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Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 43 (1997), p. 63-103 The Oldest Epitome of Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium loannis and Commentaries on the Gospel of John in the Early Middle Ages As the Carolingian revival of learning got underway, the voluminous works of the patristic period were still circulating in many abbreviated versions 1 . The 1. Abbreviations used here: Β ISCHOFF, M LAC = Bernhard BISCHOFF, Manuscripts and Libraries in the Age of Charlemagne, trans. Michael GORMAN (Cambridge, 1994). BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte» = Bernhard BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Frühmittelalter», Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954), p. 189-279 ; rep. Mittelalterliche Studien 1 (Stuttgart, 1966), p. 205-273 ; «Turning-Points in the History of Latin Exegesis in the Early Middle Ages», trans. Colm O'GRADY, Biblical Studies : The Medieval Irish Contribution, Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association 1, ed. Martin MCNAMARA (Dublin, 1976), p. 73-160. CANTELLI = Silvia CANTELLI, «La genesi redazionale del commentario di Alcuino di York al Vangelo di Giovanni e il codice Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 258», Immagini del Medioevo, Centro per il collegamento degli Studi medievali ed umanistici in Umbria 13 (Spoleto, 1994), p. 23-49 with 4 plates of St Gall 258 and St Gall 275. KELLY = Joseph F. KELLY, «A Catalogue of early medieval Hiberno-Latin biblical commentaries», Traditio 44 (1988), p. 537-571, 45 (1989-1990), p. 393-434. LAPIDGE & SHARPE = Michael LAPIDGE and Richard SHARPE, A Bibliography of Celtic- Latin Literature, 400-1200 (Dublin, 1985). SCHÖNBACH = A. E. SCHÖNBACH, «Über einige Evangelienkommentare des Mittelalters», Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, phil.-hist. Klasse 146/4 (1903), 176 pp. STEGMÜLLER = Friedrich STEGMÜLLER, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aeui, 11 vols., (Madrid, 1950-1980). WRIGHT 1972 = David F. WRIGHT, «The Manuscripts of St. Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Iohannis: A Preliminary Survey and Check List», Recherches augustiniennes 8 (1972), p. 55-143.

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Revue des Études Augustiniennes, 43 (1997), p. 63-103

The Oldest Epitome of Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium loannis and Commentaries on the Gospel of John

in the Early Middle Ages

As the Carolingian revival of learning got underway, the voluminous works of the patristic period were still circulating in many abbreviated versions1. The

1. Abbreviations used here:

Β ISCHOFF, M LAC = Bernhard BISCHOFF, Manuscripts and Libraries in the Age of Charlemagne, trans. Michael GORMAN (Cambridge, 1994).

BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte» = Bernhard BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese im Frühmittelalter», Sacris Erudiri 6 (1954), p. 189-279 ; rep. Mittelalterliche Studien 1 (Stuttgart, 1966), p. 205-273 ; «Turning-Points in the History of Latin Exegesis in the Early Middle Ages», trans. Colm O'GRADY, Biblical Studies : The Medieval Irish Contribution, Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association 1, ed. Martin MCNAMARA (Dublin, 1976), p. 73-160.

CANTELLI = Silvia CANTELLI, «La genesi redazionale del commentario di Alcuino di York al Vangelo di Giovanni e il codice Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek 258», Immagini del Medioevo, Centro per il collegamento degli Studi medievali ed umanistici in Umbria 13 (Spoleto, 1994), p. 23-49 with 4 plates of St Gall 258 and St Gall 275.

KELLY = Joseph F. KELLY, «A Catalogue of early medieval Hiberno-Latin biblical commentaries», Traditio 44 (1988), p. 537-571, 45 (1989-1990), p. 393-434.

LAPIDGE & SHARPE = Michael LAPIDGE and Richard SHARPE, A Bibliography of Celtic-Latin Literature, 400-1200 (Dublin, 1985).

SCHÖNBACH = A. E. SCHÖNBACH, «Über einige Evangelienkommentare des Mittelalters», Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, phil.-hist. Klasse 146/4 (1903), 176 pp.

STEGMÜLLER = Friedrich STEGMÜLLER, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aeui, 11 vols., (Madrid, 1950-1980).

WRIGHT 1972 = David F. WRIGHT, «The Manuscripts of St. Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Iohannis: A Preliminary Survey and Check List», Recherches augustiniennes 8 (1972), p. 55-143.

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64 MICHAEL GORMAN

abbreviation of Gregory's Mor alia in lob prepared by Paterius had enjoyed notable success2, and Cassiodorus' commentary on the Psalms (largely a re­working of Augustine's Enarrationes in Psalmos) was epitomized at least twice before 9003. The set of brief explanationes on the Psalms published under the name of Bede are largely Cassiodorus on the Psalms too4. Isidore's com­pendium of allegorical patristic opinions on the Old Testament was epitomized shortly after its appearance ; this epitome was used by Wigbod in his commentary on Genesis for Charlemagne5. An epitome of Isidore's Ety-mologiae was created and used in Anglo-Saxon England6. Even relatively unknown biblical commentaries were occasionally abbreviated. The com­mentary on Job prepared by Philippus (saec. V) was transformed into an abbreviated version and also used to create a set of interlinear glosses7.

WRIGHT 1981 = David F. WRIGHT, «The Manuscripts of the Tractatus in Iohannem: A Supplementary List», Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), p. 59-100.

2. Clauis 1718, PL 79.683-916. 3. The unpublished epitome in Durham Β II 30 {CIA 2.152) is apparently an Anglo-Saxon

product ; Richard N. BAILEY, The Durham Cassiodorus, Jarrow Lecture 1978 (Jarrow, 1978), rep. The Jarrow Lectures, ed. Michael LAPIDGE, 1 (London, 1995), p. 465-490. A Carolingian epitome of the work (also unpublished) is in Salzburg a.VIII.5, a manuscript written in Southeast Germany in the first third of the ninth century ; Bernhard BISCHOFF, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, 2 : Die vorwiegend österreichischen Diözesen (Wiesbaden, 1980), p. 163-164.

4. PL 93.477-1098. Bonifatius Fischer, «Bedae de titulis psalmorum liber», Festschrift Bernhard Bischoff zu seinem 65. Geburtstag dargebracht, ed. Johanne AUTENREITH & Franz BRUNHÖLZL (Stuttgart, 1971), p. 98-100 : «Cassiodor ist sowieso die Hauptquelle, die bald wörtlich exzerpiert, bald freier zusammengefaßt wird» (p. 100).

5. For this work, usually entitled 'Retractado de paradiso' and attributed to Ambrose in the manuscripts, see my article, «Wigbod and the Lectiones on the Hexateuch Attributed to Bede in Paris lat. 2342», Revue Bénédictine 105 (1995), p. 310-347.

6. The epitome is found in Paris lat. 1750, f. 140-152, saec. VIII-IX, North France (Bischoff) ; Michael Lapidge, «An Isidorian Epitome from Early Anglo-Saxon England», Romanobarbarica 10 (1988), p. 443-483, rep. Anglo-Latin Literature, 600-899 (London, 1996), p. 183-223.

7. The commentary of Philippus was printed for the first and last time under the name of its author by Johann Sichard in Basel in 1527 and then among the works of Bede by Jean de Roigny in Paris in 1545, an edition which was reprinted by Johann Herwagen in Basel in 1563. The extant eighth- and ninth-century manuscripts indicate that the commentary enjoyed a certain degree of popularity in those centuries, especially in England and then at Tours :

CODICES ANTIQVIORES :

Cambrai, Bibliothèque municipale 470, 205 ff., 321 χ 230, saec. VIH1, England (?), Anglo-Saxon half-uncial. CIA 6.740.

The Hague, Rijksmuseum Meermanno-Westreenianum 10 A 1, f. 1-41, 44-199, saec. VIII med., Tours, pre-Caroline minuscule. CIA 10.1571.

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 1839, f. 123-200v, saec. VIII ex., East France, pre-Caroline minuscule. CIA 5.701.

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEN 65

The epitome was an established literary genre in Antiquity which was later appropriated by Christian authors. Summaries and epitomes of extensive histo­rical, legal, philosophical or scientific texts were created, and often these were published soon after the original work itself appeared. Livy's Ab urbe condita was conceived on such a monumental scale that it could survive only in groups of five or ten of its total 142 books - or in epitomes. It can hardly be a coin­cidence that one of the oldest samples of half uncial writing is a papyrus fragment of an epitome of Livy, London Papyrus 1532, saec. III-IV (CLA 2.208). The epitome of Livy made by Florus and known to Einhard and Freculph of Lisieux in the ninth century was excerpted by Jordanes in the middle of the sixth century for inclusion in his De summa temporum uel ori­gine actibusque gentis Romanorum*. Other examples of the genre are the epi— tome of the Historiae Philippicae of the Augustan historian Pompeius Trogus made by Iustinus9, and the epitome of the De uerborum significatu of M. Verrius Flaccus made by Sextus Pompeius Festus in the second century10,

CODICES SAEC. IX :

Berne, Burgerbibliothek 99, f. 1-8 & 170-171, saec. IX 2-3/3, West France (Micy ?) (Bischoff).

Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodl. 426 [SC 2327], f. 1-118v, saec. IX1, England (Barker-Benfield). CLA 2.234.

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Nouv. acq. lat. 2332, f. 3, 'saec. IX in. in.', Tours (Bischoff).

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 1764, f. 9-10, saec. IX-X.

Troyes, Bibliothèque municipale 559, f. 109-238, saec. IX 3/4, Auxerre (?) (Bischoff).

Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. I l l , saec. IXmed., f. l-99v, Tours (Wilmart).

CODICES RECENTIORES :

Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, San Marco 722, 246 ff., saec. XII.

Madrid, Biblioteca nacional 437 (olim Α. 82), f. 102-175v, saec. XIV. Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal 315, 116 ff., 'saec. XI' (catalogue), from St Victor. Used

by Jean de Roigny for his 1545 edition.

Erasmus published the abbreviated version in his 1516 edition of the works of Jerome using St Gall 106, saec. IX ; PL 26.655-850 [619-802], STEGMÜLLER 3.3420 (= STEGMÜLLER 4.6971.1). The glosses were printed by Jean Martianay in 1693 using St Petersburg F.v.1.3, f. 1-38, saec. vili, written in uncial and Anglo-Saxon minuscule (CLA 11.1599) ; PL 23.1475-1536 [1407-1470], Clauis 757 (among the dubia et spuria of Pelagius), STEGMÜLLER 3.3419 (= STEGMÜLLER 4.6971.2), LAPIDGE & SHARPE 3 (under Pelagius).

The commentary by Philippus (Clauis 643, STEGMÜLLER 4.6970) was also listed by STEGMÜLLER under Ps. Bede (2.1663-1664). The work was printed for the last time in 1688.

8. Texts and Transmission: A Survey of the Latin Classics, ed. L.D. REYNOLDS (Oxford, 1983), p. 164-166.

9. Texts and Transmission, p. 197-199.

10. Texts and Transmission, p. 162-164.

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66 MICHAEL GORMAN

which was excerpted for Charlemagne by Paul the Deacon sometime after 78611.

Many of the works of Aurelius Augustinus12 were very lengthy and the un­equalled authority they enjoyed made them special targets for versions on a reduced scale. Students of Augustine in the early Middle Ages were as aware as we are that an editor was needed to trim his rhetoric down to manageable proportions for post-classical tastes, budgets and life-styles. Epitomes made it possible to acquire an excellent, detailed knowledge of the content of Augustine's long and difficult works without ever having to actually read them. This was one of the advantages offered by the genre. Another was the economic factor : an epitome was much cheaper to produce than a manuscript of the complete work. By the year 800, if not perhaps well before, it was possible to read and study most of the major works of Augustine in epitomes or abbreviated versions, including De Genesi ad luterani, Tractatus in Euan-gelium Ioannis, De trinitate, Confessiones, De doctrina Christiana, and De ciuitate dei13. Epitome is used here to refer strictly to a work which consists almost entirely of a series of phrases or passages put together using the exact words of the author without introducing extraneous material or personal comments in an attempt to preserve the original scope of the work but on a vastly reduced scale. In the case of the works of Augustine, the epitome is to be sharply distinguished from the florilegium (or set of excerpts), of which the best known is that of Eugippius (t e. 536)14, as well as from works which are derivative and largely based on Augustine, but which have been re-written or summarized, of which the earliest example is perhaps the commentary on Psalms 100-150 of Prosper of Aquitaine (t e. 450)15. The genuine epitome is limited to the words of the author.

11. BISCHOFF, MLAC, p. 58, n. 13. 12. That this was Augustine's name is no longer called into doubt ; see my article, «Aurelius

Augustinus : The Testimony of the Oldest Manuscripts of St. Augustine's Works», Journal of Theological Studies 35 (1984), p. 485-490, Claude LEPELLEY, «Un aspect de la conversion d'Augustin : La rupture avec ses ambitions sociales et politiques», Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique 88 (1987), p. 235, n. 26, and Gerald BONNER, «Augustinus (uita)», Augustinus Lexikon 1/4 (Basel, 1990), col. 521.

13. Unstudied and unpublished epitomes of Augustinian works are in :

Trier 137/50, f. 1-74, saec. IX-X {De ciuitate dei).

Trier 144/1188, saec. IX 3/4, North France {Confessiones, p. 5-239; De doctrina Christiana, p. 239-294).

14. See my articles, «The Manuscript Tradition of Eugippius' Excerpta ex operibus sancii Augustini», Revue Bénédictine 92 (1982), p. 7-32, 229-265, and «Eugippius and the Origins of the Manuscript Tradition of St. Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram», Revue Bénédictine 93 (1983), p. 7-30.

15. Prosper's commentary on Psalms 100-150 has survived, but this is not an epitome : CCSL 68A, p. 3-211 ; Clauis 524. Prosper 'rewrote' Augustine's texts and did not limit himself to redeploying Augustine's exact words; 'pauca ad litteram excerpens, plura ad sensum in compendio redigens', as P. Callens noted (p. vii). Prosper also seems to have prepared a florilegium of De trinitate, of which a copy is recorded in the ninth-century Lorsch catalogue,

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THE OLDEST EPITOME Ο Ε THE TRACTATVS IN 10ANNEN 67

To judge from the number of items in Codices Latini Antiquiores, Au­gustine's Enarrationes in Ρ salmos was far and away the most widely diffused of all his works in the early Middle Ages. I count twenty-five items which are manuscripts, fragments or excerpts of the Enarrationes. Just how significant this number is can be appreciated by comparing it with the relevant numbers for the other major works of Augustine : eleven entries for the Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis16, six for De trinitate, five for De ciuitate dei, four for De Genesi ad litteram, three for De doctrina Christiana, and three for the Confessiones17· It is thus not surprising that the Enarrationes was an especially popular object for those who practised the epitomist's craft.

but this work does not seem to have survived ; 'Excerptio Prosperi ex libris de trinitate sancti Augustini', Gustav BECKER, Catalogi bibliothecarum antiqui (Bonn, 1885), 37.165 & 313. Prosper probably created these works in preparation for use in his Sententiae and other works ; if so, they would have originally been his notebooks. The 84 items listed in the Lorsch catalogue (p. 102-105) as a description of this florilegium of De trinitate are chapter headings from the work (except for items 3 and 16). To judge from this list, Prosper included passages from book 1, chapters 6-7, 10-11, 13 (items 1-6), book 2, chapters 2-6, 18 (items 7-12), book 3, chapters 4-5, 10 (items 13-16), book 4, chapters 1, 3, 7-9, 13-18, 20 (items 17-28), book 5, chapters 1-2, 8-16 (items 29-39), book 6, chapters 4-10 (40-46), book 8, chapter 3 (item 47), book 9, chapter 1 (item 48), book 12, chapters 8-11 (items 49-55), book 13, chapters 5-20 (items 56-71), book 14, chapters 12, 15-19 (items 72-77), and book 15, chapters 2, 4, 5, 14, 17, 19, 28 (items 78-84).

