Subsidiarity in Tonga (Zambian) Tense Forms

Journal ofAfrican Languages and L inguistics 2: 121-132(198 0)

Subsidiarity in Tonga (Zambian) Tense FormsDANIEL Ο ΈΚΙΕΝ

INTRODUCTION

Zambian Tonga has a large number of tense forms. Carter (1971: 27-29) lists sixty-eight and there are at least two more. Such an enumerationonly takes into account the tense form in Isolation. In discourse and pastnarrative some tense forms acquire a further semantic attribution, addingnew forms to the existing stock. This further semantic attribution is carri-ed out by a change in time reference from that possessed by the formwhen used in Isolation. However, use in Isolation and use in discourse arenot so different s to bear no relation to one another. Thus the HodiernalPast, which in Isolation refers to an action carried out on the day it isspoken of, becomes in discourse a form referring to an action carried outshortly after a prior event. This prior event is denoted by a form settingthe time reference for the whole discourse, which has been called the con-trolling form. Those forms changing their reference have been called sub-sidiary since their new function is determined by the controlling form.An examination is now made of the subsidiary forms.

THE HODIERNAL PAST TENSE

Collins (1962: 35) points to the Opposition between the Hodiernalor -a- past and the Prehodiernal or -aka- past. These two forms are number-ed 12 and 14 in Carter (1971: 27). Tense 12 refers to an event which tookplace prior to the time of speech but on the same day; tense 14 refers toan event which took place at some time prior to the day on which refer-ence to it ismade.

1l) Bdbuka. ' They got up (today).'(2) Bdkabuka. 'They got up (yesterday or before).'

The clear cut distinction between the two time references does not,however, always hold in discourse or past narrative. In relating how hermother was captured and taken into slavery by the Matabele an old Tongawomansaid:

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(3) Eno bakdbabweza baMatabele babatola.Then the Matabele laid hands on her and took her away.'

In this example the first tense form (underlined) is the Prehodiernal andthe second is the Hodiernal Fast. It is obvious that the time reference mustbe to a period long prior to the day (in 1971) on which the story was re-corded. The use of the Prehodiernal is therefore what might be expected.The use of the Hodiernal in babatola 'and took her away' for an eventequally distant from the time of speech is, however, open to question.From example (3), the two tense forms which have been shown to havedistinct time references when treated in Isolation would appear to havesimilar reference in discourse.

It is postulated that such a change in time reference occurs when the-aka- or Prehodiernal Past controh the time reference of subsequent formswhich are said to be subsidiary (OTirien 1975: 70). Subsidiary here con-notes that the second and possibly subsequent verb forms are related tothe time of event through the controlling verb form. Thus the -a· form,which in Isolation must refer to an action on the same day δs the utterance,may in a subsidiary role refer to an event of long before.

What value does the Tonga verb System obtain from this use of a sub-sidiary form? Cohen (1924: 2) notes, "11 est bien entendu qu'aucun sys-tφme ne poss£de des formes distinctes pour toutes les idees que le verbepeut the'oretiquement representer: c'est precisement le choix entre lesidees exprimables qui definit le Systeme verbal d'une langue donnee."

One choice that Tonga has made is the distinction between Hodiernal(-a-) and Prehodiernal (-aka-) past in Isolation. But, in putting the -a· pastunder the control of the -aka- past it must be communicating anotherpossible idea. A further examination of the function of the - a- past in iso-lation will help determine its specific role in a subsidiary position. The-a- past in Isolation refers to an event which has taken place shortly beforethe time of speech. A relationship of immediacy or proximity is expressedby the form where English would have to use a Temporal such δs 'today'or 'just now'. Transferring the idea of immediacy to the case under con-sideration the translation can now be amended in (3) to: The Matabelelaid hands on her and immediately took her away'. The -a- past in subsidi-arity enables a new idea to be expressed by the use of an already existentform. The controlling form gives the time reference of the discourse δs awhole and the listener is not left wondering when the events took place.The - a- form used in discourse preserves its idea of immediacy even thoughits time reference depends on the controlling form. This subsidiary use ofthe -a- form is not confined to instances where it appears after the pre-hodiernal past δs the following will show.

