more recent muschelgriis pottery layer (W.-D. Tempel
1979, p. 165).
The only parallel to comb 8 (fig. 80:8) found at Elisenhof came from the
transition layer before the muschelgrus pottery level, that is, according to
Steuer, c. 800. As already pointed out, p. 130, the prototype of this comb
should be sought in the west for it is only ornamented on one side, in a Frisian
manner.
A very fragmentary comb, no. 5 (fig. 80:5), decorated with a grid of single
lines was found in phase 3. This ornament, like the grid made of double lines,
lasted a long while, although it appears to have been less common in the early
eighth century than in the ninth. At Elisenhof it is only found in the
muschelgrus pottery layer of the ninth century. The corresponding type from
Birka, designated 13 1:2 (KAB, fig. 29) is the older type of the combs without
the lines parallel to the edges and first appears at the end of the ninth
century.
Comb no. 4 (fig. 80:4) is probably a recent intrusion into phase 4. it is of a
comb
Fig 80 : 10
80 : 9
80 . 8
80 ; 7
80 ; 6
80 : 5
ΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔ ΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔ
ΔΔΔΔΔΔΔΔ ΔΔ
. . .•••••••••
.••••••••••• • •••
• ••••• •••••••••••••••••••••α
. οοοοοοοοοοοοοοοοοοοοοο
ΔΔΔΔ-phasel ••••-phase2 0000-phase3
-overlapping dates within the s ame phase
Fig. 96 Diagram showing possible datings of the different combs cf fig. 39
type that seems to have reached the towns around the Baltic and the North Sea
in the thirteenth century (B. Axelsson 1979, table 1) and cannot therefore be
associated with early Ribe.
Fig. 96 summarizes the probable dating of the combs discussed above.
It is obviously impossible to determine the chronology of the phases at Ribe
from such slight evidence. It does however point to the late eighth century,
even though particular types are found earlier or later. The comparative
material is not large and that from Gotland is from graves which naturally give
a different chronological basis than evidence of comb manufacture. The
situation at Ribe is most closely paralleled at Elisenhof but even there very
little material has been recovered and apart from the earliest phase, which can
be dated dendrochronologically, the other dates depend on the dating of
miischelgnis pottery.
The combs are therefore not as useful in determining Ribe's chronology as
one would have liked. One thing is however clear: the A-type combs (large,
with two lines parallel to the edges of the connecting plates which have shallow
convex cross sections) are not found at Ribe. They first appear at the beginning
of the ninth century and spread rapidly; they are in fact found in the earliest
layer of all Viking period market places and towns from Staraja Ladoga (O.I.
Davidan 1962) to the terps of the coastal marshes of the North Sea (W.T).
Tempel 1969, p. 79). Although relatively little material was found at Ribe,
there ought to have been some trace of this comb type if the material as a whole
belonged to the ninth century.
The unfinished connecting plates from Ribe are not of the Λ-type. Their
width varies between 11 and 19 mm, while the majority of Λ-type combs from
the Black Earth at I3irka have connecting plates in which the corresponding
measurement is generally between 22 and 26 mm. It is true that 14 of the
unfinished plates from Ribe, that is 10 % of the total, measured 16 to 18 mm,
but they would have been made narrower in the final stages of comb making.
These unfinished components are indeed closer to the type found in and under
the muschelgrus pottery layer at Elisenhof (W.T^. Tempel 1979) and in other
settlements in Frisia (A. Roes 1963).