A different set of excerpts from De trinitate is preserved under the title Έχ libris beati Augustini de sancta trinitate haec collecta sunt' in Boulogne 51, f. 1-53, saec. IX1, written near Tours (Bischoff) : book 1, chapters 4, 7-13 (f. 1-11), book 2, chapters 1, 3-6 (f. ll-18v), book 3, chapters 8-9 (f. 18v-19), book 4, chapters 20-21 (f. 19v-26v), book 5, chapters 1, 2, 4-5, 8, 10, 13-16 (f. 26v-32v), book 6, chapters 4-8, 10 (f. 32v-34v), book 7, chapters 1-3, 5-6 (f. 35-40), book 8, chapters 1-2 (f. 40-41v), and book 15, chapters 5-7, 14, 16-20 (f. 41v-53). See E.K. RAND, A Survey of the Manuscripts of Tours, Studies in the Script of Tours 1 (Cambridge, Mass., 1929), p. 128-129, item 65, who notes that the passages in Boulogne 51 'suggest Alcuin's manual on the Holy Trinity compiled largely from St Augustine and commended by Charlemagne at the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle in 802. The excerpts might have been compiled at about that time, and the script of the present books suggests a date not much later ('c. 800', Dom Wilmart). The ruling forces us to a later date, it would seem, not much earlier than 820.'

Prosper could have been the author of the most widely-used set of chapter headings for De trinitate, as Eligius Dekkers has suggested, «Quelques notes sur des florilèges augustiniens anciens et médiévaux», Collectanea augustiniana : Mélanges T. J. Van Bavel, éd. B. Bruning, Augustiniana 40-41 (Leuven, 1990), p. 28-29.

16. Milan F 60 sup., f. 50 & 52-54 (CLA 3.339) and Paris lat. 10399, f. 42-43 (CLA 5.595) are excluded from this count since they contain an epitome of the work and not the work itself.

17. For these statistics, see CLA and my article, «The Manuscript Traditions of St. Augustine's Major Works», Atti del Congresso internazionale su S. Agostino nel XVI Centenario della Conversione, Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 24, ed. Vittorino GROSSI, 1 (Rome, 1987), p. 381-412.

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68 MICHAEL GORMAN

The oldest epitome of an Augustinian work is perhaps the epitome of the Enarrationes, which must have been prepared in the sixth century, if not before, preserved in Lyons 426 + Paris Nouv. acq. lat. 1629, f. 7-14. This book was dated 'saec. VI-VII' by Lowe (CLA 6.773a)18.

Another epitomized version of the Enarrationes in Psalmos is found in a well-known group of manuscripts, Cologne 63, Cologne 65 and Cologne 67, which contain the text divided into three volumes. The nuns who copied these books for archbishop Hildebald of Cologne about the year 800, evidently at Chelles19, perhaps ran out of patience when they reached Augustine's many explanations on Psalm 118, because from this point on in Cologne 67, the female scribes abbreviated the text20. The epitome might have been deliberately put together for their own use by the nuns who wrote the manuscripts, and they might have hoped that Hildebald would not notice how much of the authentic text was missing. It is also possible, however, that the abbreviated version they were copying was put together earlier, perhaps several centuries before. The same epitomized version of the Enarrationes is found in Berlin Phillipps 165721, which was written by the same group of nuns at the same time and was originally the third volume of another set of three whose first two volumes are apparently lost ; in the thirteenth century, the manuscript was collated against a copy of the Enarrationes and the passages missing from f. 111 onwards were added in the margins and on folios added to the book, a remarkable demonstration of the respect accorded Augustine's

18. The nature of this epitome can be appreciated from the brief texts presented in the plate in CLA (Lyons 426, f. 49) which are short phrases extracted from Augustine's work on Psalm 61 : -lis in omnibus uoluntas (CCSL 39.784,19), Conuertit - in deo (784,1 bis-3 bis), Vos qui - iniquitatem (784,4 bis-5 bis), Et in rapinam non concupiscatis (785,14-15), -ferendo -fallitis (785,51-52), Monui - opera eius (786,56-4). Adolf Primmer brought the epitome in this manuscript to my attention.

19. Bischoff suggested but did not attempt to prove that the Cologne manuscripts were written at Chelles in his 1957 article, «Die Kölner Nonnenhandschriften und das Skriptorium von Chelles», Mittelalterliche Studien 1 (Stuttgart, 1966), p. 26, where he notes : Of all the old convents once in Northeast France, whether they were famous, obscure, or have disappeared without trace, I suggest we view the abbey of Chelles, the old Kala, as the home of this script.' See also Ursula WINTER, «Lateinische Literatur der X. Jahrhunderts in mittelalterlichen Bibliotheken», Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 24-25 (1989-1990), p. 555-556. Bischoff's intuition tends to be confirmed by the relic labels found recently at Chelles (ChLA 18.669) ; see the comments of David GANZ, «Charters Earlier than 800 from French Collections», Speculum 65 (1990), p. 928-929.

20. The epitome begins on f. 112, where four passages are dropped from Augustine's introduction {CCSL 40.1664,1-1665,29) on the first sixteen lines : 1664,7 Et cum - 11 non cessi ; 1664,13 ita ut - 1665,14 non possem ; 1665,21 Sic enim - 23 exposui ; 1665,25 Hoc enim -27 cantilena. The corresponding passage is found in Berlin Phillipps 1657, f. 111. See plate 1. For information about these texts and manuscripts I am grateful to Franco Gori who kindly sent me photographs of them.

21. The manuscript was perhaps once at St Vincent in Metz ; see Valentin ROSE, Verzeichnis der lateinischen Handschriften der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin 1 (Berlin, 1893), p. 35.

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN lOANNEN 69

words. See plate 1. Walahfrid Strabo put together another epitome of the Enarrañones22. Other attempts to create a reduced version of the Enarrationes were made in the ninth century23.

I. - THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE «TRACTATVS IN EVANGELIVM IOANNIS»

A decade ago I published in this journal two epitomes of Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram which date from before the year 800, one of which was used when Wigbod prepared his commentary on Genesis for Charlemagne in the 790s24. Here is presented what is apparently the oldest epitome of Au­gustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis25, a heretofore unpublished 'anonymous commentary on the Gospel of John, in reality a condensation and reworking of the Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis'26, as it was described nearly twenty years ago by John Contreni, which is found in at least three ninth-century manuscripts27. The manuscripts themselves offer no clue about

22. The epitome of the Enarrationes prepared by Walahfrid Strabo {PL 114.752-794) is found in several manuscripts ; STEGMÜLLER 5.8324. See Alf ÖNNERFORS, «Über Walahfrid Strabos Psalter-Kommentar», Literatur und Sprache im europäischen Mittelalter, ed. Alf ÖNNERFORS, Johannes RATHOFER & Fritz WAGNER (Darmstadt, 1973), p. 75-121.

23. Such as the set of excerpts of the work which is found in two ninth-century manuscripts, Munich Clm 14176 and Karlsruhe Aug. CLII, which were brought to my attention by Franco Gori.

24. See my articles, «An Unedited Fragment of an Irish Epitome of St. Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram», Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 28 (1982), p. 76-85, «A Carolingian Epitome of St. Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram», Revue des Études Augustiniennes 29 (1983), p. 137-144, and my retractatio in which I explain why I no longer consider the epitome published in 1982 to be Irish, «Augustine Manuscripts from the Library of Louis the Pious : Berlin Phillipps 1651 and Munich Clm 3824», Scriptorium 50 (1996), p. 98, n. 1. For an example of how telling fragments of exegetical treatises occasionally may be, see E.A. LOWE'S 1960 article, «An Unedited Fragment of Irish Exegesis in Visigothic Script», Ρalaeographical Papers, 1907-1965, ed. Ludwig BlELER (Oxford, 1972), 2, p. 459-465.

25. CCSL 36 ; PL 35.1379-1976 ; Clauis 278, the notes and introduction of M.-F. BERROUARD, Bibliothèque augustinienne 1Ì-1A (Paris, 1988-1993), and the series of articles by George LAWLESS, «Augustine's Use of Rhetoric in His Interpretation of John 21:1-23», Augustinian Studies 23 (1992), p. 53-67, «The Man Born Blind: Augustine's Tractate 44 on John 9», Augustinian Studies 27 (1996), p. 59-77, and «Listening to Augustine: Tractate 44 on John 9», Augustinian Studies 28 (1997), p. 51-66. The extant manuscripts are listed and discussed in WRIGHT 1972 and WRIGHT 1981, but it remains to be seen whether a stemma can be drawn for such a complicated transmission, for if the total number of manuscripts is high, nearly all are incomplete; Rome Vallicelliana A. 14, written in South Italy in the seventh century (CLA 4.429) would seem to be the only complete (1-17, 20-124) extant copy written before the year 800.

26. John CONTRENI, The Cathedral School ofLaonfrom 850 to 930: Its Manuscripts and Masters, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 29 (Munich, 1978), p. 75.

27. Additional manuscripts of this epitome probably await to be discovered.

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70 MICHAEL GORMAN

the origin of the epitome, but note that both Laon 80 (L) and Vatican Pal. lat. 176 (P) were written at St Amand :

Laon 80, 80 ff., saec. IX med., St Amand (L)2». An A4-size book : 265 χ 215 <190 χ 160>, written in 29 long lines. 'Incipit de cena dominica' on f. 47ν (marking the start of Tractatus 55 ; John 13.1) ; see plate 4. The ninth line on f. 69v was left blank to write the rubric which is found in Vatican lat. 637 (V) on f. 156 : 'Nunc de domini passione sic exorsus est euangelista' (marking the start of Tractatus 112 ; John 18.1)29. Lemmata marked in the outer margins with an s-like flourish throughout ; some lemmata set off with an initial in red. Quires are regularly quaternions except for the second (a ternion) ; a single leaf (f. 62) was entered into the eighth (f. 55-63). Quires are numbered in two styles, always in the center at the bottom of the last folio. The first two quires are marked with a Q followed by a number (such as 'Q. Γ on f. 8v), whereas the remaining eight quires are marked with a Γ-like sign followed by a number (such as 'Γ.ΙΙΓ on f. 22v). The change in numbering quires after the second quire (f. 14v, a ternion) may indicate an interruption or change of scribes. It is difficult to say whether the manuscript was all written by one hand. The last leaf which follows the tenth quire (marked T.X' and also 'K' on f. 79v) is marked T.XF and also 4L' on f. 80. Carefully corrected against the exemplar by the original scribe30.

Whereas neither Vatican Pal. lat. 176 (P) or Vatican lat. 637 (V) shows any sign of having been studied, there is much evidence that Laon 80 (L) was used by various readers. Passages are numbered throughout in the margins from 1-232, although the meaning of this numbering scheme is not clear. Various symbols are used in the margins, and some were perhaps entered by the scribe (from the exemplar) and others by later readers, but it is not obvious what the different symbols might mean. Asterisks in the manner of Adelelm (according to Contreni) are entered in the margins31. The cross (which may indicate the

28. CONTRENI, p. 37 ('an anonymous commentary on John from the mid-ninth century. It bears the marks and script of Martin Hiberniensis and perhaps of Adelelm'), p. 38, n. 30 (donated to the cathedral by Martin), p. 42 (from St Amand), p. 96 (on the marginal notes on f. 6, 12v, 35ν made by Martin), p. 157 (owned by Martin, asterisks in the manner of Adelelm), and p. 186 (unidentified works, item 377). Described by WRIGHT 1981, p. 80, as 'a (Carolingian?) commentary on John's Gospel which is in reality a condensation and reworking of Augustine's Tractatus, according to Contreni.' I am grateful to John Contreni for kindly lending me his microfilm of this manuscript and for sending me his unpublished notes on it. Bischoff s note on this manuscript (of which Monika Köstlin kindly supplied a copy) is dated 26 November 1962.

29. WRIGHT 1972, p. 73, has pointed out how the second portion of the Tractatus (55-124) is listed in medieval library catalogues under the titles, 'De cena domini', and 'De domini passione'.

30. As can be seen from words added on f. lv, f. 4, 7v, 35v, 38v, 39, 64v, 65v, 66v, 68, 70v.

31. On f. 4, 5, 5v, 7v, 8, 9, 9v, lOv, 19, 21, 21v, 26v, 27, 29, 34v, 38v, 39, 40, 40v, 41, 43v, 47v, 50, 56v, 59, 59v, 63, 70, 70v, 73, 73v, 74, 75v, 77v.

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beginning of a new tractatus, for example on f. 43) is found in the margin32. The chrismon is occasionally found in the margin too33. The 'Nota' sign occurs several times in the margin34. These symbols are not found in either Vatican Pal. lat. 176 (P) or Vatican lat. 637 (V). Perhaps the same reader (Martin of Laon or another scholar at Laon ?) entered the section numbers (1-232), the crosses, the chrismons and the asterisks while collating the epitome against a manuscript of the Tractatus ? Otherwise, how could the beginning of a new tractatus have been noted? Examples of these symbols are given in plate 4 (f. 47v).

According to Contreni, Martin of Laon entered marginal notes such as 'De Isaac et Ismahel' on f. 8, 'De quadragintario numero' on f. 14, 'Quid est inter patrem et filium' on f. 17v, 'De unitale' on f. 33, 'De Christo et Abraham' on f. 35v and again on f. 36v. The same hand entered 'De prima hydria, De secunda, De tertia, De quarta, De quinto, De sexta' on f. 6 (see plate 2). Martin evidently was interested in how Christ was prefigured in the Old Testament.

Another reader seems to have collated a portion of the epitome (f. 10v-13) against a manuscript containing the Tractatus and added several notes, espe­cially on f. 12v (see plate 3)35, although it is not immediately clear why these passages were of such great interest.

For decades this manuscript has stood on the shelf in the library of Laon next to Laon 81, the only manuscript known to preserve the commentary on the Gospel of John written by John Scottus Eriugena. The name 'Fridulfo' appears in a faded note at the top of f. 80v.

Vatican Pal. lat. 176, f. 87-161, written at St Amand in the middle of the ninth century and later in the library at Lorsch (Ρ)36. 230 χ 175 <190 χ 130> 'Incipit de cena dominica' on f. 129v and a line left blank to write 'Nunc de domini passione sic exorsus est euangelista' on f. 150v. Complete, following Jerome on Matthew (f. 2-86). An unidentified text on f. 161v-162v. A few variant readings entered in the margins (f. 87v, 88, 90v, 91, etc.). Chapter numbers for the Gospel of John entered by a later hand (saec. XVI ?). Lemmata set off by a simple initial in red, as in Laon 80 (L).

Vatican lat. 637 (olim 163), f. 126-160v, 'copied in the first half of the ninth century, probably at St Denis', from St-Vivant de Vergy in Burgundy (V)37. A large book, with the text written in two columns on 53 lines on folios now

32. On f. 26, 36, 37v, 38, 38v, 40v, 41, 43, 43v, 54v, 55v, 57, 58, 65. 33. On 5v, 6v, 7v, lOv, 22v, 29, 32v, 38, 45, 73v. 34. On f. 7, 8, llv, 25, 28v, 40v, 43v, 47v. 35. The texts which have been entered in the outer margin are all taken from the Tractatus:

CCSL 36.160,11-15, 19-20, 20-22, 18 bis-19; 161,2 ter, 6 ter-7, 7 ter-8, 162, 8-9, 11-12. 36. Bernhard BISCHOFF, Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften (Munich, 1974), p. 106 ;

Die Abtei Lorsch im Spiegel ihrer Handschriften (Lorsch, 1989), p. 118 ('saec. IX med., St Amand') and p. 60. WRIGHT 1972, p. 138, where the contents are given as: 'extracts (perhaps similar to Vat. lat. 637, f. 126-160v)\ WRIGHT 1981, p. 93 ('extracts').

37. BISCHOFF, MLAC, p. 109, n. 83. WRIGHT 1972, p. 76 ('continuous extracts'), p. 137.

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measuring 400 χ 280 <340 χ 280>. Headings in capitals, 'INCIPIT DE CENA DOMINI' on f. 146v and 'NVNC DE DOMINI PASSIONE SIC EXORSVS EST EVANGELISTA' on f. 156. Incomplete at the very end (missing the text found in Vatican Pal. lat. 176, f. 159v, line 14 onwards), following Bede on Mark (f. 1-52v) and Ambrose on Luke (f. 53-124v). An unidentified text on f. 125-125v. Some lemmata marked in the margins with an s-like flourish38. Lectiones numbered by a later reader (saec. XIII ?) on f. 134 and f. 151 v. Notes by a later hand (saec. XI ?) at the bottom of f. 134 and f. 151. Listed in the unpublished eleventh-century catalogue (Gottlieb 413) of the books of St-Vivant de Vergy, Vatican lat. 1981, f. 1, line 7 : 'Ambrosius super Lucam.'39.