In a description of the former Chief Monze's arrest by the British SouthAfrica Police the narrator says:Brought to you by | University of Massachusetts - Amherst W.E.B. Du Bois Library

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(4) Bamόjate Monze, bamutola.When they had arrested Monze they immediately took him away'.

In (4) the flrst verb is the Subjunctive-Hortative (tense number 4) usedδs a Fast Temporal while the second has the -a- past in subsidiary position.Similar examples are found in the speech of the old woman quoted in (3):

(5) Eno basike munzila mwaalumi abo bamuyδsa 'sumo baMatabele,wafwa.Then when they had arrived on the pathway the Matabele immedi-ately ran a spear through her husband and he feil dead on the spot.'

Here the two -a- past forms coming after the Subjunctive-Hortativebasike indicate the speed with which the events took place. Such use ofthe -a· past to indicate immediacy may be compared with a subsequentpart of the same discourse. The old lady had told her listeners that hermother was also wounded by the Matabele and continues

(6) Eno bakabaleka Baama ecicisa cabo, bakδunka oku kuButebeleThen they left my wounded mother, they went off to Matabele-land;

The two underlined verbs are both in the Prehodiernal Past. There is noeffort to link the two events other than δs a sequence.

Speakers of Tonga obviously exercise a choice in selecting which formsthey will use. Where immdiacy is to be indicated the -a- form is broughtinto play after an -aka- past or after a Subjunctive-Hortative used δs a PastTemporal. In written Tonga, however, it is more unusual to see the sequ-ence -aka- past followed by -a- past. This may be due to a certain stilted-ness introduced by the use of the written medium. An example of the con-tinuous use of the -aka- pastistakenfrornNyokoNgumwi byBLMwόnga(Publications Bureau, Zambia, 1971, p. 16).

(7) Musyule, mudaala wakaambila Coolwe kuti bakagame mukupa.Bind Coolwe bakajika kacese. Bakavoomana antoomwe boomebakalya. Obo buzuba mbobakamanina buyo kulya nyama yankukubakoona.'After that the old man told Coolwe to do the milking. The mothercooked roots. They all gathered together and ate. That evening δssoon δs they had finished eating the fowl they went to bed.*

In the passage one could have expected that at least bakalya 'they ate'and bakoona 'they went to bed' would have been put into the -a- past;


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but it would appear that writing tends to hold up the flow of narrativeachieved in speech by the variety of tense forms. Such a Suggestion wouldseem to be confirmed by a passage from another book Kabuca Uleta Tunjiby M.C. Mainza (University of London Press, 1956, pp. 36-37). This bookis written in a much more flowing colloquial style by an author who isknown in real life for his ability δs a Speaker. In describing a trip to Sun-day Church Meeting at the local school the narrator describes his friendMaanya's behaviour:

(8) Eco ciindi twakamuka kuboola kuNsonda, twajana banjila kalebantu, walo ino mpamunya awo nkutwakamuka watalika kusekamucikolo.That time we were late getting to Sunday meeting and we foundthat the people had gone in already, however there and then late δswe were he began laughing in the schoolroom.'

The Tonga verb System is thus able to use the one tense form, the -a-past, to express two different but related concepts.

PRESENT AFFIRMATIVE STRONG TENSE

A second instance where the time reference of the tense form in isola-tion changes in discourse occurs with the Present Affirmative Strong Tense(numbered 8) and called the -la- tense. In Isolation or in a single sentencethis form refers to an action going on at the time of speech or which goeson 'asof nature'.

(9) Balaambaula. They are talking, they talk.'

However in the recording of a teacher trainee's description of a RainFestival the following use of the -la- tense form was noted.

(10) Bakaunka nkobakasiile bukoko, batubweza tumwi tόbiya balatilaalya amulyango.'They went to where they had left the beer, they picked up someof the small pots and poured there at the gate.'