The scale of comb production It is obviously impossible to determine the total production of the comb
maker, or makers, of eighth and ninth century Ribe on the basis of the
excavated area. Road works in St Nikolaigade uncovered large quantities of
antler and it is clearly possible that concentrations similar to that found in
Kunstmuseets kælder in phase 2 may exist elsewhere. The material currently
available does however represent a minimum amount of waste and compo
nents and does therefore make a minimum estimate of comb production
possible. W.-D. Tempel (1970 b, p. 221) attempted to measure the comb
production at Hedeby from the number of burrs found in the excavation of
1963-64. He reckoned that an average of 3.7 combs could be made from each
antler and that the 3390 burrs found could have produced about 12500 combs
in some two centuries, that is a good 60 every year. He estimated that this
should be multiplied by 40 to obtain some idea of the total for Hedeby, and
concluded that some 2500 combs were made there annually. If one accept
Tempers estimate of the number of combs that can be made from one antler
but exclude the more uncertain estimate of how many burrs may not have been
found, it gives a minimum production of 60 combs a year. Ulbricht used more
recent Hedeby material but chose to base her estimate of the number of combs
produced on the off cuts from the tooth plates produced in the final stage of
production. She calculated that only 15 combs were made each year in one
workshop or by one man and concluded that comb makers cannot have been
professional craftsmen. In her view comb making was a part-time occupation
(1978, p. 118). It is clearly wrong to assume that every burr must imply nothing but finished
combs. We know that antler was used for other purposes and there were also
mistakes; the debris includes some pieces that were unfinished because
something went wrong. To this extent Ulbricht 's approach is sounder; the off
cuts were produced at a very late stage in the completion of a comb. It is
however a difficulty that these offcuts are so small that they can more easily
disappear or be overlooked than the larger burrs. In Ribe, for example, the
surviving off cuts of tooth plates only represent 10 combs although the other
debris indicates that many more were made. The burrs are therefore a better
starting point. The practical experiment showed that it was possible to make
three or four combs from one red deer antler and also to make gaming pieces
and handles from the material left over. Neglecting mistakes, it can be
assumed that each red deer antler could yield at least three combs.
Tab 8.
The number of combs implied by the burrs found in the different areas and phases
Area 5 Kunstmuseets
have Domerhaven Sum
phase 1 3 21 24 phase 2 180 6 60 246 phase 3 18 18 phase 4 6 6
Sum 180 27 87 294
In all , 126 burrs were found at Ribe, and these could represent at least 380
combs. It should also be noted that bone was also used for combs. As the large
quantity of antler found in phase 2 cannot be explained by the exceptional
preservative qualities of undecomposed dung (see p. 144), the small quantities
from phases 1, 3 and 4 suggest that that material does not represent the
accumulated debris of a comb maker. This accords well with the seasonal
nature of the work, which, it must be emphasised, did not necessarily happen
on exactly the same spot every year.
There are also large variations within phase 2 which can best be seen in the
abundant material from Kunstmuseets kælder. 71ie number of combs implied
by the burrs found in the different layers within this area and phase are as
follows.
north
Ai
Be
Dz
Ei
Eø
15 combs 3 9
18
6
south
A k 36 combs
Ac 9
Cg 18
Eg 33
Ey 33
Ig
Assuming that the antler was not so defective that more waste would be
produced than usual, that the comb maker made few mistakes and that he
concentrated on making combs rather than other objects like handles, in the
upper parts of phase 2 he appears to have made about 50 combs and in the two
lower levels of the southern part 65-70. It has already been argued that the
material from layer Eg indicates a work place rather than the scattered debris
from a work place elsewhere. It is difficult to estimate how long a period is
represented by the material found in that level. Mogens Bencard has suggested
that the undecomposed character of the dung implies that the heap was
frequently renewed by the deposition of large quantities of fresh dung
otherwise it would have dried out quickly on this light, sandy and raised
ground. That a good 30 combs were made at this level before it was covered up
is, moreover, consistent with a short season of work.
Comb making - a specialist craft? The Ribe evidence appears at first sight to support Ulbricht 's argument that
the number of combs produced was too small for comb making to be regarded
as a full t ime occupation. She maintains that comb makers should not be called
craftsmen for, despite the obvious signs of expertise in the finished products,
working with antler could not, in her view, have been the main occupation (I.
Ulbricht 1978, p. 138). She found support for this opinion in the fact that there
was no specialised comb making quarter at Hedeby; they were made in several
parts of the site. Hedeby and Ribe are not alone in lacking sufficient debris to
show that comb making was a full t ime occupation. In Wollin, for example, it
has been estimated that one workshop only produced 800 to 1200 combs in 100
years (E. Cnotliwy 1956, p. 179).
The most striking feature of the comb material of the Viking age is its
uniformity throughout a very large area. From Staraja Ladoga in the east to
Dublin in the west combs of the same date are very similar in size, proportions
and decoration. It is very unlikely that the fashion in combs was a sufficiently
powerful influence to spread new designs so rapidly through such a vast
territory. Excavation has shown that combs were made in all early towns and
market places, and they were obviously made by experienced and skilful
workers. The remarkable uniformity of their products implies very close
contacts between the various centres. Had each main centre had its own
craftsmen, a greater variety in their products would have been expected. The
very uniformity suggests that combs were made by specialists who did not
remain long in one place but travelled from market place to market place, and
worked with raw material that had been gathered locally, in particular with
antiers that were shed in winter and stored until the time of the market and the
arrival of the eomb maker.