The epitome is older than one would judge from the date of these three witnesses, since we happen to have a fragment and some excerpts which were copied in the eighth century :

A fragment of this epitome is found in Paris lat. 10399, f. 42-43 (E), which measures 342 χ 248 <320 χ 225> in two columns of 36 lines40. The Anglo-Saxon minuscule of the fragment dates from the eighth century, and the large-format book to which the two folios originally belonged, written in two columns, was probably prepared at Echternach41. By the twelfth century the folios were serving as fly leaves for an Echternach manuscript ; the twelfth-century ex-libris, 'Codex sancti Willibrordi Epternacensis ecclesie patroni', written vertically between columns, can still be read on f. 42 ; this manuscript was evidently a Priscian, since beneath the fifteenth-century pressmark, 'M6', we find the note : 'Continet Pristianum grammaticum.' Approximately eight

38. The source marks in the commentary of Bede on Mark in this manuscript were noticed and discussed by E. J. SUTCLIFFE, «Quotations in the Venerable Bede's Commentary on St Mark», Biblica 1 (1926), p. 428-439. On the significance of source marks, see my article, «The Commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and Biblical Studies under Louis the Pious», Speculum 72 (1997), p. 312, n. 121.

39. Vatican Vat. 637 is part of the oldest collection in the Vatican and entered with the books of the erudite French cardinal Jean Jouffroy (tl473). Giovanni MERCATI, «Una lettera di Vespasiano da Bisticci a Jean Jouffroi vescovo di Arras e la biblioteca romana del Jouffroi», Opere minori 6, Studi e Testi 296 (Vatican City, 1984), p. 197-198, and Anna LANCOMELLI, «La biblioteca romana di Jean Jouffroy», Scritture, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento: Aspetti e problemi (Vatican City, 1980), p. 280, 283, 290.

40. On the fragments on f. 35-36 in this manuscript {CIA 5.585), see Dáibhí Ó CRÓINÍN, «Early Echternach Manuscript Fragments with Old Irish Glosses», Willibrord, Apostel der Niederlande, Gründer der Abtei Echternach : Gedenkgabe zum 1250. Todestag des angelsächsischen Missionars, ed. Georges KIESEL & Jean SCHROEDER (Luxembourg, 1989), p. 135-143.

41. CLA 5.595. Wright 1972, p. 130. On Echternach and its scriptorium, see Nancy NETZER, Cultural Interplay in the Eighth Century: The Trier Gospels and the making of a scriptorium at Echternach, Cambridge Studies in Palaeography and Codicology 3 (Cambridge, 1995), especially p. 4-11, and the review of Dáibhí Ó CRÓINÍN, Penna 9 (1995), p. 421-424.

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pages of the text of the Tractatus as found in the CCSL edition were epito­mized in one folio42.

Excerpts from this epitome on various passages from John 1.1-11.9 are found, along with interpolated comments, on four folios in Milan F 60 sup., f. 50, 52-54 (B). These folios measure c. 210 χ c. 165 <180-190 χ 140> and are written in 19 or 27 long lines. They come from a smallish book which was penned at the end of the eighth century in Irish minuscule 'by an Irish scribe under Continental influence, presumably at Bobbio'43.

The epitome thus dates from the eighth century if not before, perhaps even well before (saec. VI ? saec. VII ?). From beginning to end, the compiler has taken words and phrases from Augustine's work and rearranged them into a commentary, following closely the lemmata of the Gospel of John. No other source seems to have been used and personal comments are few. It thus seems impossible to discover elements which would allow us to establish the date and place of origin of the epitome. Four selections from this epitome are given in the Appendix : on John 1.1-18 {Tractatus 1-3), on John 8.37-47 {Tractatus 42), on John 11.1-54 {Tractatus 49), and on John 21.19-25 {Tractatus 124). The words not taken directly from Augustine's Tractatus have been set in bold.

At the beginning of the work (Appendix, lines 3-18), the compiler seems to have felt free to add some words and ideas of his own, but this practice was abandoned as he progressed through Augustine's work. In the later selections, the epitomist follows closely Augustine's work and rarely transposes passages, whereas at the beginning Augustine's words and phrases are freely rearranged in order to make them bear directly on the words of the Gospel. The work was useful not only for beginners but also for advanced students and scholars planning a commentary on the Gospel of John and in need of a guide to Au­gustine's long work. The epitomist seems to have given relatively equal attention to all sections of Augustine's work (including Tractatus 20-22, but not Tractatus 19). The result is a work of manageable proportions which is

42. The text on f. 42v and 42 (Appendix, lines 147-212) covers CCSL 36.365,12-373,12 bis [= Tractatus 42 on John 8.37-48], while that on f. 43 and 43v (Appendix, lines 215-294) covers CCSL 36.419,18-428,13 bis [= Tractatus 49 on John 11.1-33]. The abbreviation of the text on the 44 intervening pages (= CCSL 36.374-420) would have taken up about six folios. Since the edition occupies 688 pages, the complete Echternach manuscript would have required about 86 folios or about eleven quaternions. The Paris fragments might have constituted the outer bifolium of a quire (perhaps the seventh), which, after having been cut in half, were later pressed into service as fly leaves when the need for such abbreuiationes had long since vanished.

43. CLA 3.339. The contents of CIA item 336 are given as 'Excerpta ex patribus' in Irish minuscule, f. 1-46, 58-77. Text in PLS 4.1999-2004 ; reprinted from Anselme HOSTE, In principio erat uerbum (Steenbrugge, 1961), who considered the text to be 'Irish'. See KELLY 96. Cited by BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte», p. 269, n. 141 ; Eng. trans., p. 160, n. 141. WRIGHT 1972, p. 122, 1981, p. 71, where the use of Tractatus 20 is noted. The list of heresies {PLS 4.2001, lines 2-18, reproduced in CLA) which must have been written at Bobbio and inserted among the excerpts provides interesting evidence of the preocupations there in the eighth century.

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about 20% the length of the original work, making either a handy volume, as in the case of Laon 80 (80 folios) or allowing the work to be included in compendia including other exegetical treatises, such as Vatican Pal. lat. 176 (P), where it was added to Jerome on Matthew, or Vatican lat. 637 (V), where it accompanies Bede on Mark and Ambrose on Luke44.

II. - COMMENTARIES ON JOHN IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES

The easiest way to put together a commentary on the Gospel of John in the early Middle Ages was to appropriate phrases and ideas from Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium loannis, and nearly all commentaries on John compiled in this period tend to be indistinguishable from reworkings of Augustine's treatise, a masterpiece which dominated studies on the fourth Gospel for centuries. In addition to epitomes of Augustine's Tractatus, material on John in the early Middle Ages was presented in quaestiones et responsiones, notebooks of teachers of Scripture, personalized versions of Alcuin's com­mentary, and sets of glosses and brief comments.

A successful and widely circulated text on John in the pre-Carolingian period which was not wholely dependent on the Tractatus was the commentary which appears in the set of Gospel commentaries which are usually attributed to Jerome (but also to Gregory) in the manuscripts45. This was apparently the

44. Other abbreviated versions of the Tractatus are found in: Munich Clm 14286, saec. VIII-IX (CLA 9.1293 with plate of f. 14v, Tr. 34). WRIGHT 1972,

p. 59 (abbrev. 30-124), p. 124 ('probably abbreviation'), WRIGHT 1981, p. 85 ('probably in an abridged text'). Mentioned in the 1500-1501 St Emmeram catalogue.

St Gall 241, p. 65-172. WRIGHT, p. 59 (abbrev., 1-18, 20), p. 76 ('1-19'), p. 134 ('saec. IX1').

45. PL 30.577-590 [596-608] = PL 114.903-916 (under the name of Walahfrid Strabo). BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte», item 11, argued these commentaries were of Irish origin and distinguished three recensions, although he presented no convincing proof for his assertions, only the standard appeals to 'Irish symptoms' and 'Irish sources'. See Bruno GRIESSER, «Beiträge zur Textgeschichte der Expositio IV euangeliorum des Ps.-Hieronymus», Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 54 (1930), p. 40-87, and «Die Handschriftliche Überlieferung der Expositio IV euangeliorum des Ps.-Hieronymus», Revue Bénédictine 49 (1937), p. 279-321. Griesser (p. 309) suggested the commentary might be from Ireland or North Italy, judging from the diffusion of the manuscripts. Kelly (56A, p. 397) describes the work as 'almost pedestrian in character. The comments are very brief, often just a word or two, and they are rarely original, usually having been taken from the Latin Fathers.'

Three 'recensions' of these commentaries were identified by Bischoff :

Recensio I. PL 30.531-590 [549-608] (attributed in the manuscripts to Jerome), PL 114.861-916 (printed under the name of Walahfrid Strabo). CPL 631. STEGMÜLLER 3424-3427. The text in PL 30 is lemmatized better.

Recensio II. Ps. Gregory: unpublished (attributed in the manuscripts to Gregory). STEGMÜLLER 3428-3431. This recension is being edited by Anne Kavanagh of Trinity

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first attempt to create a commentary on all four Gospels ; the next attempt was Wigbod's. The so-called Ps. Jerome commentary on John (as it is usually referred to) makes no claim to commenting on the entire Gospel and appears to be an original composition in which the author gives evidence of having reflected on some (but not all) of the more important passages. The comments on each lemma are very brief, practically glosses, but they do not all seem to have been copied verbatim from a patristic source. The Ps. Jerome com­mentary would have been useful to those who needed to conduct a series of lectures on the Gospel in church or in the classroom. The commentary could have been used to guide the instructor through the exegesis of many significant passages and it also supplied ample opportunity to add personal comments.

Another brief commentary on John from about the same time (saec. VIII2 ?) appears in the compilation which Bischoff considered to be of Irish origin and which he termed 'Das irische Bibelwerk'46. Joseph Kelly has described this commentary in the following terms : The commentary for the fourth gospel begins like the Lucan one : INCIPIVNT PAVCA DE EXPLANATIONE SANCTI AVGVSTINI IN IOHANNEM, referring to Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium lohannis, a work well-known to the Irish exegetes'47.

III. - ALCUIN ON JOHN

The only new commentary on John which seems to have achieved a measure of success between the end of Antiquity and the twelfth century was Alcuin's. Abbreviated and simplified works satisfied a deeply felt need during the reign of Charlemagne, and Alcuin's effort was the result of such a request. In a note to Alcuin sent about the year 800, Gisla and Rodtruda, Charlemagne's sister and daughter, probably speak for many when they complain about what they considered the excessively rhetorical style of Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis. Instead, Gisla, the abbess of the convent at Chelles located half way between Paris and Meaux, and Rodtruda ask for a simpler kind of commentary on the Gospel of John :

College, Dublin. See my article, «The Carolingian Exegetical Compendium in Albi 39 and Paris lat. 2175 : With notes on Paris lat. 614A and Paris lat. 10612», Scriptorium 51 (1997), forthcoming.

Recensio III. Unpublished. STEGMÜLLER 3432-3435.

For the bibliography, see LAPIDGE & SHARPE 341, p. 97, where the work is accepted as Irish and the text in PL 114.861-916 is identified as Recension II by mistake.

46. BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte», p. 231-236 ; Eng. trans., p. 97-102.

47. The (unpublished) commentary is found in Paris lat. 11561, f. 170v-183v. Joseph F. KELLY, «Das Bibelwerk: Organization and Quellenanalyse of the New Testament section», Irland und die Christenheit: Bibelstudien und Mission, ed. Próinséas NÍ CHATHAIN & Michael RICHTER (Stuttgart, 1987), p. 117.

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«We have the commentaries on the same Gospel in the language of the homilies of the most famous doctor Augustine, but these are difficult to understand in certain places and are decorated with greater rhetorical expression than our limited intellectual capacity can comprehend48».

In response to their request, Alcuin sent them his own commentary on John in which Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis is the chief source and influence49. We have an indication that abbreviated versions of Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis were found useful in this period. In a letter directed to Ricbod, abbot of Lorsch and archbishop of Trier, in 795, Alcuin refers to a 'libellus excerptionis' on the Gospel of John :

48. 'Habemus siquidem clarissimi doctoris Augustini homeliatico sermone explanationes in eundem euangelistam, sed quibusdam in locis multo obscuriores maiorique circumlocutione decoratas, quam nostrae paruitatis ingeniólo intrare ualeat.' Alcuin, Ep. 196, MGH Ep. 4, p. 324. Gisla and this letter is discussed in Bernhard Bischoff's 1957 study, «Die Kölner Nonnenhandschriften», Mittelalterliche Studien 1 (Stuttgart, 1966), p. 27.

49. Alcuin's commentary on John was published for the first time by Johann Herwagen (fi 558) in Strasbourg in 1527 just before he moved to Basel (BnF call number A.7825). It would be interesting to know whether the manuscript used is still extant. André Duchesne (1584-1640) included the commentary on John in his edition of Alcuin's works which was published in Paris in 1617 (BnF call number C.683), using a manuscript from the library of Jacques-Auguste de Thou, today Paris lat. 2385, saec. XI (BN Cat gén. 2, p. 437-438). Another edition of Alcuin's commentary prepared by Frobenius Forster was published in Regensburg in 1777, using Munich Clm 14391 (which was still in the library of St Emmeram at the time) and Vatican Reg. lat. 109, saec. XIII ; this edition was reprinted by Migne (PL 100.733-1008). The work is divided into 46 chapters distributed in seven books : books 1-5 on John 1-12 and books 6-7 on John 13-21. The study of the manuscript tradition of the work should prove to be interesting (it is hard to say whether the PL text accurately represents Alcuin's work), since it seems that books 6-7 were sent to Gisla (see the letters in PL 100.737-744 & 923 = Epistolae 214, 196, 213, 195, MGH Ep. 4, p. 357-358, 323-325, 354-357, 322-323) in advance of books 1-5. Among the ninth-century manuscripts (dates and origins as supplied by Bischoff are reported in CANTELLI, p. 28), five contain all seven books of Alcuin's commentary:

Munich Clm 14391, saec. IX1

Cologne 108, saec. IX1, lower Rhein area Laon 84, saec. IX 3/4, near Reims St Gall 275, saec. IX1, St Gall Valenciennes 81, saec. IX 3/4, near Reims

while three contain only books 1-5, Cologne 107, c. A.D. 800-801 (?), Tours Cologne 109, saec. IX 3/4, West Germany Paris lat. 13208, saec. IX 3/4, near Lyons

and one only books 6-7, Basel O.II.28, saec. IX, North or Northeast France.

A useful overview of the sources employed by Alcuin, primarily Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis of course but also Bede's homilies, and an occasional use of Hilary's De trinitate, Ambrose's De fide, Jerome's letters, Gregory's homilies and other works is found in CANTELLI, p. 55-59.

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«If Samuel has had the volume of excerpts on the Gospel on John copied out, I ask you to send it to us50».

Known in court circles as 'Samuel', Beornrad, abbot of Echternach from 775 and archbishop of Sens from about 785, was one of the first Anglo-Saxons in Charlemagne's entourage51. This 'libellus excerptionis' was perhaps the personal notebook which Alcuin compiled while reading Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium loannis and Bede's homilies and which served him as the basis for his own commentary52. The phrase, libellus excerptionis, which Alcuin used in his letter to Ricbod, probably refers to an epitome or set of excerpts he devised himself, since he does not seem to have used the epitome in Laon 80 presented here53.

IV. - REWORKINGS OF ALCUIN

The number of extant ninth-century manuscripts of Alcuin on John (at least ten) reflects only partially the success his commentary enjoyed in that century, for it also served as the basis for at least three 'new' commentaries put together in the ninth century which are essentially reworked versions of Alcuin with supplementary material added54.

1. A commentary on John was included in Herwagen's 1563 edition of Bede's works55. The work was attributed to Bede when it was printed for the first time in Paris in 1539 by Michel Vascosan, one of the several heirs of Iosse Bade (Iodocus Badius Ascensius), under the title, 'Venerabilis Bedae presbyteri, Theologi doctissimi, in sanctum Iesu Christi secundum Iohannem euangelium expositio luculentissima, nunc primum ex Christianissimi

50. 'Rogo si Samuel libellum excerptionis in loannis euangelium habeat perscriptum, ut dirigat nobis.' Ep. 49, MGH Ep. 4, p. 93.

51. Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter: Vorzeit und Karolinger, ed. Wilhelm LEVISON & Heinz LÖWE, 2 (Weimar, 1953), p. 200. Franz BRUNHÖLZL, Histoire de la littérature latine du Moyen Age 1/2 (Turnhout, 1991), p. 40, 44 & 70.

52. As Cantelli has suggested, p. 50.

53. Compare the texts printed in the Appendix to PL 100.870A-874B and 896-991.

54. A detailed examination along the lines of the valuable and interesting study Silvia Cantelli has provided for the commentary in St Gall 258 is required for each of these items.

55. PL 92.633-938, STEGMÜLLER 1680. The first part of this commentary {PL 92.633-800, on John 1-12) consists of the first five books of Alcuin's commentary on John {PL 100.733-1008), but the last half {PL 92.800-938 ; on John 13-21) is not based on books 6-7 of Alcuin {PL 100.923-1008). Excerpts from Alcuin's letter were added to form a new preface : 'Scire debetis - Christi mysteria conspexit.' {PL 92.635-638B = PL 100.740D-741D, 741D-742C, 742D-743B) This preface in turn seems to have served someone who composed the brief preface for Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium loannis which was used in the Glossa ordinaria {PL 114.355-356) and printed for the first time by Erasmus (PL 35.1377-1380 ; CCSL 36, p. xiv).

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Francorum Regis Valesii Bibliotheca in lucem edita . . . '5 6 . In the dedication to Jean Du Tillet57, Vascosan mentions that the manuscript was found in the library of François I at Blois by Jean de Gagny (|1549), professor of theology at the Collège de Navarre beginning in 1529, and chaplain and preacher of François I and his close advisor who once proposed to the king that all manuscripts in France be transferred to a new library in Paris. De Gagny was the author of commentaries on the New Testament and prepared editions of Avitus (from a manuscript he found at St-Benigne, Dijon), Claudius Marius Victor (from a manuscript he found at Île-Barbe, Lyons), Eusebius, Primasius and many other works58. It was the policy of François I to encourage the publication of editions of works based on manuscripts in his library ; subsidies were offered to printers, and perhaps De Gagny and Vascosan took advantage of these favourable circumstances to bring out their 'Bede on John'59.

The manuscript used by De Gagny and Vascosan has evidently disap­peared60, but another copy of the text ended up in the collection of Alexandre Petau (11672) which was sold to Christina, queen of Sweden, in 1650. This book today is Vatican Reg. lat. 307, saec. IX 2/4, Lyons (Bischoff), and contains Bede on Luke (f. 7-96) followed by the commentary on John (f. 96v-

56. Vascosan's edition {Index Aureliensis 115.636) was reprinted by Jean de Roigny in 1545, vol. 2, f. 121-199v, and then in the editio princeps of Bede's opera omnia published by Herwagen in Basel in 1563, vol. 5, col. 519-860 ; on the 1545 edition of Bede, see my article, «The Commentary on the Pentateuch Attributed to Bede in PL 91.189-394», Revue Bénédictine 106 (1996), p. 62, n. 3.

57. Since this book is not in every library (BnF call number C.847), the text of the dedication is given : 'Iohanni Tilio probo ac literato uiro Michael Vascosanus s.d. Cum mihi cottidie obuersarentur ante oculos egregii illi labores quos in augenda re nostra latina suscipis, cumque ego ipse et tuam diligentiam expertus essem saepius et admirarer etiam subtilitatem, ingenium atque facilitatem, uolebam sane atque adeo uehementissime optabam, ut te ipsum si minus pari at certe grato aliquo muñere compensarem. Itaque cum nuper D. Iohan. Gagneius uir cum in unguis et disciplinis, turn in literarum diuinarum scientia excellens, Regia e bibliotheca nobis Venerabilem Bedam in Iohannis euangelium deprompsisset, ut eum si uellem, ederem : feci equidem, et feci non inuitus, ut eum tibi dicarem.'

58. On De Gagny, see Leopold DELISLE, Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la bibliothèque imperiale 1 (Paris, 1885), p. 162-163, and «Gaigny, Jean de», Dictionnaire de biographie française 15 (Paris, 1982), col. 63-64.

59. As Delisle notes (1, p. 178-179), 'Les savants n'obtenaient pas seulement com­munication des volumes qui la composaient: le roi les encourageait à publier les textes nouveaux qu'ils y découvraient, et donnait des subventions aux imprimeurs dont les presses multipliaient à l'infini les exemplaires des œuvres de l'antiquité.'

60. Jonas of Orléans, writing on behalf of his fellow bishops assembled at the council of Aachen in 836, refers to Bede's expositio on the gospel of John ; MGH Leges 3 Concilia 2/2 (1908), p. 759. There was apparently a copy in the library at Fulda ; see Gangolf SCHRIMPF, Mittelalterliche Bücherverzeichnisse des Klosters Fulda und andere Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda im Mittelalter, Fuldaer Studien 4 (Frankfurt, 1992), p. 125, item Ba 243, 'Beda super Ioannem', in the fourteenth-century catalogue.

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183ν) first printed by de Gagny, neither of which is attributed to an author61. Both commentaries are written on 49-50 lines in the outer column, the inner column being reserved for the text of the Gospel. The manuscript probably once also contained commentaries on Matthew and Mark.

The author of the Ps. Bede commentary on John evidently had a manuscript which contained the first five books of Alcuin since he used them. A careful study of the commentary on John 13-21 might tell us where the work was created or by whom ; Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis is the main source for the new part, as Schönbach noted62. If Bischoff's attribution of Vatican Reg. lat. 307 to Lyons in the second quarter of the ninth century is correct, Florus of Lyons or one of his students could have created this commentary on John 13-2163.

2. An unpublished reworking of Alcuin's commentary, which has been attributed to Hrabanus Maurus, Walahfrid Strabo and Ercanbertus of Freising, was put together before the year 850, to judge from the date of the oldest manuscripts. The work was described as 'eine bloße Bearbeitung des Johannes­kommentares von Alchuin' by Schönbach64. The work is found in three manuscripts65 :

61. André Wilmart was unaware of the editio princeps of the work which was reprinted by de Roigny, Herwagen and then by Migne; Codices Reginenses 2 (Vatican City, 1945), p. 155-158.

62. SCHÖNBACH, p. 34-42. No manuscript of the work is given by STEGMÜLLER 1680.

63. According to Célestin CHARLIER, «Les manuscrits personnels de Florus de Lyon», Mélanges E. Podechard (Lyons, 1945), p. 80-81, Florus entered the note, TOH', in many manuscripts with a view to preparing a commentary on John. If passages so marked with ΊΟΗ' in Florus' manuscript of the Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis correspond to those actually used in the work on John 13-21 printed in PL 92.800-938, then we would know Florus was the compiler, but there is no manuscript of this work in Lyons, and unfortunately neither Charlier nor Wright lists a manuscript which might have passed through the hands of Florus. It would seem that his manuscript is no longer extant. Florus composed a poem on the Gospel of John : MGH Poetae aeui carolini 2, p. 518-523.

64. SCHÖNBACH, p. 114, with analysis and discussion of sources, p. 112-129, who suggested it was compiled by Walahfrid Strabo. In his 1903 article, Schönbach mentions that the work was in the Karlsruhe and Wolfenbüttel manuscripts, but he did not know of the Berlin manuscript described in Rose's 1893 catalogue or the 1899 edition of the preface of Ercanbertus. See Silvia CANTELLI, «L'esegesi della rinascita carolingia», La Bibbia nel medioevo, ed. Giuseppe CREMASCOLI & Claudio LEONARDI (Bologna, 1996), p. 187, n. 72, who cites P. MICHEL & A. SCHWARZ, Unz in obanentig: Aus der Werkstatt der karolingischen Exegeten, Alcuin, Erkanbert und Otfrid von Weissenburg (Bonn, 1978), p. 55. The incipit and explicit are : 'Inter omnia diuinae historiae uolumina euangeliorum libros arcem constat possidere dignitatis ... curemus per omnia ut recta fide intellegendo, recta operatione exercendo, quae docuit, ad dona perueniamus sempiterna quae promisit.'

65. The Ps. Bede commentary on Matthew found in one of these manuscripts, Karlsruhe Aug. CIC, is a ninth-century compilation printed for the first time by Herwagen in 1563 (vol. 5, col. 1-130 ; PL 92.9-132 ; STEGMÜLLER 1678 = STEGMÜLLER 7061) According to SCHÖNBACH, p. 34, the work is drawn from the commentary of Hrabanus Maurus (PL 107.727-1156, STEGMÜLLER 5.7060), but see Brigitta STOLL, «Drei karolingische Matthäus-

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Berlin Phillipps 1731 (Rose 54), f. 9-92v, saec. IX 3/4, probably Northeast France (Bischoff). Bischoff notes that the manuscript was probably in Laon in the early Middle Ages and that the s-like marks in the margin could be by the same hand which can be seen in Laon 37, Laon 38 and Laon 80. On f. 9 : 'Amantissimo ac omni dilectionis officio excolendo Ruodolfo preceptori Ercanbertus suus deuotus alumnus.' The letter, addressed to Ruodolf of Fulda (t865), according to Rose, was published in 1899 in MGH Ep. 5, p. 358-359.66 This preface could have been added by Ercanbertus to a work he found, in which case this would be the presentation copy, the sole surviving manuscript still bearing the name of Ercanbertus. The same breuiarium, a list of 14 capitula, which is found in the Ps. Bede commentary on John (PL 92.635-636)

Kommentare», Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 26 (1991), p. 36-55. Discussed by Robert MCNALLY, «The Imagination and Early Irish Biblical Exegesis», Annuale Mediaevale 10 (1969), p. 17-19, and also in The Bible in the Early Middle Ages (Westminster, Maryland, 1959), p. 106. LAPIDGE & SHARPE 1269 among the dubia. It is found in at least six manuscripts :

Fulda, Hessische Landesbibliothek Aa 19, 56 ff., 'saec. IX2, Bodenseegebiet'. 'Incipit tractatus Hrabani abbatis in Matheum euangelistam.' on f. 1. Regina HAUSMANN, Die theologischen handschriften der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Fulda bis zum Jahr 1600, Codices Bonifatiani 1-3, Aa l-145a (Wiesbaden, 1992), p. 56-57.

Karlsruhe Aug. CIC, p. 15-178, saec. IX-X, Southwest Germany (Bischoff). Alfred HOLDER, Die Reichenauer Handscriften (Karlsruhe, 1914) 1, p. 455.

Ljubljana, Narodna in univerzitetna knjiznica 18, f. 21v-163v, c. 1135, Prüfening (Golob). As given by Milko KOS & France STELÈ, Srednjeveski rokopìsi v Sloveniji (Ljubljana, 1931), p. 33-34 : 'Incipit explanatio libri primi uenerabilis Bede presbiteri super Matheum' on f. 21 ν and 'Explicit liber IIIIus uenerabilis Bede presbiteri super Matheum' on f. 163v. Evidently the only extant manuscript in which the work is not anonymous - here it is attributed to Bede. For the date, see Natasa GOLOB, Cistercian Manuscripts from Sitticum XHth Century (London, 1996), p. 11-12 & 149-149.

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 3741, f. 8v-66v, saec. X (Bischoff ; his note is dated 27 November 1928). Anonymous. The name written on f. 2, 'EBHS EPS', may refer to Eberhardus, bishop of Augsburg (1029-1047), as Brigitte Gullath of the Bayerische Staatsbiblothek has kindly informed me. The same work, Walahfrid Strabo on Matthew (PL 114.849-862, STEGMÜLLER 5.8326), is found in two of these manuscripts: Ljubljana 18, f. 10-21, and Munich Clm 3741, f. lv-8.

Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum 3942, 95 ff., saec. IX2, 'mittleres Westdeutschland' (Bischoff). 'EXPOSITIO IN MATTHAEI EVANGELIVM. Breuis explanatio orditur super Matheum.' Anonymous. Hardo HlLG, Kataloge des Germanischen Nationalmuseums Nürnberg: Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften Hs 17a-22921 2/1 (Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 38-39.

Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek Weissenburg 60, f. 2-76, Southwest Germany, saec. X in. Anonymous. Incomplete (PL 92.9-119). Hans BUTZMANN, Kataloge der Herzog-August-Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel: Die Weissenburger Handschriften (Frankfurt, 1964), p. 198-200.

66. On Ercanbertus the grammarian, perhaps the same person, see MANITIUS 1, p. 490. When he catalogued the manuscript in 1893 Rose did not know the same work was in the Karlsruhe and Wolfenbüttel manuscripts.

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appears on f. 9v-10 ; this index was evidently a separate element which was floating around in the ninth century.

Karlsruhe Aug. CIC, p. 180-331, saec. IX-X, Southwest Germany (Bischoff). The name of Hrabanus Maurus erased in the title on. p. 180. Without the preface to Ruodolf or the list of 14 capitula.67

Wolfenbüttel Weissenburg 87, f. 1-68, saec. IX2, Upper Rhine area68. 3. The unpublished reworking of books 1-5 of Alcuin's commentary on John

in St Gall 258, saec. IX med.-3/4, perhaps copied near Reims (Bischoff), has been studied by Silvia Cantelli69. This manuscript was copied from an interpolated exemplar which contained many additional passages on John and a new preface seems to have been written especially for it. The exemplar was already heavily glossed and annotated. The twelve quires were written quire by quire by many hands, perhaps as many as ten, who all display Irish symptoms ; the end of a quire always coincides with a change of hand. Afterwards, annotations were entered in the margins and between the lines in the new copy by a schoolmaster whose students perhaps prepared it. The master employed the sources marks 'AG' (Augustinus) and Ά Μ Β ' (Ambrosius) and wrote a Caroline minuscule with Irish symptoms. The book thus represents the personalized working copy of books 1-5 of Alcuin which was prepared for use in the classroom or while commenting on the Gospel of John. Bischoff s opinion of the origin of the manuscript ('vielleicht in der Nähe von Reims') could refer to the area of Soissons and Laon70, where Irish learning was present in the middle of the ninth century71.

V. - PERSONAL COMMENTARIES ON THE GOSPEL OF JOHN

Several commentaries on John from the eighth and early ninth century survive which essentially consist of excerpts from the Tractatus in Euangelium

67. Holder 1, p. 455. The notes on the Reichenau manuscript of J.B. Enbuber, the prior of St-Emmeram who planned an edition of the commentary, are preserved in Munich Clm 15024/47, f. 1-96, saec. XVIII.

68. Hans BUTZMANN, Die Weissenburger Handschriften (Frankfurt, 1964), p. 250-251. Butzmann knew that the same commentary was in the Reichenau manuscript, but did not know of the Berlin manuscript.

69. CANTELLI, p. 37-42, has demonstated that Schönbach's attempt to view St Gall 258 as a first recension of Alcuin's work was misguided. Donald BULLOUGH, «Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven : Liturgy, theology, and the Carolingian age», Carolingian Renewal: Sources and heritage (Manchester, 1991), p. 200-201, had arrived at similar conclusions in 1983, but Cantelli examined the manuscript in detail.

70. CANTELLI, p. 36, n. 53.

71. Bischoff refers to 'the centre of Irish learning in the Laon-Soissons area' in his 1977 article, «Irische Schreiber im Karolingerreich», Mittelalterliche Studien 3 (Stuttgart, 1981), p. 48.

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Ioannis, comments and glosses. Their chief characteristic is that they are found in only one manuscript. When we encounter commentaries preserved in only one manuscript, we must ask ourselves if we do not have in front of us a manuscript which was ordered for or even written by the author of the com­mentary. I believe the following works were prepared for inclusion in the manuscripts which contain them and in some cases were perhaps copied out by the same person who compiled them. These works were never designed to be put into circulation or 'published', as we would say today. Some might have originated as lecture notes or material for use in schools. They all seem to have served essentially as personal notebooks on the Gospel of John.

1. The excerpts from the Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis selected by Theodulf, bishop of Orléans (t821)72, for inclusion in his compendium of exegetical material, Paris lat. 15679, p. 369-40273.