Batatila, translated here δs 'they poured', would in an isolated sentencebe said to mean 'they are pouring'. I checked through the recording madewhile the Rain Festival was taking place and when this part of the cere-mony took place there were in fact shouts of balatila, balatila 'they'repouring', at which everyone rushed from the grave of Monze Ncete to thatof Monze Mukulu to see the pouring of the beer. The use of the -la- Present


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Affirmative Tense with past reference may also be described in terms ofsubsidiarity.

The controlling tense form in (10) isίakaunka 'They went', which setsthe time reference δs 'before today'. The question here is, however, whatidea is being conveyed by the use of the -la- tense form in a past narrative.In Isolation the -la- form does not refer to either inception or completionof an action. For example, when on the day of the ceremony the peopleshouted, balatila 'they are pouring', they merely indicated that the actionwas going on. When this form is transferred for use in a past narrative thisindeterminacy δs to inception or completion is carried with it. In this waythe sentence may now be translated δs, 'They went to where they had leftthe beer, picked up the posts and poured some of the beer'. This Sugges-tion is confirmed by the change necessary in translation if one were tosubstitute the -a- past for the -la- form. In that case one would have batila'they poured' and the understanding would be that they poured all thebeer. In fact only a very small quantity was dribbled out on the ground forthe dead Monze's benefit and the rest kept for the participants at the festi-val. The use of the -la- form under the control of the -aka- past enablesTonga to give the idea of the pouring out of an indeterminate amount.

A similar use of the -la- present to indicate indeterminacy in past actionis seen in the account of dancing at the festival.

(11) Nitwakaakusika kuya batalika bantu kwiimba nyimbo. . . bamwibamakaintu mukati balazinguluka, balazyana.When we had arrived there the people immediately began tosingsongs . .. some of the women in the middle whirled around anddanced from time to time.'

Here the use of the -la- form in balazinguluka, balazyana indicates thatthe women got up whenever the fancy took them, whirled around for awhile, danced a few Steps of no set pattern, and then sδt down. This iscontrasted with the reference to the ritual dance of an older man. Thisspecific ritual dance was referred to by the repeated use of the -aka- past.

(12) Ino umwi mudaala wakazyana, wakaimba Iwiimbo ndobakalikwiimba ciindi naa baunka ku Monze kuya kukomba.'Then a certain old man danced and sang the song sung when peoplewent to Monze to pray for rain.'

THE SUBJUNCTIVE-HORTATIVE TENSES

A third example of the change of reference of a tense form is found inthe case of the Subjunctive-Hortative tenses (numbered 3 and 4). Some-Brought to you by | University of Massachusetts - Amherst W.E.B. Du Bois Library


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times this tense form is used to refer to events about to take place in thenear future and is also listed δs tense 10. In Isolation the Subjunctive-Hortative, whose characteristic morphology is a final -e, appears δs follows:

(13) Tupiluke.'Let us return.' (And Hhat we might return' δs the apodosis in aconditional clause.)

When, however, the same form appears in a discourse its reference maychange. Consider (5), quoted above to show the subsidiary use of the -a·past, in which Subjunctive-Hortative also appears in subsidiary position.

(5) Eno basike munzila mwaalumi abo...'Then when they had arrived on the pathway ...'

Here the Subjunctive-Hortative has a temporal reference despite theexistence of a fόll rδnge of temporals in Tonga (tenses 38-40).

The Remote Subjunctive-Hortative (tense number 6) is also found indiscourse with a temporal reference. This tense form has the infix -ka-and is used in such situations δs the farewell,

(14) Ukasike. 'May you arrive safely.'

However, in a description of an event in Tonga history the narratorsaid:

(15) Waakucitδ lifwioku kubuWe. Akδcite lifwi, akasike oku ...went on leave in We country. When he had gone on leave, when

he had arrived there ...'

The two underlined forms here correspond morphologically with theRemote Subjunctive-Hortative but they cannot be taken to mean the samehere δs they would in Isolation (cf. (14)). They are in fact t o be treated δsif they were Temporals and again the question is asked what idea doesTonga wish to convey by this apparently variant use of a series of tenseforms?