The debris from any one site is insufficient to represent a full year's work
because no comb maker worked continuously in the same place. It is even
doubtful if, when he returned, he worked on exactly the same spot. At Ribe
the finds in Kunstmuseets kælder cowXå represent one season's work by a comb
maker who later returned to find that particular pitch had already been taken,
possibly by the bronze smith, and he had therefore to find somewhere else
nearby. This would explain why there was no specialised comb making quarter
at Hedeby. It also explains why foreign antler is occasionally found, such as the
pieces of elk antler at Ribe and Hedeby or red deer at Birka. When, for
example, the comb maker left Birka on his way south, he could well have taken
some elk antler and worked on it during the journey in order to have some
stock ready, and perhaps some raw material while making arrangements with
locals for a supply of antler from the district, which must always have been the main source of raw material.
The development of the craft Comb making is best evidenced in the Viking and early medieval periods but
there are indications that it was already a specialised craft in the Roman Iron
Age. E. Cnotliwy (1974) has shown that antler working in Pomerania
developed rapidly in the eighth and ninth centuries in association with the
growth of towns, but that there were already some comb workshops in the area
before then. P. Grimm (1930, p. 169, Taf. XVIII) has described finds from
Ouenstedt including some 50 pieces of antler ranging from tines to sawn plates
and even a rivetted comb. The material is so slight that one ought rather to
speak of activity rather than a workshop. These antler pieces were found
together with a fibula which belongs to the late Roman period, as do the half
fabricated pieces. Similar small collections of material that suggest comb
manufacture have been found elsewhere, as for example at Ozd in Hungary
(M. Parducz - J. Korek 1959, p. 162, Taf. iii).
The most likely place in which to look for a pre-Viking workshop in
Scandinavia would obviously seem to be Helgö in Mälaren with its abundant
workshop debris and imported material. It is however remarkable that,
although combs are commonly found in graves in the area during the period
that Helgö flourished, c. 300-800, there are few traces of comb making there
(W. Holmquist et. al. 1961-78). In house group 3, mainly of the fifth and sixth
centuries, a few pieces of sawn antler were found, together with unfinished
connecting plates, but nothing suggested production on a large scale.The
precision and uniformity of combs made in periods before Viking Age show
that, as hiter, they were made by craftsmen but the fact that the amount of
debris found are even smaller than from the Viking period may mean that
comb makers were then more mobile than later; they possibly went from farm
to farm (as in gârdfarihanclel). [before a system of markets had been developed
in which men could hope to meet traders and craftsmen, those who had goods
or services to offer may have done so by visiting their customers. A comb
maker could well have been given board and lodging as part of his payment. It
is also possible, even likely, that the customer himself provided the raw
material; the skill and experience of the craftsmen was more valuable than the
antler, which could easily be gathered every winter. Evidence from the
migration period phase of Eketorp supports this hypothesis, for although
combs were certainly made there, the quantity seems only large enough for a
household (information from fil. kand. Ulf Näsman).
Combs appear to have been everyday objects but they were, nevertheless,
valuable and were not discarded when teeth broke or they were damaged in
other ways. There are several examples of repaired combs, and some graves
contained combs with missing teeth. The travelling comb maker may have
returned to each farm regularily, much as his successor had a regular routine of
markets to visit , but he would perhaps not have needed to return for a long
while once he had provided a family with a stock of combs.
One can further suppose that a comb maker who mainly visited farms would
not have travelled so far as those who later visited markets. This would help
explain why there are more local variants before than during the Viking
period.
The combs found at Ribe have parallels in all directions. Comb 10 is a type
that is not found in Frisia. If the absence of saw marks on the connecting plate
means that it was unfinished, it could have been thrown away during its
fabrication because it broke. But, as Gotlandic evidence shows, some tooth
plates were not sawn as far as the connecting plate (B. Nerman 1969, Taf. 192)
and it is therefore not necessarily an unfinished comb; it could be an import.
The Frisian combs that were contemporary with Ribe comb 10 were more like
Ribe combs 6 and 8. It is impossible to prove that these were made at Ribe.
The connecting plate of no. 6, with one hole in either end could be from an
unfinished comb but it could also be part of a finished comb case. The fact that
both these combs were found in the most concentrated activity layer in the
southern part of area 5 does however strengthen the possibility that they were
made there. These three combs are therefore evidence for Ribe's contacts with
both the Baltic and Frisia, whether they were imported or, as seems more
likely, were made there. The other combs from Ribe have even more distant
parallels (see fig. 97).