2. The commentary on John in Angers 275, f. 30-44v, saec. IX in. (Bischoff), which has been edited by Denis Brearley74.

3. The commentary on John in Vienna 997, f. 67-84v, a manuscript which was copied about the year 800 (Bischoff), which has been edited by Joseph

72. On Theodulf, see Ann FREEMAN, «Theodulf of Orleans: A Visigoth at Charlemagne's Court», L'Europe héritière de VEspagne Wisigothique, ed. Jacques FONTAINE & Christine PELLISTRANDI (Madrid, 1992), p. 185-194

73. BISCHOFF, MLAC, p. 109, n. 84. Bonifatius Fischer refers to Paris lat. 15679 as Theodulf s 'vademecum' ; «Bibeltext und Bibelreform unter Karl dem Großen», Karl der Große: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, IL Das geistige Leben (Düsseldorf, 1965), p. 177-178 ; reprinted Lateinische Bibelhandschriften im frühen Mittelalter (Freiburg, 1985), p. 138. This important manuscript begins with Isidore on the Old Testament (p. 1-63) and Bede's XXX Quaestiones in libros Regum (p. 65-75) and includes selections from Jerome on Isaiah (p. 85-128) and the minor prophets (p. 129-225), excerpts from Gregory's Moralia (p. 227-293), 'Glose in expositione psalmorum de diuersis doctoribus' (p. 294-324), passages from Rufinus' translation of Origen on the Song of Songs (incomplete since a quire is now missing after p. 324) followed by Justus of Urgel on the Song of Songs (p. 325-336), and material on the New Testament : excerpts from Jerome on Matthew (p. 337-350), the Ps. Jerome commentary on Mark (p. 350-354, Clauis 632), Ambrose on Luke (p. 354-367), Augustine on John (p. 369-402), and the commentaries on Paul which have been attributed to a 'Ioannes diaconus' (p. 402-464 ; Clauis 952), the translation of John Chrysostom on the Epistle to the Hebrews prepared for Cassiodorus by Mutianus (p. 464-474), and commentaries on the Catholic Epistles (p. 474-486), Acts (p. 485-495), and on the Apocalypse (p. 496-504) ; these items were identified by Ann Freeman and Paul Meyvaert. The sententiae on Kings, 'Incipiunt sententiae expositae in Regnorum libris de diuersis doctoribus' (p. 75-83), is almost certainly an unpublished work of Theodulf himself. According to Ann Freeman, who kindly sent me her notes on this manuscript, Bischoff believed that a few words expanding and completing a title on p. 219 may be in Theodulf s own hand.

74. Denis BREARLEY, «The Expositio Iohannis in Angers BM 275 : A Commentary on the Gospel of St John showing Irish influence», Recherches augustiniennes 22 (1987), p. 151-221. Wendepunkte 32. LAPIDGE & SHARPE 1268, amongst the Dubia. KELLY 97. Not in STEGMÜLLER.

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Kelly who notes that it 'relies almost completely upon one work, Augustine's Tractatus in lohannis Euangelium' (p. xii)75.

4. Like other works discussed here, the very brief set of glosses on John printed under the name of Christian of Stavelot (tpost 880) seems to be a personal work, not intended for circulation76. These glosses, which would repay a detailed study, probably got printed under Christian's name when they were found in the same manuscript as his commentary on Matthew and probably have nothing to do with him. The commentary and the glosses are found together in Vienna 724, saec. X77. On the other hand, they could be his notes for a commentary which was never completed. In this case as in many others, the history of the printed editions illuminates the problem of this brief text. The glosses were published together with Christian's commentary on Matthew for the first time in Strasbourg in 1514, edited by Johann Wimpheling and printed by Johann Grüninger, in an edition dedicated to Leo X78. (The glosses on John were not included when Christian's commentary on Matthew was published for a second time in Haguenau in 1530, edited by Menrad Molther and printed by Johann Setzer.) The glosses were reprinted from Wimpheling's edition in the Magna bibliotheca ueterum patrum (Cologne, 1618), vol. 9/1, p. 947-949, and then in the Maxima bibliotheca ueterum patrum (Lyons 1677), vol. 15, p. 179-181, and finally by Migne under the title, Expositiuncula19.

5. The (unpublished) works on John 1.1-16.17 in Munich Clm 14311, written in about the middle of the tenth century, 'Incipiunt Augustini dicta et ceterorum', f. 150-162, and Tauca incipiunt ex commentario beati Augustini et de omelia Gregorii excerpta', f. 162-220, evidently two separate works which were joined together in the manuscript. The first commentary (f. 150-162) is described by Kelly in the following terms : The work draws heavily on the Fathers, especially Augustine's Tractatus in lohannis euangelium. Source references appear in the margins (AG, AM, CAS) and in the text (AG,

75. CCSL 108C.105-131. Wendepunkte 31. STEGMÜLLER 1164. KELLY 98. LAPIDGE & SHARPE 774.

76. PL 106.1515-1520. STEGMÜLLER 2.1928. On Christian, see the note of Jean-Paul BOUHOT in Franz BRUNHÖLZL, Histoire de la littérature latine du Moyen Age 1/2 (Turnhout, 1991), p. 296-297, and M. L. W. LAISTNER, «A Ninth-Century Commentator on the Gospel according to Matthew», The Harvard Theological Review 20 (1927), p. 129-149 ; rep. The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca, 1957), p. 216-236.

77. The description of this manuscript in Michael DENIS, Codices manuscripti theologici Bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis Latini aliarumque Occidentis linguarum, 1/1 (Vienna, 1793), item CX, col. 297-303, is still valuable.

78. The commentary on Matthew was studied by Sixtus Senensis (1520-1569) who cited a variant reading he found in a now-lost uetustissimus codex 'quern Lugduni in bibliotheca Franciscanorum manuscriptum inspexi'; Bibliotheca sancta (Lyons, 1575), vol. 2, p. 158. The variant reading noted by Sixtus was reprinted in the 1618 Cologne edition, vol. 9, p. 934.

79. On these patristic bibliothecae, see Pierre PETITMENGIN, «Les patrologies avant Migne», Migne et le renouveau des études patristiques: Actes du colloque de Saint-Flour, 7-8 juillet 1975, éd. A. MANDOUZE and J. FOUILHERON (Paris, 1985), p. 16-38.

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GG) ; occasionally the name is given in full, for example, Sanctus Hieronimus (fol. 150)'80. The second commentary (f. 162-220v) is described by Wright as a 'very fragmentary' use of the Tractatus. According to Wright, Bischoff believed this was 'an insignificant compilation of Irish origin'81. These texts should be edited and analyzed.

6. Exegetical material might well have been designed with the classroom in mind, such as the quaestiones et responsiones on the Gospel of John which were published (under the name of Salonius) for the first time in 1968. These are based on several sources, of which the principal one is the Tractatus in Euangelium IoannisS2. The work circulated in Germany in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and was apparently created there in the ninth or tenth ; the oldest manuscript dates from the tenth century83. The genre of quaestiones et responsiones may have been particularly useful when dealing with students of Scripture.

80. Since Bischoff did not specify any folio numbers, Kelly (item 99, p. 422) assumed Bischoff was referring to the commentary on f. 150-162. The next text in the manuscript seems to be a continuation (f. 162-220), and Bischoff perhaps considered both texts to be one work of Irish origin, although he did not specify any folio numbers (BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte», p. 217 ; Eng. trans., p. 83, but not included in his catalogue) ; one of his favourite 'Irish' characteristics, 'ut Augustinus in libro de urbe dei', occurs on f. 163ν, line 1. STEGMÜLLER 9943. (On the Matthew commentary in the same manuscript, f. 9-148v, perhaps the work of the same teacher, see BISCHOFF, «Wendepunkte», p. 226, n. 86 ; Eng. trans., p. 157, n. 86. KELLY 84.)

81. WRIGHT 1981, p. 71, who reports Bischoff s date for the manuscript: 'c. saec. X med.' STEGMÜLLER 6.9944.

82. The anonymous work was published under the name of Salonius, the son of Eucherius of Lyons, by Carmelo CURTÍ, Salonii episcopi Genauensis De Euangelio Iohannis, De Euangelio Matthaei (Turin, 1968), and Due commentarli inediti di Salonio ai Vangeli di Giovanni e di Matteo: Tradizione Manoscritta, Fonti, Autore (Turin, 1968). The oldest manuscript is Karlsruhe Aug. CCV, f. 137-175v, saec. Χ ex.

83. See Jean-Pierre WEISS, «Salonius de Genève», Dictionnaire de spiritualité 14 (Paris, 1990), col. 247-250. For recent bibliography on the problem of 'Ps. Salonius», see Raffaele S A VIGNI, «Il commentario di Alcuino al libro dell'Ecclesiaste e il suo significato nella cultura carolingia», Letture cristiane dei Libri Sapienziali: XX Incontro di studiosi dell'antichità cristiana, Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 37 (Rome, 1992), p. 277, n. 7. The author 'Salonius' was an invention of Brassicanus who attributed to him commentaries on Proverbs and Ecclesiastes which he found in Vienna 1278, saec. XII, and published at Haguenau in 1532; on Brassicanus, see my article, «The Commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and Biblical Studies under Louis the Pious», Speculum 71 (1997), p. 302-305. Since these two commentaries are found with the works on John and Matthew in Vienna 807, saec. XII, Curti extended the attribution of Brassicanus to them as well.

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VI. - JOHN SCOTTUS AND AUGUSTINE'S TRACTATUS

Teachers and scholars adopted many different approaches to the Gospel of John in the early Middle Ages, but the principal inspiration behind nearly all of them was Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis. It is remarkable that Augustine's Tractatus maintained its validity and influence even when studied by a scholar like John Scottus Eriugena who was capable of reading Greek works. According to Edouard Jeauneau, the work inspired both his homily on John 1.1-14, which is found in at least fifty-four manuscripts,

«La source la plus évidente et la plus considérable de l'homélie érigénienne est -comme on peut s'y attendre - le commentaire de saint Augustin sur l'évangile de Jean»84.

as well as his commentary on John 1.11-29, 3.1-4.28, and 6.5-14 which survives uniquely in Laon 81, f. 1-49, a manuscript annotated by John himself85.

«On peut dire que Jean Scot a écrit son Commentaire ayant un œil fixé sur l'évangile de Jean et l'autre sur les Tractatus in Iohannem d'Augustin»86.

That John's commentary is preserved in just one manuscript which dates from the time of Eriugena himself leads me to think that it too is essentially a series of comments which John wrote out himself, perhaps for use while commenting on the Gospel in church or in a classroom, and that no attempt was ever made to finish or publish it. Its intended audience was perhaps not a group of readers. Rather, it was designed to assist John in his task as teacher.

VII. - THE STUDY OF THE GOSPELS IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES

Although biblical exegesis was considered to be one of the very highest forms of intellectual activity in the early Middle Ages, it is not possible at the moment to reach conclusions about the exegesis of the Gospels in the Caro-lingian period or present a meaningful survey of the exegetical material written then, since the two most important Gospel commentaries from that era remain unpublished : Wigbod's Quaestiunculae on the Gospels (probably

84. Jean Scot, Homélie sur le prologue de Jean, ed. Edouard JEAUNEAU, SC 151 (1969), p. 64. LAPIDGE & SHARPE 702-703. PL 122.283-296.

85. According to Bischoff, this manuscript was written at Soissons, like many other manuscripts of the works of John Scottus. See Bernhard BISCHOFF, «Irische Schreiber im Karolingerreich», Mittelalterliche Studien 3 (Stuttgart, 1981), p. 52, n. 58. For the handwriting of John in it, see Edouard JEAUNEAU and Paul Edward DUTTON, The Autograph of Eriugena (Turnhout, 1996).

86. Jean Scot, Commentaire sur l'évangile de Jean, ed. Edouard JEAUNEAU, SC 180 (1972), p. 27. PL 122.297-348.

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86 MICHAEL GORMAN

prepared for Charlemagne himself)87 and the commentary on Matthew of Claudius of Turin (who worked for Louis the Pious)88. Many early medieval works on the Gospels remain to be discovered, published and analyzed. A complete survey of the pre-Carolingian exegetical material on the Gospels, including epitomes and abbreviated versions of patristic works like the one published here, would illuminate a largely unknown era in the history of biblical exegesis and lay the foundation for editing and studying the Gospel commentaries produced in the Carolingian period89.

Michael GORMAN

Via Quadronno 9

I-20122 MILAN

[email protected]

SUMMARY : A previously unknown testimony to the influence of Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis is the epitome of the work (compiled in the sixth or seventh century ?) which is found in an eighth-century fragment in Paris lat. 10399 and in three ninth-century manuscripts, Laon 80, Vatican Pal. lat. 176 and Vatican lat. 637. Several portions of this epitome are published here for the first time. Augustine's Tractatus in Euangelium Ioannis dominated attempts to comment on the Gospel of John in the early Middle Ages and the commentaries produced in that period are discussed briefly.

RÉSUMÉ : C'est un témoignage jusque-là inconnu de l'influence des Tractatus in Evangelium Ioannis d'Augustin que cet abrégé de l'ouvrage (compilé au VIe ou au VIIe s. ?) trouvé dans un fragment du manuscrit Paris lat. 10399 (VIIIe s.) et dans trois manuscrits du IXe

s. (Laon 80, Vatican Pal. lat. 176 et Vatican Lat. 637). Plusieurs passages de cet abrégé sont publiés ici pour la première fois. Les Tractatus in Evangelium Ioannis ont dominé les tentatives de commenter l'Évangile de Jean, faites au début du Moyen Âge ; les commentaires, alors publiés, sont ici brièvement discutés.

87. See my article, «Wigbod and Biblical Studies under Charlemagne», Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997), p. 40-76.

88. See my article, «The Commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and Biblical Studies under Louis the Pious», Speculum 72 (1997), p. 279-329.

89.1 thank François Dolbeau and Jean-Denis Berger for comments on an early draft, Franco Gori and Adolf Primmer for notes on the manuscripts of Augustine's Enarrationes in Ρ salmos, and especially John Contreni for information about Laon 80, as well as Bruce Barker-Benfield (Bodleian Library), Monika Köstlin (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek), Birgit Ebersperger (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften), Natasha Golob (University of Ljubljana), Brigitte Gullath (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek), Helmar Härtel (Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel), and Anne-Marie Turcan (IRHT) who supplied assistance of various kinds. A special word of thanks goes to Paul-Irénée Fransen who kindly made available to me his valuable but unpublished thesis, «Le commentaire au Livre de Job du prêtre Philippe : Étude sur le texte», which was presented for the degree of doctor of theology at the Facultés Catholiques in Lyons in 1949. Ann Freeman and Paul Meyvaert identified the excerpts in Paris lat. 15679.

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 87

Appendix

[Tractatus 1-3, Io. 1.1-18: L, f. 1-3; P, f. 87-89; V, f. 126-126v] In nomine patris et fìlli et spiritus sancii. In principio erat uerbum. Qua similitudine intellegitur uerbum substan­

tiate? Verbum et in ipso homine quod manet intus, quod uere spiritaliter dicitur, 5 quod intellegitur de sono, non ipse sonus. Nam cum cogitas dei substantiam,

hoc est uerbum de deo in corde tuo. Cum autem dicitur deus sonus est, quia quattuor litteris et duabus syllabis constat.

Refer iterum animum ad illud uerbum quod habes in corde tuo, tamquam consilium natum in mente tua, ut mens tua pariât consilium quasi proles mentis

10 tuae, quasi filius cordis tui est. Prius enim cor generat consilium ut aliquam fabri­cant construas. Vides tu quid facturus es, sed alius non miratur, nisi cum feceris illud opus. Si autem ex aliqua fabrica laudatur humanum consilium, quale est consilium dei, dominus Iesus Christus, id est, uerbum dei? Fabricam mundi aduerte. Quale uerbum per quod facta est? Et non sola facta est fabrica mundi,

15 sed inuisibilia per illud uerbum facta sunt. Quamuis autem mutabilia per uer­bum fiunt, ipsum uerbum inmutabile est, unde ait, In principio erat uerbum. Idipsum est, eodem modo est, semper sic est ut mutari non possit, hoc est deus.

Ait ergo, In principio erat uerbum. In quo principio? In patre. Et uerbum erat apud deum. Et quale uerbum?