The usual temporal tenses in Tonga are those numbered from 38 to 40and these are characterised by the prefix no- and ni-. It would be possibleto substitute one of the no-/ni~ temporals for any instance of the -e orSubjunctive-Hortative type used δs a temporal. However the converse isnot true; the -e type temporal is only acceptable when used within a dis-course, it does not Start a discourse, nor may it end a sentence. For thisreason the -e form is called a bridging tense, whose function within a dis-


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course is to keep the flow of narrative going without reference to time andalso to help the narrator remember what he is going to say next. It mightalso be called a 'memory loop' because of this latter function.

To justify the name 'bridging', a number of substitutions are tried. Aschoolgirl describing her journey home for holidays began:

(16) Nitwakajala clkolo ndakaakutantila kuMonze citima.When we finished school I got on the train at Monze.'

To substitute the -e form for the controlling temporal (Nitwakajala'When we finished') is not acceptable in the context and would have to beinterpreted δs a Subjunctive-Hortative, i.e. Tu(ka)jale cikolo ... 4Let usfinish school

An effort to place the -e form at the end of a sentence also yielded anunacceptable utterance. The same girl say s later on in the same discourse:

(17) Ndakamubona m weenzuma naakaseluka.saw my friend δs she got down/

To substitute the -e form aseluke for naakaseluka would be unaccept-able. However, had the narrator so wished she could have begun the nextsentence with Aseluke boobo .. . When she had thus got down ...' soforming a bridge to link what she had said with what was to come next.

The -e form used δs a temporal then acts δs a bridge between two partsof a discourse. Since it can only be used δs a temporal within a discourseand cannot set a time reference it is always necessarily in a subsidiary posi-tion. For this reason the phrase fixed function subsidiarity' has been coin-ed to describe its Operation.

However, the -e form used in a past narrative is not purely a temporalmarker and the Substitution of a temporal phrase would make a differenceto the meaning. In (5) there is the following,£>20 basike munzila Whenthey had arrived on the pathway' and in this instance the verb form has alexical function since the root '-sik-\ 'arrive', is not contained in either thepreceding or following verb forms. The -e form here has a narrative func-tion which would not be fulfilled by a temporal phrase such δs ciindi eco'at that time'.

Nevertheless, in the speech of younger people the -e form δs a temporalis increasingly resticted to two or three verb roots and so becomes, in theirspeech, virtually a temporal phrase. The schoolgirl already quoted used the-e form only with the verb root -man- 'finish'. In describing her wait forthe train at Monze Station she say s:


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(18) 'Mane twakalindila kusikila masiku. 'Mane masiku nicakasikacitima tiicakaimikila pe.'After that (literally (When we) had flnished) we waited until night-fall. After that when night feil and the train came it did not stop/

'Mane is an abbreviation of Tumane, which literally would be When wehad flnished', but is here translated δs 'After that'.

A young teacher trainee in describing the Rain Festival uses the verb-sik- 'arrive' in a similar manner. He is talking about our arrival at the grovewhere the festival was to take place:

(19) Eno twakeenda kabotu-kabotu, 'sike twakasika abusena mpotwa-keelede kugusya mδbbusu kumaulu.'Then we kept going slowly, until (literally, when we had arrived)we arrived at the spot where we had to take off our shoes.'

The -e form in 'sike is abbreviated from tusike Vhen we had arrived'but is here rendered δs 'untiT.

Older Speakers who use these lexically empty verbs in the -e form donot leave out the personal prefix. An old man describing his life of travel-ling round on various Jobs said:

(20) Ino tumane nitwaazwa awo twaya kuLusaka.'Then after that (literally, Vhen we had flnished') when we leftthere we went to Lusaka.' (cf. (18))

However, it is likely that younger people will continue to use the -eform with a very few verb roots and without personal prefix. The Tongaof the younger Speakers then is apparently acquiring two or more temporalphrases and discarding a subsidiary tense form. The bridging function ofthe -e tense form is virtually ceding place to a few determinate filier words.The description of the tense form δs 'fixed function subsidiarity' is beingrealised to an exceptional degree.