The A- and B-types of comb (cf KAB, fig. 25-33), which belong to the ninth
\ σ v Q)
v/
D i s t r i b u t i o n o f c o m b s l i k e t h e o n e m p h a s e 1 T o w n s a n d m a r k e t p l a c e s w h e r e c o m b s w e r e m a n u f a c t u r e d
p h a s e 2 d u r i n g t h e v i k i n g a g e •
pha s e 3 a l r e a d y d u r i n g t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y •
Fig. 97 Map showing the dis t r ibut ion of the combs from different phases in Ribe
and tenth centuries are found widely throughout the Baltic and North Sea
areas, and ahhough local variants do occur, they are less common than in
earlier comb types. The only representative of this phase of comb making at
Ribe is comb no. 5. Among the A- and B-type combs from the Birka graves 10
distinctive types of ornament can be recognised. All these types are found
throughout the area in which combs were made, especially in the large market
places.
Some comb makers may have travelled throughout the whole area from
Staraja Ladoga to Dublin, but the uniformity of the material does not
necessarily mean that this was the case; it is more likely that several men
worked in smaller, but overlapping areas. One may suppose that when comb
makers met they exchanged ideas about methods and tools as well as about
decoration. There was little need for them to worry about competition for the
demand was great. This is shown by the fact that combs are among the most
common objects in late Iron Age graves; it was not a case of having a
communal comb for the whole family but at least each adult had his own. That
they were careful to use combs is shown by Ibn Fadlan's description of the Rus
(S. Wikander 1978, p. 84).
"Every day they wash their faces and heads in the dirtiest water conceivable.
It happens thus: every morning a slave girl brings a basin of water to her master
who then washes his hands, face and also his hair, which he then arranges with
a comb over the basin. He then blows his nose and spits into the water. Indeed
there is no filthiness that he does not do in the same water".
He continues by describing how the same basin is passed to the other men in
the camp. This description of Northerners trading along the Volga shows that
they used their combs every day and we may suppose that this was due more to
the need to struggle daily against lice than to any vanity. Even if the main
purpose was not to improve personal appearance, the toilet of Northerners
could have that effect. It is reported in the chronicle attributed to John of
Wallingford that the Danes, thanks to their habit of combing their hair every
day, of bathing every Saturday and regularily changing their clothes, were able
to undermine the virtue of married women and even seduce the daughters of
nobles to be their mistresses.
'Tiabeba(n)t etiam ex consuetudine patrie unoquoque die comam pectere
et sabbatis balneare, sepe etiam uestituram mutare et formam corporis multis
talibus friuolis adiuuare: unde et matronarum castitati insidiabantur, et filias
etiam nobilium concubinarum nomine detinebant. ' ' (ed. R. Vaughan 1958,
s 60)
In the Viking period the demand for combs, although large, was limited to
the periodic markets at which large numbers of people gathered, and comb
makers were therefore obliged to travel from market to market. They were
only able to establish permanent workshops in medieval towns with their
larger, settled populations. Only then did the eomb makers form themselves
into craft guilds. Lübeck had a joint guild for comb and lantern makers (H.
Hildebrand 1894, p. 565, W. Arbman 1953, p. 119). Comb makers are
mentioned in the Norwegian town legislation of 1282 (C. Berch 1774, S. Grieg
1936, p. 226) but they are not mentioned in Swedish borough records until the
end of the seventhenth century (H. Andersson 1963, p. 10) nor do they figure
among the craft or merchant guilds of medieval Denmark (C. Nyrop
1899-1900). Comb makers certainly worked in medieval towns. There are ample traces
of their activity and examples of their workmanship. It is possible that they
were among the last craftsmen to settle and form guilds. It may be that the
shortage of raw material forced them to travel and to work with locally
gathered antler. When tanneries were set up in towns the comb makers had
another source of material to work with; horn. This had certainly been used
earlier, but it came to play a more important role as the supply of antler proved
inadequate to meet the demands of a growing population.
It has been suggested (H. Andersson 1963, p. 7, I. Ulbricht 1979, p. 138)
that the legal limitation of elk and deer hunting to the nobility led to a shortage
of antler for comb making. It has, however, been pointed out above (p. 99)
that shed antler was more commonly used than antler from slaughtered
animals. According to Olaus Magnus ' 'Elks, deer, red deer and roe deer,
which are here spoken about, are reputed to be the finest food for men and it is
for that reason that, according to ancient law, they can only be hunted by the
nobility, their servants and others who enjoy special privileges . . . But the
antler which they shed in the forest. . . can be taken by those who find it" (OM
18:4). The availability of antler ought therefore to have been unchanged, but
the demand for it grew thanks to the growing population, especially in the
towns.