20 Et deus erat uerbum. Et sine ipso factum est nihil Non putes aliquid esse nihil. Peccatum quidem, uel homo cum peccat, siue

idolum, nihil est. Ergo i sta non sunt facta per uerbum, sed quaecumque facta sunt naturaliter in creaturis, ab angelo usque ad uermiculum. Per quern factus est angelus, per ipsum factus est et uermiculus. Sed angelus dignus cáelo, uermicu-

25 lus terra. Si poneret uermiculum in caelo uel si uellet angelos nasci de putriscen-tibus carnibus reprehenderes. Et tarnen prope hoc fecit deus. Nam homines de carne nascentes, quid sunt nisi uermes? Et de uermibus angelos fecit. Si enim ipse dominus dicit, Ego sum uermis, quis dubitat hoc dicere quod scriptum est in lob, Quanto magis homo putredo et filius hominis uermis.

310.1.1 15 cf. Rom. 1.20 16 Io. 1.1 18 Io. 1.1 19 Io. 1.1 20 Io. 1.1 28 Ps. 21.7 29 lob 25.6

4 Verbum et - 7 constat] CCSL 36.5,12-15, 33-35 8 Refer - 11 feceris] 5,1-8 12 Si autem -14 aduerte] 6,12-15 14 Quale uerbum - 17 hoc est] 6,22-23, 16 bis-17, 13,3-4, 12,10-12 18 In - 20 est nihil] 21,4 bis-5 21 aliquid - 29 hominis uermis] 7,3 bis-7, 11 bis-12, 16, 18 bis-8,28

12 illud opus] om. V 17 semper sic est] sic est semper V 18 In patre] om. V 22 nihil est] om. V 22 sunt facta] facta P sunt L

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88 MICHAEL GORMAN

30 Quare autem patimur multa mala a creatura quam fecit deus? Quia offendimus deum. Numquid haec angeli patiuntur? Vt cum se homo erectauerit aduersus deum abiectissimae creaturae pulicum subdatur.

Quod factum est, in ilio uita est. Pronuntia sic, Quod factum est, hic subdis­tingue, et deinde infer, in ilio uita est. Faber facit arcam. Primo in arte habet

35 arcam, deinde illam fabricando profert. Potest arca illa putrescere et iterum ex ilia quae in arte est, alia fabricari. Nam arca in opere non est uita, arca in arte uita est, quia uiuit anima artificis, ubi ista omnia sunt antequam proferantur. Quod factum est transiit. Quod est in sapientia transiré non potest. Vt autem hoc quisque capiat a lacte, id est, a Christo per carnem nato nutriat cor ut ad cibum,

40 hoc est, ad Christum a deo patre natum uerum deum perueniat, quia illa uita quae in ilio est lux hominum est.

Hoc enim sequitur. Et uita erat lux hominum et ex ipsa uita homines inlumi-nantur. Pecora non inluminantur, quia homo factus est ad imaginem dei, habet rationalem mentem per quam possit percipere sapientiam. Vita ergo illa lux men-

45 tium et super mentes est et excedit omnes mentes. Sed stulti qui propter peccata sua tenebrae sunt istam lucem quasi absentem esse cogitant. Vnde sequitur,

Et lux lucet in tenebris et tenebrae earn non conprehenderunt. Caecus in sole praesentem habet solem, sed absens est ipse soli. Haec de diuinitate Christi dicta sunt. Qui si sic ueniret ut deus in forma suae diuinitatis non ueniret eis qui

50 uidere deum non poterant. Sed secundum quid uenit? Quod apparuit homo. Quia ergo sic erat homo, ut lateret in ilio deus, missus est ante eum magnus homo per cuius testimonium inueniretur plus quam homo. Et quis est hic? Fuit inquit homo. Et quomodo posset iste de deo dicere? Missus inquit a deo. Quid uocabatur? Cui nomen erat Iohannes. Quare uenit hie? Vt testimonium perhiberet

55 de lumine ut omnes crederent per illum. Qualis iste qui testimonium perhibet de lumine? Illum mirare, sed tamquam montem. Mons autem in tenebris est, nisi luce uestiatur. Sed mons iste ad hoc creatus erat ut prior radiatus excipiat et oculis salutis lucem nuntiet. Vnde de eo sequitur,

Non erat Ule lumen. Quare uenit? Sed ut testimonium perhiberet de lumine. 60 Vtquid hoc? Vt omnes crederent per illum. Et de quo lumine testimonium perhi­

beret? Erat inquit lux uera quae inluminat. Erat quidem Iohannes lux, sed non uera, nisi enim non inluminaretur, tenebrae esset. Et Paulus non credentibus ait, Fuistis aliquando tenebrae.

Vbi autem est ipsa lux quae inquit inluminat omnem hominem uenientem? 65 Ipsum Iohannem inluminauit, sed si illinc non recederet, non esset inluminan-

33 Io. 1.4 42 Io. 1.4 47 Io. 1.5 51 Io. 1.5 52 Io. 1.5 54 Io. 1.5 54 Io. 1.7 59 Io. 1.8 6110.1.9 63Eph. 5.8 64 Io. 1.9

30 Quare - 32 subdatur] 9,3-5, 9-10, 8, 12 33 Quod factum - 37 proferantur] 9,19 bis, 21-22, 10,1-3, 7-11 37 Quod factum - 41 hominum est] 22,14-15, 10,21-27 42 Hoc enim - 44 sapientiam] 10,1 bis-6 44 lux mentium - 46 cogitant] 22,30-31, 11,1-5 47 Et lux - 48 dieta sunt] 11,5-6; 22,7 bis-9, 12,3 49 si sic - 58 nuntiet] 14,39-40, 42-8, 10-11, 16-17 57 mons iste] 2,4 ter 59 Non erat - 63 tenebrae] 14,17-4, 14,8 bis-12 64 Vbi - 68 carnem] 15,1-3, 15,20-3 bis

38 autem hoc] hoc autem V 52 est] om. L 54 uocabatur] uocatur V 56 Illum mirare] illu­minare V 57 creatus] erectus V 62 non] er. P

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 89

dus. Ideo autem hic inluminandus, quia illinc recessit, ubi homo semper poterat esse inluminatus. Quid ergo? Si uenit hue, ubi erat? Hie erat per diuinitatem, hue uenit per carnem.

In mundo inquit erat et mundus per eum factus est. Deus non extrinsecus est 70 ad illud quod facit, sed infusus mundo praesentia maiestatis facit quod facit,

praesentia sua gubernat quod fecit. Et mundus eum non cognouit. Non creatura non agnouit creatorem suum, sed

mundus, id est, dilectores mundi corde habitantes mundum dicuntur non cog-nouisse.

75 In sua propria uenit, quia ista omnia per ipsum facta sunt. Et sui eum non receperunt. Qui sui? Homines quos fecit. Iudaei quos primitus

fecit super omnes gentes esse. Et per carnem quam suseepit sibi cognati, sed si omnino nullus eum recepit, nullus ergo saluus factus est.

Sed addidit, Quotquot autem receperunt eum, dedit eis potestatem filios dei 80 fieri. Ad hoc enim uenit unigenitus soluere peccata ut quos sibi fratres per gra-

tiam adoptauit, faceret sibi coheredes. Uli ipsi quidem ilio possidente fiunt hereditas ipsius, ut ait, Et dabo tibi gentes hereditatem tuam. Sed ille uicissim fit hereditas ipsorum, ut ait, Dominus, pars hereditatis meae et calicis mei.

Qui non ex sanguinibus maris utique et feminae, neque ex uoluntate carnis. 85 Carnem pro femina posuit, ut Adam de Eua ait, Et caro de carne mea.

Sed ex deo nati sunt ut homines nascerentur ex deo, primo ex ipsis natus est deus. Ideo cum dixisset, ex deo nati sunt, ut ad credendum te securum faceret, ait, Et uerbum caro factum est. Quid ergo miraris, quia homines ex deo nascun-tur? Adtende ipsum deum natum ex hominibus, quia uerbum caro factum est et

90 habitauit in nobis. Ipsa natiuitate collirium fecit, unde tergerentur oculi cordis nostri et possimus uidere maiestatem eius per eius humanitatem. Vnde sequitur,

Et uidimus gloriam eius. Quam utique nemo possit uidere nisi carnis humili-tate sanaretur. Omnia enim colliria et medicamenta nihil sunt nisi de terra. De

95 puluere caecatus es, de puluere sanaris. Nam consentiente anima affectibus car-nalibus, caro te excaecauerat.

Et quia uerbum caro factum est, caro te sanat quo medi cus iste fecit tibi colli­rium. Et quia sic uenit ut de carne uitia carnis extingueret et de morte occideret mortem. Ideo potes in te dicere, Et uidimus gloriam eius, ad quam gloriam per-

100 ducta est acies hominis curata per carnem.

6910.1.10 72 Io. 1.10 75 Io. 1.11 75 Io. 1.3 76 Io. 1.11 79 Io. 1.12 82 Ps. 2.7 83 Ps. 15.5 84 Io. 1.13 85 Gen. 2.23 86 Io. 1.13 88 Io. 1.14 89 Io. 1.14 93 Io. 1.14 97 10.1.14

69 In mundo - 71 fecit] 16,1 bis, 16,8 bis-9, 11-12 72 Et mundus - 73 habitantes mundum] 23,24-25, 30-31 75 In sua - 78 saluus factus est] 17,1-4, 6-9 79 Sed addidit - 83 calicis mei] 17,1 bis, 13-15, 18-21, 23-25 84 Qui non - 85 de carne mea] 18,5-6, 16-18 86 Sed ex - 90 in nobis] 18,2 bis-19,3, 19,13, 15-19 90 Ipsa natiuitate - 91 per eius] 19,2-4 bis 93 nemo possit - 96 excaecauerat] 19,6 bis-7, 19,12-15 97 caro te - 100 per carnem] 19,14-23

79 autem VAug.] om. LP 81 Uli] Ilium V 90 tergerentur LAug.] unguerentur PVB 97 Et] ItemPV 98 ut] et V

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90 MICHAEL GORMAN

Plenum gratia et ueritate. Gratia et ueritas qua plenus apparuit unigenitus Al­ius dei, quia res est noui testamenti et ueteris testamenti.

Hic distinguitur dicens, Hie erat quem dixi, Qui post me uenit, ante me factus est. Post me uenit et praecessit me. Non factus est antequam essem ego factus,

105 sed antepositus est mihi, hoc est, ante me factus. Quare ante te factus est, cum post te ueniret? Quia prior me erat.

In principio erat uerbum, et uerbum ad quem pater ait, Ante luciferum genui te. Qui ante luciferum generatus est, omnes ipse inluminat qui inluminari pos-sunt. Ideo sequitur,

110 Et de plenitudine eius nos omnes aeeepimus, id est, de plenitudine misericor-diae eius, de abundantia bonitatis eius.

Et gratiam pro gratia aeeepimus primo de plenitudine eius gratiam et rursum aeeepimus gratiam pro gratia. Quam gratiam primo aeeepimus? Fidem. Vtique qua peccata dimitterentur, quae non praecedentibus meritis, quasi merces red-

115 dita, sed quia gratis data, gratia uocata est. Sed et hoc promiserat deus per prophetas, itaque cum uenit dare quod promiserat, non solum gratiam dedit, sed et ueritatem. Nam exhibita est ueritas, quia factum est quod promiserat.

Quid est autem gratiam pro gratia? Hoc est, iustificati ex fide pro gratia fidei gratiam aeeepimus uitae aeternae. Si enim fides gratia est et uita aeterna

120 quasi merces est fidei, quia fides ipsa gratia est et uita aeterna, gratia est pro gra­tia.

Lex enim per Moysen data est quae languorem ostendebat, non auferebat, sed illi praeparabat medico uenturo cum gratia et ueritate. Tamquam ad aliquem quem curare uult medicus, mittat primo seruum suum ut ligatum illum inueniat et

125 amari s acribusque medicamentis curet tamquam dicens, quod times pati pro te, prior patior pro te. Haec est gratia humilitatis Christi. Vnde sequitur,

Gratia et ueritas per Iesum Christum facta est. Per seruum lex data, reos fecit, per imperatorem Christum indulgentia data, reos liberauit. Et ne forte aliquis dicat, gratia et ueritas non est facta per Moysen qui uidit deum, statim subiecit,

130 Deum nemo uidit umquam. Et unde innotuit Moysi deus? Quia reuelauit senio suo dominus ipse Christus qui praemisit legem per seruum ut ueniret ipse cum gratia et ueritate.

Sed unigenitus filius qui est in sinu patris ipse narrauit. Quid est, in sinu patris? Id est, in secreto patris. Qui ergo patrem nouit et in secreto patris est,

135 ipse narrauit. Moyses uidit nubem, uidit angelum, uidit ignem. Omnis illa crea-

101 Io. 1.14 103 Io. 1.15 107 Io. 1.1 107 Ps. 109.2 110 Io. 1.16 112 Io. 1.16 118 10.1.16 118 Rom. 5.1 1221o. 1.17 1271o. 1.17 1301o. 1.18 1331o. 1.18

101 Gratia et - 102 noui testamenti] 20,1-4 103 dicens - 106 me erat] 23,2 bis-7 107 Ante -108 possunt] 23,12 bis-13, 24,19-20 110 de plenitudine - 111 bonitatis eius] 25,19 bis-20 112 aeeepimus - 117 promiserat] 24,9-11, 22, 20, 19-20, 24-27 118 Quid - 126 pro gra­tia] 24,1 bis, 25,15-16, 18-19 122 Lex - 124 inueniat] 25,1 bis, 26,2 bis-5 125 amaris - 126 est gratia] 27,8-9, 14-15 127 Gratia - 132 ueritate] 27,1 bis-4, 27,1 ter-6 133 unigenitus -135 ipse narrauit] 27,9 ter, 13-14 135 Moyses - 137 uideam te] 28,16-18, 21-22

101 qua] quia Ρ 102 ueteris] ueteri PV 104 est VAug.] om. LP 112 aeeepimus primo de plenitudine eius gratiam et rursum aeeepimus gratiam pro gratia.] om. L 116 dedit] reddit V 120 est] om. V 123 ad] om. L 128 Christum] om. V 129 gratia] et gratia V

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 91

tura, typum domini gerebat, non ipsius domini praesentiam exhibebat. Quod sci-ens Moyses ad dominum ait, Ostende mihi temetipsum manifeste ut uideam te.

Quae in decalogo legis carnali adhuc populo iubentur eadem et nobis prae-cipiuntur. Sed illi carnalia nobis uita aeterna promittitur, unde ait, Haec est

140 uita aeterna ut cognoscant te unum uerum deum et quem misisti lesum Christum. Cognitio ergo dei, hoc est, dilectio. Et ipsa est gratia pro gratia promittitur his qui non sub lege, sed sub gratia sunt, ut ait, Vnam petii a domino hanc requiram ut inhabitem in domo domini per omnes dies uitae meae et ut contemplar delecta-tionem domini. Haec, ut dixi, gratiam pro gratia est.

145 [Tractatus 42, Io. 8.37-47: L, f. 34-35; P, f. 116-117; V, f. 140v-141; E, f. 42v-42]

Scio quia filii Abrahae estis. Agnosco carnis originem, non cordis fidem. Sed quaeritis me interficere, quia sermo meus non capii in uobis, id est, non capit cor uestrum, quia non recipitur a corde uestro. Sic enim debet esse sermo dei fideli-

150 bus tamquam pisci hamus. Tunc capit quando capitur. Ego quod uidi apud patrem meum, loquor. Veritatem uidi, ueritatem loquor,

quia ueritas sum. Si ergo apud patrem uidit, se loquitur, quia ipse est ueritas patri s quam uidit apud patrem.

Et uos qui uidistis apud patrem uestrum facitis. Talem adhuc patrem ipsorum 155 nominat cuius filii erant in quantum mali erant, non in quantum homines erant.

Pater noster Abraham est. Quasi, quid tu dicturus es contra Abraham? Eum prouocant ut aliquid mali diceret de Abraham et esset occasio faciendi quod cogi-tabant, sed cum illorum dampnatione laudans Abraham dixit, Si filii Abrahae estis, opera Abrahae facite. Nunc autem quaeritis me interficere, hominem qui

160 ueritatem locutus sum uobis. Abraham non erat homicida. Non dico, 'Ego deus sum Abrahae'. Quod si dicerem, uerum dicerem, ut alio loco, Ante Abraham ego sum. Sed quod me solum uidetis et putatis, 'Ego sum'. Ergo hominem dicentem uobis quod audiuit a deo, quare uultis occidere, nisi quia uita non estis filii Abra­hae?