THE NOMINO-VERBALS

Finally the Nomino-verbals are examined because while in isolationthey do not function δs tense forms it is necessary to Interpret them δssuch within a discourse. There are three Nomino-verbals: the Infinitiveform, which may act δs a nominal or δs the lexical element in a compoundverbal, the Stabilized Nomino-verbal, and the Restrictively stabilized no-mino-verbal. It must be remembered that these have neither subject prefixnor time reference. Only in discourse do they function δs tense forms andBrought to you by | University of Massachusetts - Amherst W.E.B. Du Bois Library


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here subject and time reference are inferred from the controlling tenseforms. The Nomino-verbal δs a tense form represents the final attenuationof the relationship of subsidiarity since it relies so heavilyon the controllingverb. Also there is a notable reliance on the Speaker-listener relationship.The listener is supposed to be so deeply involved in the narrative that he cansupply the parts (i.e. the subject and tense reference) left out by the Speak-er. By this use of the Nomino-verbals δs tense forms the flow of the narra-tive is not interrupted by the repetition of Information already availablefrom the context. The listener would know Svho' was performing theaction and Vhen', all he or she needs to know is 'what' is being done.From the use of the Nomino-verbal δs a tense form the Tonga verbal sys-tem obtains a succinct identification of the action without the encum-brance of personal prefix or tense sign. This choice exercised by Tonga(cf. Cohen 1924: 2) enables a subsidiary use of the Nomino-verbal whosecommon function is taken to be that of naming an action. The three typesof Nomino-verbals will now be separately examined.

The Infinitive or Unstabilized Nomino- Verbal.

Typically the morphology of the Infinitive or Unstabilized Nomino-verbal is fa/+root+0. In discourse it will appear in two distinct environ-ments. The first use is δs a consecutive in much the same way δs in otherBantu languages (cf. Bennett 1975: 59). A teacher trainee describing theparticipants at the Rain Festival said:

(21) Banooyimba buya bamwi balanyamuka akunjila akuzyana.While they were singing some got up from time to time and wentin and danced.'

Here the two nomino-verbals akunjila akuzyana are interpreted δs 'andwent in and danced' since they are controlled by balanyamuka 'they gotup from time to time'. The -la- form here is treated δs past since it is underthe control of a preceding form in another sentence.

The second use of the Unstabilized Nomino-verbal occurs most fre-quently with the verb -r/ 'say' or 'speak'. An example of this is taken fromthe speech of the old woman quoted in (3) and (5). After the descriptionof the murder of the husband the following is said:

(22) Eno bapiluke Baama kuti, , mwandijayila mwadlumi.'Then when my mother tumed back she said, (literally 'to say')'Hai, you have killed my husband on me.'

The kuti used here and translated δs 'she said' is not used in simpleBrought to you by | University of Massachusetts - Amherst W.E.B. Du Bois LibraryAuthenticated | 128.119.168.112Download Date | 9/22/12 8:04 PM

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sentences where bakati 'she said' would be appropriate. In the sentences quoted, however, the listener is expected to understand that the subject

preflx ba· 'she' is supplied by bapiluke Svhen she had turned back' andthat the time reference is also given by the controlling form.

The Stabilized Nomino- Verbal.

The morphology of the Stabilized Nomino-verbal is typically realisedby the nazalisation of the initial consonant of the Infinitive, e.g.NkubejaΎοιι are lying' (lit. 'It is to lie'). This is interchangeable in conversationwith Wabeja Ύου are lying'.

Outside discourse it is not acceptable to use the Stabilized Nomino-verbal s a tense form. Within discourse subject and time reference maybe inferred from the context and thus supply the lack of these elementsin the morphology of the form. While this form does not appear veryfrequently in conversation or discourse it is used occasionally to stressthe action identified by the Nomino-verbal. An example is taken fromthe description by an old man of the trial of the Chief Monze who ruledearly in the twentieth Century,

(23) Baka nka muopesi lebelebelebelebe, Bakaakwiitwa mazyina,'Ndaba.' '/i.' 'Mali ngowakatola kuli Monze mallnzi?' "Mali aya.'Ngaayo Monze nkuzubula. Aumwi nkuzubula, awnwi nkuzubula,aumwi nkuzubula, limwi maVaaya aakuwaala nketekee.'They poured into the office s from a winnowing basket. Theirnames were called, 'So and so.' Yes.' Ήow much money did youtake to Monze?' 'This much.' And then Monze counted out themoney, to the first he counted out his and to the next he countedout his and to the next he counted out his, until the last coin feilclinking down.'