Summary
Comb making at Ribe appears to have been very much the same as in other
early towns and market places. The different types of raw material and waste
clearly show that combs were made there in all four phases. Concentrations of
antler, both waste and recognisable raw material, make it possible to identify
particular areas in which combs were made, although not permanently. The
fact that comb makers, like other craftsmen in Ribe, have left traces of their
activity extensively to the north of the river shows that they did not necessarily
return to the same spot, and the amount produced in any one place is
insufficient for a year's production. It is impossible from the Ribe evidence to
determine how many combs were produced. It is not even possible to do so in
places that have been more comprehensively excavated, e.g. Hedeby, or in
which the workshops have been identified, e.g. Wollin. However refined the
excavating technique, we cannot hope to recover all the waste, for the Viking
age craftsman, just like his successor, cannot have worked with sawn off tooth
plates and burrs up to his ankles. The waste had to be swept away regularily,
perhaps once the market was over. One very good way of getting rid of it was to
dump it in the nearest waterway or lake. The excavation of the harbour area of
the Black Earth at Birka has shown that waste was systematically dumped into
the water (B. Ambrosiani 1973, p. 12). The total comb production in any one
place appears to have been insufficient to support a comb maker, but he would
have had other reasons for travelling.
An antler or bone comb is a sturdy and durable tool which can be used for a
long time. A settled comb maker could hardly have hoped to sell even one
comb a week between markets, and it is most unlikely that he could have
earned enough during a market to live comfortably until the next, only selling
one occasionally. Once the market was finished in Ribe, the comb maker
therefore had to move on to the next market place. This also enabled him to
draw on fresh supplies of the raw material, antler gathered by locals during the
early winter moult, and brought to the markets together with other local
produce.
The conservatism of production technique and style, both in proportions
and decoration, that can be seen throughout the whole area from Staraja
Ladoga to Dublin, together with the skill required to make such combs, clearly
shows that comb making was not a spare time occupation but a specialised
craft. The professional had, however, to travel around the market places in
order to sell his wares.
The time needed to make one comb suggests that several comb makers were
active at one time at most markets. And it is not unreasonable to suppose that
the comb maker's whole family was involved in the work, many stages of which
did not require a master 's hand.
Later finds of antler show that it continued to be worked at Ribe, as
elsewhere, during the middle ages, and that the working methods were much
the same as they had been during the Viking period. Antler was however no
longer the most important raw material, possibly because comb makers were
then less itinerant. Antler shed in the neighbourhood of Ribe may have been
adequate for the needs of seasonal craftsmen who visited the place from time
to time, but permanently settled comb makers would have been forced to
supplement the supply by using horn and bone as well.
The complete, or nearly complete combs that were found in the Ribe
excavations of 1970-76 were few in number but they can be recognised not as
local variants but typical of the combs that are found in the North Sea and
Baltic areas.
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Abbreviations
ASR = Antikvarisk Samling, Ribe
ATA = Antikvarisk topografiska arkivet, riksantikvarieämbetet. Stockholm
BJ + number = Birka grave number D + number = Catalogue number, Antikvarisk Samling Ribe KAB = K. Ambrosiani, Die Kämme aus Birka
KAR = K. Ambrosiani, Antler, Horn and Bone from early Ribe
KHL = Kulturhistoriskt lexikon för nordisk medeltid Ksp. = Parish KVHAA = Kungliga Vitterhets-, Historie- och Antikvitets Akademien Med. LUHM = Meddelanden från Lunds universitets historiska museum OM. = Olaus Magnus: Historia om de nordiska folken