165 Vos facitis opera patris uestri. Et adhuc non dicit quis est iste pater eorum. Uli enim coeperunt utcumque cognoscere, non de carnis generatione dominum loqui, sed de uitae institutione. Et quia consuetudo scripturarum est, quas legebant, for-nicationem spiritaliter appellare cum diis multis, anima tamquam prostituta subicitur. Ad hoc responderunt, Nos ex fornicatione non sumus nati, unum

137 Ex. 33.13 139 Io. 17.3 141 Io. 1.16 142 Ps. 26.4 147 Io. 8.37 151 Io. 8.38 154 10.8.38 15610.8.39 158 Io. 8.39 161 Io. 8.58 165 Io. 8.41 169 Io. 8.41

138 in decalogo - nobis] 29,1, 24,9-10 139 uita aeterna - 141 promittitur] 29,2-5 142 non -144 pro gratia] 20,13, 30,15-19 147 Scio - 150 capitur] 366,9, 12-15, 17-20 151 Ego - 153 apud patrem] 366, 2-3, 8-12 154 Et uos- 155 erant] 366,3-4, 16-17, 20-21 156 Pater - 163 filii Abrahae?] 367,1-2, 6-7, 1 bis-13 165 Vos - patrem nostrum] 368,8-15

138 carnali adhuc] carnali accepimus primo de plenitudine eius gratiam et rursum accepimus gratiam pro gratia adhuc L 139 est V Aug.] om. LP 149 debet esse] esse debet V 152 ipse] ipsa Ρ 154 uidistis] audistis PV 154 uestrum] uel PV 159 facite L Aug.] facitis PV 160 ueritatem LAug.] ueraPV 160 sum] sit L 161utPV]inL 161 ego sum VAug.] om. LP 166 enim LAug.] autem PV

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92 MICHAEL GORMAN

170 patrem habemus deum. Repulsi sunt ore ueridico, de Abraham genere gloriaban-tur. Ideo mutauerunt responsionem. Credo, dicentes apud semetipsos, nos Abra­ham imitare non possumus. Deum dicamus patrem nostrum.

Dixit ergo eis Iesus, Si deus pater uester esset, diligeretis utique me, id est, agnosceretis me uel fratrem. Et erigens intellegentibus cor dixit, Ego enim ex

175 deo processi et ueni, neque enim a me ipso ueni, sed Ule me misit. Missio Christi incarnatio est. De deo processit uerbum, ut deus aequalis, ut filius unicus et uenit ad nos, quia uerbum caro factum est. Aduentus eius humanitas eius; mansio eius, diuinitas eius. Diuinitas quo imus, humanitas qua imus. Nisi nobis fieret qua ire-mus, numquam ad illum manentem perueniremus.

180 Quare loquellam meam non cognoscitis? Quia non potestis audire sermonem meum. Vnde audire non poterant, nisi quia corrigi credendo nolebant? Et hoc unde?

Vos expatre diabolo estis. Quamdiu patrem commemoratis? Et patres mutatis? Audite a filio dei cuius filii estis. Filii ergo erant diaboli non nascendo, sed imi-

185 tando, secundum scripturae consuetudinem, ut ad eosdem propheta ait, Pater tuus Amorreus, et mater tua Cethea. Gentes utique alienae a ludeis.

Et desideria patris uestri uultis faceré. Ideo saeuitis in carnem quia non potes­tis in mentem.

Ule homicida erat ab initio. 190 Ipsi quaeritis me occidere hominem. Ille inuidit homini et occidit hominem,

ueneno utique mendacii serpens hominem. Nam serpente indutus locutus est muli eri, et de muliere uenenauit et uirum. Mortui sunt, diabolum audiendo. Noli ergo putare te non esse homicidam quando fratri tuo mala persuades. Haec quando persuades, occidis.

195 Ab initio autem homicida erat, quia ex ilio homicida ex quo potuit fieri hom-icidium. Non enim posset occidi homo nisi prius fieret homo. Et unde homicida?

Et in ueritate non stetit. Ergo in ueritate fuit, sed non stando cecidit. Et quare in ueritate non stetit? Quia ueritas non est in eo. Si iste in ueritate stetisset, in Christo stetisset.

200 Mendacium ex propriis loquitur, quia mendax est et pater eius. Si ab alio men-dacium accipisti et dixisti, tu quidem mentitus es proferendo mendacium, sed pater ipsius mendacii non es, quia ab altero accepisti mendacium. Diabolus

173 Io. 8.42 174 Io. 8.42 180 Io. 8.43 183 Io. 8.44 185 Ezech. 16.3 187 Io. 8.44 18910.8.44 190 Io. 8.40 195 Io. 8.44 197 Io. 8.44 198 Io. 8.44 200 Io. 8.44

173 Dixit - 179 perueniremus] 368,4 ter-8, 11, 369,19-24 180 Quare - 181 hoc unde?] 369,1-5 183 Vos - 186 Cethea] 369,5-7, 24 bis-27 187 Et desideria - 188 mentem] 370,2-3, 21-22 189 Ille - ab initio] 370,4-5 190 Ipsi - 192 audiendo] 370,6-8, 371,24, 370,8-10 192 Noli - 194 occidis] 370,16-18 195 Ab initio - 196 unde homicida?] 370,23-26 197 Et in - 199 stetisset] 370,26-30 200 Mendacium - 204 filium mendacium] 370,1 bis-2, 371,4-10

170 genere gloriabantur L Aug.] gloriali genere PV gloriabatur E 172 imitare] imitari Aug. emitan V 183 patre diabolo PV Aug.] diabolo patre L 185 propheta] om. Ρ 187 saeuitis L Aug.] seruitis Ρ seruitus V 192 uirum V Aug.] uiri PL 196 homicida] homicida. Audi psalmum, Filii hominum dentés eorum, et reliqua, ab hominum si E

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 93

autem mendacium suum ipse genuit, a nemine audiuit. Quomodo deus pater genuit filium ueritatem, sic diabolus lapsus genuit quasi filium mendacium.

205 Ego autem quia ueritatem dico, non creditis mihi. Quis ex uobis arguii me de peccato? Quomodo arguo et uos et patrem uestrum.

Si ueritatem dico, quare uos non creditis mihi. Nisi quia filii diaboli estis. Qui est ex deo, uerba dei audit. Propterea uos non audistis, quia ex deo non

estis. Hie naturarum merita discreuit, sed quoniam praescierat qui fuerant deo 210 credi turi, ut regenerationis adoptione renascerentur ex deo. Ad nos pertinet, Qui

est ex deo, uerba dei audit. Quod autem sequitur, quia ex deo non estis, dictum est eis, qui praecogniti erant, quod non fuerant credituri.

[Tractatus 49, Io. 11.1-54: L, f. 41-43; P, f. 123-125; V, f. 144-144v; E, f. 43-43v] 215 Tres mortuos a domino legimus resuscitatos, filiam archisinagoge domo

iacentem, et iuuenem filium uiduae extra portas ciuitatis elatum, et Lazarum sepultum quatriduanum. In cogitati one dilectamento peccati consensit anima, sed cogitatum malum nondum processit in factum. Talis animae mors intus est. Si autem ipsum malum fecisti, iam foras mortuus elatus est. Tertius mortuus est

220 Lazarus quatriduanus. Genus mortis immane consuetudo mala est, de quo dici-tur 'fetet'. Incipit enim habere pessimam famam. sed de Lázaro hic dicere ordo est.

Languens Lazarus a Bethania. Domino ultra Iordanem constituto infirmabatur in Bethania Lazarus quod castellum erat proximum Hierosolimis.

225 Miserunt ergo sórores eius ad eum. Scilicet, trans Iordanem miserunt ad domi­num ut dignaretur eum ab aegritudine liberaret.

Domine, ecce quem amas infirmatur. Non dixerunt, 'Veni et sana', ait, ut cen­tuno dixit, 'Ibi iube et hic fiet', sed tantum Ecce quem amabis, id est, sufficit ut noueris, domine, non enim amas et deseris. Lazarus autem per quem peccator

230 significatur a domino coronatur, quia ut Non ueni uocare iustos sed pecca-tores.

Infirmitas haec non est ad mortem. Verum quia et ipsa mors non erat ad mor­tem, sed potius ad miraculum, sed pro gloria dei, ut glorificatur fìlius dei. Ecce dominus se deum dixit.

235 Dilegebat autem Iesus Martham. Ille languens, illae tristes. Diligebat eos et languentium saluator, immo mortuorum resuscitator et tristium consolator.

Tunc quidem mansit in eodem loco duobus diebus. Hoc ei nuntiato tamdiu

205 Io. 8.45-46 207 Io. 8.46 208 Io. 8.47 223 Io. 11.1 225 Io. 11.3 227 Io. 11.3 230 Mt. 9.13 23210.11.4 235 Io. 11.5

205 Ego autem - 207 diaboli estis] 372,10-15 208 Qui est - 212 credituri] 373,6-8, 10-17 215 Tres mortuos - 221 pessimam famam] 421,3, 5-12, 16-17, 20-21, 25-26 223 Languens - 224 Hierosolimis] 421,5 bis, 422,8-11 225 Miserunt - 226 liberaret] 422,3-7 227 Domine - 230 peccatores] 422,9-12 232 Infirmitas - 234 deum dixit] 422,1 bis-2, 5-6, 11-13, 8 235 Dilegebat - 236 consolator] 422,1 ter-423,4

203 Quomodo] Quo autem Ρ Quomodo autem V 207 uos] om. PV 210 renascerentur] nas-carentur V 215 resuscitates] resciscitatos Ρ resuscitatos V 218 nondum] mundum LP 221 famam] famam. Ecce soror Lazari, quae pedes domini unxit ungento et tersit cum filiis suis. Melius suscitatus E 223 Languens Lazarus] Lazarus languens PV 228 amabis LP] amas Aug. amabas V 232 haec] autem haec PV 232 ipsa] ipse PV

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94 MICHAEL GORMAN

tempus duxit quousque quatriduum conpleretur, qui numerus dierum intimât aliquod sacramentum.

240 Eamus in ludeam. Iterum qui inde discessit ut homo, sed in redeundo quasi oblitus infirmitatem ostendit potestatem.

Hoc autem dicto discipuli territi, Dicunt ei, Rabbi, nunc quaerunt lapidare te Iudaei. Respondit lesus, Nonne duodecim sunt horae diei? Redarguere uoluit illorum infidelitatem. Voluerunt enim homine deo discipuli magistro semi dom-

245 ino aegroti medico, ut alio loco Petrus, consilium daret domino ne moriretur qui uenerat mori, ne ipsi morirentur. Ait ergo, Nonne duodecim sunt horae diei? Si quis ambulauerit in die non offendit. Me sequimini, si non uultis offendere. Si enim sum dies et uos hora, numquid horae diei consilium dant? Horae diem sequantur, non horas dies. In hoc autem uerbo non ipsum Iudam, sed succes-

250 sorem ipsius dominus praeuidebat, quo succedente duodenarius numerus man-sit. Ergo horae inluminentur a die et per horarum praedicationem credat mundus in diem. Hoc autem ait de compendio, 'Me sequamini, si non uultis offendere'.

Pater noster Lazarus dormit. Verum cum sororibus mortuus, domino dormie-bat. Qui ut de lecto tum facile excitabat eum de sepulcro.

255 Si dormit saluus erit. Solet enim esse somnus aegrotantium salutis indicium. Dixit eis lesus manifeste. Subobscure enim dixerat, dormit. Mortuus est, et gaudeo propter uos ut credatis quia non eram ibi. Hoc autem

ait eis ut iam inciperent ammirari, quia dominus potuit dicere mortuum, quod nec uiderat nec audierat. Quod autem ait, ut credatis. Intellegendum est ut amplius

260 robustiusque credatis. Inuenit eum quattuor dies in monumento habentem. Quomodo in ilio caeco

intellegimus humanum genus, sic et in isto mortuo quatriduano multos intellec-turi sumus. Nam habes unum diem mortis quod homo trahit de mortis propagine. I temque lex quod tibi non uis naturalis in corde scripta est quando hanc

265 transgrediuntur homines. Ecce alter dies mortis data est etiam diuinitus per Moysen, Non occides. Lex et ipsa contemnitur. Adde tertium diem mortis. Trans-grediuntur homines euangelium. Ecce quattuor dies mortis. Merito dicitur iam putet, sed tales dominus excitare dignatur.

Si fuisses hic, frater meus nonfuisset mortuus, et nunc scio quia quaecumque 270 poposceris a deo. Non dixit, 'Rogo te, resuscites eum. ' Vnde enim sciebat, si

237 Io. 11.6 240 Io. 11.7 242 Io. 11.8-9 246 Io. 11.9 253 Io. 11.11 255 Io. 11.12 2561o. 11.14 257 Io. 11.14-15 261 Io. 11.17 266 Ex. 20.12 269 Io. 11.21-22

237 Tunc quidem - 239 sacramentum] 423,5-9 240 Eamus - 241 potestatem] 423,11-14 242 Hoc - 243 horae diei] 423,1-4 243 Redarguere - 245 medico] 423,15-16, 424,41 245 consilium - 249 non horas dies] 423,16-17, 424,42-44, 47-49 249 In hoc - 252 offendere] 424,51-54, 56-59 253 noster - 254 sepulcro] 424,1-6 255 Si - indicium] 425,3 bis-5 256 Dixit eis - dormit] 425,7-8 257 Mortuus est - 258 ait] 425,8-10 258 ut - 259 audierat] 426,14-15 259 ait, ut - 260 credatis] 426,21-22 261 Inuenit - 263 sumus] 426,3-4, 8-10 264 in corde - 268 dignatur] 426,18, 21-27, 30-33 269 Si - 272 tui est?] 427,5-10

240 Iterum] om. V 242 discipuli territi] territi discipuli PV 244 homine] homines V 246 sunt horae] horae sunt V 252 sequamini] sequimini Aug. 253 Pater L] Frater Ρ om. V ami­cus Aug. 257 eram ibi] ibi eram PV 261 dies] dies iam Aug. 261 dies 263 sumus] sumus, ut ait apostolus, Per unum hominem peccatum intrauit E 263 mortis] mortis pecca-tum PV 269 frater meus non fuisset mortuus] non fuisset mortuus frater meus PV

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 95

fratri eius resurgere utile fuerit? Sed ait, 'Scio quia potes, si uis facis.' Vtrum haud facias iudicii tui est?

Re sur get frater tuus. Hoc ambiguum fuit quando unde illa. Scio quia resurget in nouissimo die. De illa resurrectione secura sum, de hac

275 incerta sum. Ego sum resurrectio et uita. Ideo resurrectio quia et uita per quern tunc resur­

get potest et modo. Qui credit in me, etiamsi mor tuus fuerit, id est, in carne, uiuet utique in anima,

donee resurgat, caro numquam postea moritura. 280 Et omnis qui uiuit, id est, in carne, et credit in me, non morietur in aeternum,

etsi morietur ad tempus propter mortem carnis. Credis hoc. Ait UH, Vtique, domine, ego credidi, quia tu es Christus filius dei.

Quando credidi quia tu es resurrectio, credidi quia tu es uita, credidi quia qui credit in te, etsi moriatur, uiuet.

285 Silentio dicens, subpressam uocem silentium nuncupauit. Aduerte etiam quod euangelista, breuitati studens, non dixerit ubi uel quando Mariam dominus uocauerit, ut hoc in uerbis Marthae potius intellegeretur.

Secuti sunt earn dicentes, quia uadit ad monumentum. Hoc euangelista nar-rauit ut uideremus quae occasio fecerit ut illud tam grande miraculum testes plu-

290 rimo s inueniret. Fremuit spiritu et turbauit se ipsum. Primo hic adtente potestatem et sic

inquire significationem. Turbaris tu nolens, turbatus est Christus, quia uoluit. Quis enim eum posset nisi se ipse turbare? Iesus esuriuit, dormiuit, turbatus est, mortuus est, sed quia iam haec uoluit. Nam in illius potestate erat sic uel sic

295 affici uel non affici. Verbum enim animam suscipit et carnem. Ac per hoc secun­dum summae potestatis nutum tractatur infirmitas, hoc est, turbauit semetipsum. Nunc adtende significationem. Quid est ergo quod turbai semetipsum Christus, nisi ut significet tibi quomodo turbari tu debeas cum tanta mole peccati grauatus et pressus dicas. Quid facio? Quo eo? Vnde euado? Quando ista dicis iam

300 fremet Christus, quia fides fremei. In uoce frementis, sed apparet spes resurgen-tis. Audi adhuc, fleuit Christus fleat se homo. Quare enim fleuit Christus, nisi quia fiere hominem docuit. Quare fremuit et turbauit semetipsum, nisi quia homo sibi merito displicens fremere quodammodo debet in accusatione malorum ope-rum.