This dramatic use of the Stabilized nomino-verbal enables the narrativeto be carried on with both subject and time reference inferred from thecontext. Stabilization adds to the unstabilized or identifying form the ideaof action. Where the unstabilized form merely identifies what action istaking place the Stabilized form draws attention to the occurrence of theaction s an observable phenomenon. The present Chief Monze in describ-ing how his forbear broke reeds to remember the amounts paid to himused the Stabilized inflnitive to highlight the action.

(24) Weeta mali, nkutyola kasanga, wbeth mali, nkutyola kasanga.'For each one who brought money he broke a reed (literally, 'it isto break') for each one who brought money he broke a reed.'Brought to you by | University of Massachusetts - Amherst W.E.B. Du Bois Library


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Here again emphasis on the action by the Stabilized Nomino-verbal is incontrast with the purely identifying function of the unstabilized form.

The Restrictive Stabilization oftheNomino· Verbal.

The morphology in this instance isNko+ku+root+0. Again this form isacceptable δs a tense form only within discourse since it has neither sub-ject prefix nor tense marker. Within a discourse these lacks are suppliedby a controlling form. In describing her mother's life in captivity the oldwoman quoted in (3) says:

(25) Eno balikkede, balikkede, balikkede. Nkokukwatwa kόli Taatadakatuzyala.*So she lived and lived and lived. And eventually she got marriedto our father.'

The reason for her getting married is implied rather than stated, thoughit would be clear to any Tonga that a woman still capable of bearing child-ren should get married. The fact that she lived under tutelage for a longtime is virtually a sufficient reason in itself for getting married. At thesame time the listener is being prepared for what is to come later by theInsinuation that she only married to have children. When a suitable partner,a Tonga from the Mapanza area does appear, the woman is forcibly sepa-rated from the father of the narrator and married again.

A similar use of the Restrictive Stabilization of the Nomino-verbal oc-curs in the story of Monze's imprisonment. Having ascertained from thecomplainants that each had received all his money back, the magistratesays:

(26) 'Kwiina asweeka kubon 'aanga wakalyδMonze pe?'Kuti, 'Kunyina,oonse ngaaya mpali.' Nkokuti, 'We Monze Uno utakatambuli kabilimal'δabantu.There is none missing. Monze hasn't stolen any?' They said (liter-ally, to say) 'None at all, all of it is here.' And so he said, 'NowMonze don't ever accept people's money again.'

Here again the Restrictive Stabilization of the Nomino-verbal is usedto indicate that the action identified occurred δs a consequence of whathad gone before. The lack of personal prefix and time reference is madegood by the cont.ext.


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CONCLUSION

This article has been concerned with describing the uses which the Tongaverb System makes of subsidiary tense forms. Subsidiary tense forms arethose which in discourse have a different function from that of the sameverb forms in simple sentences or forms which acquire a tense functionthat they do not possess in Isolation. The problem of what ideas the Tongaverbal System wishes to communicate has been investigated and the rela-tionship between use in Isolation and use in discourse described.

REFERENCES

Bennett, P.R. 1975. Narrative style and the consecutive. Afr. Languages l :58-80.Carter, H. 1971. Morphotonology of Zambian Tonga. Afr Lang. Stud. 12:1-30.Carter, H., and D. O'Brien. 1969. Programmed Course of Tonga with Laboratory

Drills. London: School of Oriental and African Studies.Cohen, M. 1924. Le Systeme verbal semitique et l'expression du temps. Paris: Ernest

Leroux.Collins, B. 1962. Tonga Grammar. London: Longmans.O'Brien, D. 1975. Control and Sόbsidiarity in the Tonga (Zambian) Verb. Ph. D.

thesis, University of London.

School ofEducationMacquarie UniversityNew South Wales, Australia


Subsidiarity in Tonga (Zambian) Tense Forms

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