RAÄ = Riksantikvarieämbetet, Stockholm SUM = Statens historiska museum, Stockholm VWG = Völkerwanderungszeit Gotlands, B. Nerman 1935 VZG = Vendeizeit Gotlands, B. Nerman 1969
List of placenames
Aalsum 13 Aggers borg 11 Bergen 10, 31 Birka-Björkö 10, 11, 14, 18, 24,
25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 47, 49, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 68, 69, 94, 131, 132, 134, 152, 153, 155, 158, 161, 163
Bunge 139 Dinkelsbühl 98 Dorestaci 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33,
34, 94, 98, 100, 131, 132, 139, 153 Dublin 11, 40, 48, 50, 55, 58, 94,
161, 163 Eketorp 102, 159 Elisenhof 28, 30, 31, 98, 152, 153,
154, 155 Ellwangen 98 Gdansk 10, 50 Gniezdovo 33 Gotland 49 Grobin 131 Groningen 33 Haithabu-Hedeby 10, 16, 17, 23,
24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 33, 36, 38, 41, 42, 46, 49, 50, 52, 53, 56, 68, 70, 78, 94, 98, 99, 126, 131. 132, 153, 155, 157, 158, 163
Helgö 54, 158 Ihre, Ksp. Hellvi 68 Kamno 33 Kaupang 11 Koiobrzeg 39, 46 Lovö 11, 153 Lund 11. 31, 32, 42, 44, 56, 98 l.iibeck 162 Långängsbacken 11, 26 Lödöse 10 Menzlin 10, 28, 50 Norsborg 131 Novgorod 33 Novyje Dubovnik 33 Nord linge η 98
Ormknös 24 Oseberg 28, 29
Oslo 10, 31 Ozd 158 Paviken 39 Pskov 33 Ouenstedt 158 Ribe 11, 41, 46, 47, 50, 52, 53,
54, 56, 92, 94, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 117. 126. 128, 131, 132, 136, 139, 141, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157. 158, 159. 163, 164
Sars 33 Schleswig 56. 98 Sigtuna 27. 31. 32, 54, 56 Southampton 11, 32, 94, 101 Staraja Ladoga 10, 17, 22, 26, 30,
33, 38, 39, 40, 46, 48, 49. 50, 53, 55, 56, 58, 70, 81, 94, 154, 157, 161, 163
Stettin 10 Timerovsk 33 Uppsala 50 Volchov 33 Vällingby 131 Wollin 10. 16, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30,
31, 94, 157, 163 York 11, 50, 94, 131 Ystad 39. 49, 50 Århus 11. 23. 29. 30. 31. 94. 98
Appendix
DJURBEN MED BEARBETNlNCiSSPÀR, FRAN RIBE. JYl.l.AND. DANMARK
AV TORSTEIN SJØVOI.D
Osteologiska forskningslaboratoriet
Stockholms universitet, Solna
D 2543. Nötboskap {Bos taurus) . metacarpus dx. Konsdetermination; Ç. Största längd: 117 mm.
D 3071. Älg {Alces alces) två sammanhörande fragment av älghorn. D 3078. Får eller get (Ovis aries!Capra hircus) , tre fragment av hornkvickar. D 3079. Nötboskap {Bos iaurus) , en metatarsus sin jämte proximaländan av en
metatarsus dx. Könsdetermination: Ç. Mått på metatarsus sin: Största längd: 191 mm
Max. bredd proximalt: 38 mm Min. tjocklek av diafysen: 19 mm Max. bredd distalt: 43 mm
D 3080. Får/Get {Ovis lCapra) . 4 tibiae, alia utan proximal ända, 3 sin och 1 dx, sist nämnda från ett ungt djur då den distala epifysen fattas. På de tre andra var de distala epifyserna fastvuxna.
D 3134. Lateralsidan av revben, spaltat längs spongiosa, sannolikt av häst {Equus cabal I us) .
D 3144. Get {Capra hircus) , hornkvicke, sin. Det i båda ändarna rakt överskurna stycket mäter 167 mm, mätt längs hornkvickens främre kant.
D 3145. Fragment av hornkvicke från nötboskap {Bos t . ) eller får/get {Ovis lCapra) . Mått: 36 X 30 χ 4,3 mm.
Avskuret fragment av gethorn {Capra //.), mått 31,2 χ 16,8 χ 5,6 mm.
D 3146. Get {Capra hircus), hornkvicke, dx. nästan komplett, sista 3-4 cm av spetsen avbruten.
Längd längs främre kanten 231 mm Max. diameter vid basis 59 mm Min. diameter vid basis 37,5 mm
D 3147. Häst {Equus cahallus) , två revben, båda dx, ett 3-6 och ett 12-13. D 3148. Får {Ovis aries) , metatarsus sin, distala epifysen avbruten. D 3311. Revbensstycke av häst eller nötboskap {Equus!Bos) , spaltat längs spongio-
san. D 4207. Nötboskap {Bos taurus) , metatarsus dx, proximala änden. Max. bredd
proximalt: 35,9 mm. D 4809. Kronhjort {Cervus elaphus) , os frontale sin med delar av os parietale och os
occipitale. Rosenstocken avsågad. D 5093. Tamsvin {Sus domest icus) . Fibula, tillspetsad i den proximala änden, nål,
pryl. D 5127. Get {Capra hircus) , avskuren del av höger hornspets. Max. längd 52,6 mm,
bredd vid avskärningen 34,3 mm. D 5514. Tamsvin {Sus domest icus) , mellandel av fibula, tillspetsad som no. D
5093.