305 Vbi posuistis eum? Scisti quia mortuus sit et ubi sit sepultus ignoras? Et ista significado est, quia perditum hominem quasi nescit deus. Vnde in iudicio dictu-

273 Io. 11.23 274 Io. 11.24 276 Io. 11.25 278 Io. 11.25 280 Io. 11.26 282 Io. 11.26-27 285 Io. 11.28 288 Io. 11.31 291 Io. 11.33 305 Io. 11.34

273 Resurget - ambiguum fuit] 427,1-2 274 Scio - 275 incerta sum] 427,3-5 276 Ego sum - 277 et modo] 427,7-8, 17-18 278 Qui credit - 279 postea moritura] 427,17 bis-428,19 280 Et omnis - 281 mortem carnis] 428,20-22 282 Credis - 284 uiuet] 428,25-29 285 Silentio - 287 intellegeretur] 428,2-8 288 Secuti - 290 inueniret] 428,6 bis-8, 11-12 291 Fremuit - 295 et carnem] 428,5 ter-15 295 Ac per hoc - 303 malorum operum] 429,22-4, 8-10, 430,37-40 305 Vbi - 310 et laborem meum] 430,1-13

279 postea] potestea PV 280 in aeternum, etsi morietur] om. PV 285 nuncupauit] uocem nuncupauit PV 303 displicens LP] displicentis Ai/g. displicent V

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96 MICHAEL GORMAN

rus, Non noui uos, id est, non uos uideo in luce mea et in illa iustitia qua noui. Talis est uox dei in paradiso, postquam homo peccauit. Adam, ubi es? Domine, ueni et uide. Quid est, Vide? id est, miserere. Videt dominus quando misererur ut

310 est, Vide humilitatem meam et laborem meum. Ecce quomodo amabat eum. Non enim uenit uocare iustos, sed peccatores.

Non poterai hic qui aperuit oculos caeci faceré ut et hic non moriretur? Qui potuit faceré ut non moriretur, plus est quod facturus est ut mortuus suscitetur.

Eremens in semetipso, uenit ad monumentum. Frémit in te si disponis uiscere. 315 Et lapis superpositus erat ei. Mortuus sub lapide, reus sub lege. Lex enim quae

data est Iudaeis in lapide scripta est. Omnes autem rei sub lege sunt, bene uiuentes cum lege sunt.

Remouete lapidem. Remouete legis pondus gratiam praedicate. Littera enim occidens, quasi lapis premens.

320 Quatriduanus est enim, Videbis gloriam dei. Quid est, Videbis gloriam dei? Qui et putentem quatriduanum resuscitat. Omnes enim peccauerunt, et egent glo­ria dei, et, Vbi abundauit peccatum superabundant gratia.

Voce magna clamauit. Fremuit, lacrimauit, uoce magna clamauit. Quam diffi­cile surgit, quem moles malae consuetudinis premit!

325 Mortuus ligatus et pedes et manus. Quomodo processit ligatis pedibus miraris et non miraris, quia surrexit quatriduanus. In utroque paenitentia domini erat et ligatus et inuolutus iam foras processit. Quid autem procedere, nisi ab occultis uelut exeundo in confessione manifestari, sed ut confitearis, deus facit magna uoce clamando, id est, magna gratia uocando. Ideo cum processisset adhuc liga-

330 tus confitens, et adhuc reus ut soluerentur peccata ministris hoc dixit dominus. Soluite ilium et sinite abire. Quae solueritis in terra, soluta erunt in caelo.

Ex ipsis abierunt ad Pharisaeos, siue ex Iudaeis qui conuenerant eis quae fecit Iesus, siue adnuntiando ut et ipsi crederent, siue prodendo ut saeuirent.

Et dicebant, Quid facimus? Plus cogitabant quomodo nocerent ut perderent, 335 quam quomodo sibi consulerent ne périrent. Et tarnen quasi consulerent, Dice­

bant. Si dimittimus eum sie, omnes credent in eum, et uenient Romani et tollent nostrum locum et gentem. Quod utique euenit. Hoc autem timuerunt ne si omnes in Christum crederent, nemo remaneret qui aduersus Romanos ciuitatem dei templumque defenderet. Quoniam contra ipsum templum et contra suas

340 paternas leges doctrinam Christi esse sentiebant.

307 Mt. 7.23 308 Gen. 3.9 308 Io. 11.34 310 Ps. 24.18 311 Io. 11.36 312 Io. 11.37 314 Io. 11.38 315 Io. 11.38 318 Io. 11.39 320 Io. 11.40 321 Rom. 3.23 322 Rom. 3.20 323 Io. 11.43 325 Io. 11.44 331 cf. Mt. 16.19 332 Io. 11.46 334 Io. 11.47 335 1o. 11.48

311 Ecce quomodo - 313 suscitetur] 430,2 bis-7 314 Fremens - 317 lege sunt] 430,1 ter-8 318 Remouete - 319 premens] 430,11 bis-13 320 Quatriduanus - 322 superabundant gratia] 431,2-7 323 Voce magna - 324 premiti] 431,6 bis-8 325 Mortuus - 331 in caelo] 431,11-25 332 Ex ipsis - 333 saeuirent] 431,3 ter, 6, 8-9 334 Et dicebant - 340 sentiebant] 432,2-8, 14-17

312 Qui potuit faceré ut non moriretur V Aug.] om. LP 316 autem V Aug.] om. LP 323 uoce magna] uoce magna uoce magna V 326 paenitentia LP] potentia V 328 confessione] consensione Ρ

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OE THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 97

Vt unus moriatur homo pro populo. Ecce per homines malos prophetiae Spiri­tus futura praedicat. Quod tarnen euangelista diuino tribuit sacramento, quia pontifex fuit, id est, summus sacerdos, sed quomodo dicitur pontifex huius anni, cum dominus unum constituent sacerdotem summum cui mortuo unus succe-

345 deret. Sed intellegendum est per contentiones inter Iudaeos postea constitutum ut plures per annos singulos uicibus ministrarent. Vnde et Zacharias dicitur sacer-dotio functus in ordine uicis suae sorte exsisse ut incensum poneret. Incensum autem non licebat poneré nisi summo sacerdoti. Et forte etiam unum annum plures amministrabant, quibus alio anno alii succedebant, ex quibus sorte exibat

350 quis ut incensum poneret. Pro gente et non tantum pro gente. Sed euangelista addidit, Nam Caiphas de

sola Iudaeorum gente prophetauit in qua erant oues ad quas uenit pastor. Sed nouerai euangelista esse alias oues docendas ut esset unus grex.

Non palam ambulabat apud Iudaeos in qua discipulis exemplum demonstrauit 355 non esse peccatum, si membra eius furorem sceleratorum latendo potius diuita-

rent qui se offerendo magi s accédèrent.

[Tractatus 124, Io. 21.19-25: L, f. 79-80; R f. 160-161] Et dicit eis, Sequere me, et cetera. Iterum dicit, Sic eum uolo manere donec

360 ueniam. Cur dicit Petro, Sequere me, nec dicitur ceteris qui simul sicut magis-trum sequebantur. Sed si ad passionem intellegas, numquid non ibi erat in illis septem filii Zebedei frater Iohannis qui ab Herode occisus est? Sed dicit quis, quoniam non est Iacobus crucifixus, merito dicitur Petro, Sequere me, qui mor­tem crucis, sicut Christus, expertus est. Cur ergo de Iohanne dictum est, Sic uolo

365 manere donec ueniam, quid ad te? et repeti tum est, Tu me sequere, tamquam ille ideo consequeretur, quoniam eum manere uoluit donec ueniat? Nam hanc opi-nionem qua illi crediderant illum moriturum, sed donec Iesus ueniret mansu-rum in uita. Iohannes ipse abstulit, non hoc dixisse Iesum declarans.

Sed dicat quis uerum esse quod Iohannes, non dixisse Iesum dominum, quod 370 discipulus ille non moritur, sed hoc significatum esse talibus uerbis et adseratio

Iohannem apostolus atque illos sepulcro eius apud Ephesum, dormire potius eum quam mortuum tacere, adsumens in argumentum quod illic terra sensim scatere quasi ebullire perhibetur, atque hoc eius anhelitus fieri adserit, quia puluis ab imo ad superficiem tumuli ascendens flatus quiescentis inpelli creditur.

375 Si enim inquit quidam Moysen mortuum negant, quem scriptura ipsa mor­tuum esse testatur, quanto magis de quo dominus ait, Sic eum uolo manere donec uenio, creditur unius dormire sub terra? Hucusque illi de ilio quern alii tradunt quando sibi fieri iussit sepulcrum incolumen fuisse praesentem, eoque fosso dili-

341 Io. 11.50 351 Io. 11.51-52 354 Io. 11.54 359 Io. 21.19 364 Io. 21.22 365 Io. 21.19 3761o. 21.22

341 Vt unus - 350 incensum poneret] 432,3-14, 19-21 351 Pro gente - 353 alias oues] 432,24-433,28 354 Non palam - 356 accédèrent] 433,2-3, 6-11 359 Et dicit - 368 non hoc dixisse] 680,8, 16-17, 19-681,37 369 Sed dicat - 373 anhelitus fieri] 681,1-8 375 Si - 380 defunctum] 681,19-28

343 huius PV\ illius Aug. om. L 356 qui LP] quam Aug. qua V

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98 MICHAEL GORMAN

genter praeparato, ibi eum se tamquam in lectulo collocasse, statimque esse 380 defunctum.

Si autem quod magi s credi tur ideo sanctus Iohannes ait, non dixisse dominum, Non moritur, ne illis uerbis quae dixit, hoc uoluisse intellegi putaretur corpusque eius in sepulcro exanime iacet. Restât ut si uere ibi sit quod sparsit fama de terra ista, aut ideo fiat ut commendetur pretio<sa> mors eius, quoniam non earn com-

385 mendat martyrium, aut propter aliquid aliud quod nos latet. Manet tarnen quaes­tio cur dixerit de homine morituro, Sic eum uolo manere donec ueniam.

Illud etiam in his duobus apostolis quemquam non moueat ad quaerendum, cur Iohannem plus dilexerit dominus, cum ipsum dominum plus dilexerit?

Aut quis duorum sit meli or, utrum qui plus, an qui minus diligit Christum, quis 390 dubitauit responderé eum qui plus diligit esse meliorem? Item quis duorum sit

melior, utrum quern minus, an quern plus diligit Christus, eum qui plus diligitur a Christo, meliorem procul dubio respondebimus. In ilia ergo conparati one prius posuit Petrus Iohanni. In hac uero altera Iohannes anteponi tur Petro. Proinde ter-tiam sic proponimus: Quis est duorum discipulorum melior, utrum qui minus

395 quam condiscipulus eius diligit Christum, et plusquam condiscipulus eius diligit Christo? An ille quem minus quam condiscipulus eius diligit Christus, cum plus ipse quam suus condiscipulus diligat Christum? Hie plane cunctatur responsio. Quantum autem ut ipse sapio, melior est qui plus diligit Christum, felicior est quern plus diligit Christus, facile responderem. Si iustitiam Christi minus eum

400 diligentis a quo plus diligitur, et eum plus a quo minus diligitur, quomodo defen-derem, peruiderem.

Adgrediar igitur Christo adiuuante de soluenda quaestione disputare. Duas uitas sibi diuinitus praedicatas nouit ecclesia, quarum una est in fide,

altera in specie, una bona est, sed adhuc misera, altera melior et ideo beata. Ista 405 significata est per apostolum Petrum, ilia per Iohannem. Tota hic agitur ista usque

in huius saeculi finem, sed in futuro saeculo non habet finem. Ideo dicitur huic, Sequere me. De ilio autem, Sic eum uolo manere donec ueniam, id est, Tu me sequere per imitationem perferendi temporalia mala. Ille maneat donec maneat sempiterna uenio redditurus bona? Quod apertius ita dici potest, perfecta me

410 sequatur actio, informata meae passionis exemplo. Inchoata autem contemplatio maneat donec uenio, perficienda 'cum uenero'.

In hac autem actiua uita quanto magis Christum diligimus, tanto facilius libe-ramur a malo. At ipse minus diligit quales nunc sumus, et hinc ideo liberai, ne semper tales simus. Ibi uero amplius nos diligit, quoniam quod a nobis auferat,

415 non habebimus. Nee ob aliud hic nos diligit, nisi ut sanet. Hic ergo minus ubi non uult ut remaneamus. Ibi amplius quo uult ut transeamus. Amet ergo cum Petrus,

382 Io. 11.23 386 Io. 21.22 407 Io. 21.19 407 Io. 21.22

381 Si autem - 386 doncc ueniam] 682,13-23 387 Illud ctiam - 388 dilexerit] 682,1 bis-3 389 quis duorum - 401 peruiderem] 683,28-45 402 Adgrediar - disputare] 683,1-3 403 Duas uitas - 411 cum uenero] 685,82-84, 101-107, 686,109-113 412 In hac - 418 seruemur] 686,124-133

400 quomodo] quemadmodum Aug.

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THE OLDEST EPITOME OF THE TRACTATVS IN IOANNEM 99

ut ab ista mortalitate liberemur. Ametur ab eo Iohannes ut in ilia immortalitate seruemur.

Sed cur Iohannes minus eum diligebat quam Petrus, si earn uitam significabat 420 in qua est multo amplius diligendus, nisi quia propterea dictum est, Volo eum

manere, id est, exspectare, donee uenio, quoniam ipsum amorem qui tunc multo amplius erit, nondum habemus, sed tunc amplius quod uidebimus diligimus.

Hoc ergo per Petrum significatum est plus amantem, sed minus amatum, quod minus amat nos Christus quam beatos miseros. Illud autem per Iohannem sig-

425 nifícatum minus amantem quod ueritatis contemplationem qualis tune futura est, minus amamus, quia nondum nouimus, sed plus amatum, quia id quod per ilium figuratum est, hoc efficit beatum.

Nemo tarnen istos apostólos separet. Et in eo quod significabat Petrus, ambo erant. Et in eo quod significabat Iohannes, ambo futuri erant. Nee ipsi soli, sed

430 uniuersa hoc facit saneta ecclesia ab istis temptationibus emenda, in illa felicitate seruanda.

Non enim iste solus, sed uniuersa ecclesia ligat soluitque peccata. Nec ille de fonte dominici pectoris solus bibit, sed ipse dominus suum euangelium omnibus suis bibendum toto orbe diffundit. Sunt qui senserint, a Christo Iohannem

435 propterea plus amatum quod ab ineunte pueritia castissimus uixerit. Congru-enter ergo per eurn ilia uita significata est, ubi non erunt nuptiae.

Nec ipsum arbitror mundum capere eos qui scribendi sunt libros. Non spatio locorum credendum est mundum capere non posse, quae in eos scribi quomodo possent, si scripta non ferret? Sed capacitate legentium conprehendi fortasse non

440 possent, quamuis salua fide rerum, plerumque uerba excedunt fidem, sed sicut uerba rem quae indicatur excedunt, ut uoluntas loquentis appareat, a quo ultra quam credendum est, uel minuitur loquendo aliquid uel augetur. Hunc loquendi modum hiperbolen uocant qui saepe in diuinis litteris inuenitur, ut est, Posuerunt caelo os suum, et Verticem capali perambulantium in delictis suis. Sed et alii

445 tropi in scripturis Sanctis non desunt.

420 Io. 21.22 421 Io. 21.22 437 Io. 21.25 443 Ps. 72.9 444 Ps. 67.22

419 cur - 422 uidebimus] 686,8-13, 16-17 423 Hoc - 427 beatum] 687,25-29, 31-33 428 Nemo - 431 seruanda] 687,1-3, 6-8 432 iste - 436 nuptiae] 687,17-18, 22-28, 31-32 437 Nec - 445 desunt] 688,5-10, 14-23

430 ecclesia] ecclesia sponsa Christi Aug.

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2. Laon 80, f. 6 (Martin 's annotations).

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4. Laon 80, f. 47v (the scribe's uncial with section numbers, the Nota sign, asterisk s-like flourish marking scriptural citations)