D 5835. Get (Capra hircus) , fragment av basen av vänster sidas hornkvicke. D 6008. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , metatarsus sin. Könsdetermination: Ç
Största längd: 200 mm Max. bredd proximalt: 45 mm Min. bredd av diafysen: 24 mm Max. bredd distalt: 53 mm
D 6114. Fragment av avsågad rosenstock av älg eller kronhjort [AlceslCervus) . D 6115. Får/Get (Ovis lCapra) , tibia dx, epifysen lös, proximala änden avbruten. D 6142. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , metacarpus sin,
Max. bredd distalt: 46 mm D 6311. Kronhjort (Cervus elaphus) , tre fragment av hjorthorn. Max. längd 148, 108
och 107 mm. På det längsta fragmentet finns basen av två horntaggar. D 6437. Tamsvin (Sus domesi icus) , ulna sin. Distaländen fattas. D 6502. Kronhjort (Cervus elaphus) , os frontale dx med delar av os parietale dx.
Rosenstocken avsågad. D 6505. Kronhjort (Cervus elaphus) , os frontale dx med delar av parietale dx.
Rosenstocken avsågad. D 6604. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , metatarsus sin, könsdetermination: $
Största längd: 196 mm Max. bredd proximalt: 38 mm Min. bredd av diafysen: 20 mm Min. tjocklek av diafysen: 18 mm Max. bredd distalt: 45 mm
D 6558. Häst (Equus cahallus) , metatarsus sin, ej helt mätbar. Största längd c:a 239 mm (längd av bevarad del 219,2 mm) Min. bredd av diafysen: 27,3 mm
D 6662. Get (Capra hircus) . hornkvicke, dx, avskuren vid basen. Översta 2-3 cm avbrutna. Approximativ längd av det bevarade stycket: 250 mm mätt längs främre kanten.
D 6663. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , fragment av os frontale dx och de nedersta sinii av roten till hornkvicken.
D 6664. Get (Capra hircus) , två avsågade stycken av hornkvicken. Längd 57,4 mm och 47,7 mm mätt vinkelrätt mot nedre avsågningsytorna. Största tvärsnitten 29,8 mm respektive 40,5 mm.
D 6665. Get (Capra hircus) , två fragment av hornkvickar, skurna till plattor. D 6666. Tamsvin (Sus domest icus) , tibia dx, distal del, epifysen lös. D 6667. Får/Get (Ovis lCapra) . tibia dx, utan priximal ände. D 6668. Får/Get (Ovis!Capra) . radius dx, distal epifys lös, proximal ände saknas. D 6721. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , del av hornkvicke från ungdjur. D 6760. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , metatarsus sin från liten, möjligen nyfödd kalv,
metaphysis. D 6761. Get (Capra hircus) , hornkvicke dx, tvärt avsågad 125 mm från spetsen. D 6762. Revbensstycke, spaltat längs spongiosan, från nötboskap eller häst (Bos/
Equus) .
D 6818. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , revben, fragment spaltat längs spongiosan. D 6881. Get (Capra hircus) , hornkvicke, tvärt avsågad 160 mm från spetsen. D 6882. Nötboskap eller får/get (BoslOvis lCapra) . Fragment av hornkvicke, mått
64,5 X 1,2 mm.
D 6883. Far {Ovis aries) , avsågad del av os frontale dx med roten till hornkvicken, jämte fragment av samma skal ldel av nötboskap el ler får/get (Bos/ Ovis /Capra) .
D 6884. Kronhjort (Cervus elaphus) , os frontale , sin & dx (ej säkert från samma djur) med delar av tillhörande ossa parietal ia . Rosenstockarna avsågade.
D 6889. Revben, sannolikt från häst {Equus cahallus). Lateralsida, avspaltat längs spongiosan. Mått 172 χ 12 mm, längden mätt längs revbenets krumning.
D 6929. Get (Capra hirciis), komplett höger hornkvicke med delar av os frontale dx. Hornkvickens längd längs främre kanten: 267 mm, längs bakre kanten: 217 mm Max. diameter vid hornkvickens bas: 79,2 mm Transversal diameter: 46,7 mm
D 6930. Kronhjort (Cervus elaphus) , tre ossa frontal ia dx med delar av ossa parietal ia .
Rosenstockarna avsågade. D 7021. Get (Capra hircus) , basen av vänster hornkvicke. Könsdetermination: cT
Max. tv.snitt: 67,9 mm, min. tv.snitt: 36,9 mm D 7034. Revbensstycke av nötboskap eller häst (Bos/Ecjuns), spaltat längs spongio
san. D 7131. Get (Capra hireus) , fragment av hornkvicke, sida obestämd. D 7150. Får/Get (Ovis/Capra). Tibia sin, utan proximal ände. D 7159. Get (Capra hircus) , fragment av vänster hornkvicke. D 8816. Nötboskap (Bos tai irus) , trochlea radi i dx, medialt fragment. D10308. Vänster hornkvicke av får (Ovis aries) , avsågad distalt.
Laterala begränsningen avhuggen, varför bredden ej är mätbar. Längd: Anterior höjd: Posterior höjd:
44 mm 46 mm 21 mm
Dl 1295. Nötboskap (Bos taurus) , tuberosi tas t ibiae dx.
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS
Studies in North-European Archaeology
Series Λ. Editor Mats Ρ Maimer
1. BAUDOU. Evert, 1960: Die regionale und chronologische Einteilung der jüngeren Bronzezeit im Nordischen Kreis.
2. LINDQVIST, Sven-OIof, 1968: Det förhistoriska kulturlandskapet i östra Östergötland. Hallebyundersökningen I.
3. BAUDOU, Evert, 1973: Arkeologiska undersökningar på Halleby. Del I. Hallebyundersökningen II.
4. NORDSTRÖM, Hans Åke, 1972: Cultural Ecology and Ceramik Technology. Early Nubian Cultures from the fifth and the fourth millennila B.C.
5. Η YENSTRAND, Åke, 1974: Centralbygd - randbygd. Strukturella, ekonomiska och administrativa huvudlinjer i mellansvensk yngre järnålder.
6. JANZON, Gunborg O., 1974: Gotlands mellanneolitiska gravar.
Series B. Theses and Papers published in offset (serien avslutad). Editor Greta Arwidsson.
1. FERENIUS, Jonas, 1971: Vårby och Vårberg. En studie i järnålderns bebyggelsehistoria.
2. LUNDSTRÖM, Agneta, 1971: Helgöstudier I. Frågor kring handel, hantverk och samhälle.
3. ARRHENIUS, Birgit, 1971: Granatschmuck und Gemmen aus nordischen Funden des frühen Mittelalters.
Theses and Papers in North-European Archaeology. Editor Mats Ρ Malmer
1. IREGREN, Elisabeth, 1972: Vårby och Vårberg II. Studier över kremerat människo- och djurbensmaterial från järnåldern.
2. LUNDSTRÖM, Lillemor, 1973: Bitsilver och betalningsringar. Studier i svenska depåfynd från vikingatiden påträffade mellan 1900 och 1970.
3. LAMM, Jan Peder, 1973: Fornfynd och fornlämningar på Lovö. Arkeologiska studier kring en uppländsk jämåldersbygd.
4. HAASUM, Sibylla, 1974: Vikingatidens segling och navigation.
5. HAGLUND, Laila, 1976: Disposal of the dead among Australian Aborigines: archaeological data and interpretation.
6. HULTHÉN. Birgitta, 1977: On ceramic Technology during the Scanian Neolithic and Bronze Age.
1. O'MEADHRA, Uaininn, 1979: Early Christian, Viking and Romanesque Art. Motif-pieces from Ireland.
8. SELINGE, Klas-Göran, 1979: Agrarian Settlements and Hunting Ground. A study of the prehistoric culture systems in a North Swedish river valley.
9. BURENHULT, Göran, 1980: The archaeological excavation at Carrowmore, Co. Sligo, Ireland. Excavation seasons 1977-79.
10. BURENHULT, Göran, 1980: Götalands Hällristningar. Del I.
Stockholm Studies in Archaeology. Editor Mats Ρ Malmer
1. KYHLBERG, Ola, 1980: Vikt och värde: Arkeologiska studier i värdemätning, betalningsmedel och metrologi under yngre järnåldern. I Helgö. II Birka.
2. AMBROSIANI, Kristina, 1981 : Viking age combs, comb making and comb makers; in the light of finds from Birka and Ribe.
ISBN 91-7146-150-7