Γενικα

Απο νανογλου Η ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΥ ΣΤΗ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΚΕΝΤΡΙΚΑ ΒΑΛΚΑΝΙΑ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΗ ΝΕΟΛΙΘΙΚΗΠΡΩΙΜΗ ΝΕΟΛΙΘΙΚΗ (ΤΕΛΗ 7ΗΣ ΕΩΣ ΜΕΣΑ 6ΗΣ ΧΙΛΙΕΤΙΑΣ Π.Χ.)9Σε όλα τα Βαλκάνια τα αντικείμενα με αναπαραστάσεις ανθρώπων ποικίλλουν, μπορού-με όμως να τα κατατάξουμε σε τέσσερις βασικές κατηγορίες: α) τις αυτόνομες μορφές,10 δηλα-δή τα ειδώλια, β) τα ανθρωπόμορφα αγγεία, γ) τις πλαστικές μορφές που είναι προσαρτημέ-νες πάνω σε αγγεία ή άλλα αντικείμενα και δ) τις γραπτές ή εγχάρακτες παραστάσεις. Καθώςοι πληροφορίες για τις κατηγορίες β έως δ είναι ελάχιστες11. Σε γενικές γραμμές οι ανθρωπόμορφες αναπαραστάσεις της πρώιμης νεολιθικήςΘεσσαλίας αποδίδουν το σύνολο του σώματος13. Το αποδιδόμενο σώμα όμως χαρακτηρίζε-ται από μια ποικιλία, κυρίως όσον αφορά τον τρόπο που οι μορφές τοποθετούν ή χρησιμοποι-ούν τα άκρα τους. Υπάρχει δηλαδή μια ποικιλία στις στάσεις και τις χειρονομίες των μορφών, ποικιλία που, αν αντιμετωπιστεί ως σύνολο, παραπέμπει σε μορφές που δρουν14. Η ιδιαιτερό-τητα κάθε μορφής δίνει έμφαση στην εκάστοτε απεικονιζόμενη στάση ή χειρονομία, δίνει έμ-φαση δηλαδή στις πράξεις κάθε μορφής και αποκλείει την άμεση αναγωγή σε ένα γενικό και«ουσιώδη» τύπο. Ακριβώς το αντίθετο συμβαίνει στις ανθρωπόμορφες αναπαραστάσεις τωνκεντρικών Βαλκανίων. Οι μορφές από τις περιοχές βόρεια της Θεσσαλίας15 φαίνεται ότι απο-δίδουν ένα γενικευτικό τύπο σώματος, όπου το σημαντικό δεν είναι οι συγκεκριμένες πρά-ξεις αλλά η γενική εντύπωση της ανθρώπινης μορφής. Παράλληλα, μπορούμε να παρατηρή-σουμε μια σαφώς πιο εκτεταμένη αναπαράσταση των ζώων στα κεντρικά Βαλκάνια, πρακτι-κή που είναι περιορισμένη στη Θεσσαλία16. Μπορούμε να δούμε τις διαφορές αυτές ως δια-φορετικά πλαίσια αναφοράς για τις νέες σχέσεις που διαμορφώνονται και στις οποίες συνή-θως αναφερόμαστε με τον όρο «νεολιθικοποίηση». Αν θέλουμε δηλαδή να προσεγγίσουμε τηΝεολιθική όχι ως αφηρημένη οικονομική έννοια, αλλά ως μια εποχή κατά την οποία οι άν-θρωποι διαμόρφωναν μια διαφορετική σχέση με το περιβάλλον, είτε αυτό είναι τα φυτά είτε ταζώα είτε οι συνάνθρωποί τους, τότε είναι απαραίτητο να εντάξουμε στη συζήτησή μας τις τε-χνικές του σώματος που αλλάζουν17. Τον τρόπο δηλαδή που οι άνθρωποι χρησιμοποιούσαν το

σώμα τους και διεκπεραίωναν τις ασχολίες τους ως πρόσωπα με φυσική υπόσταση.

ΝΕΟΤΕΡΗ ΝΕΟΛΙΘΙΚΗ (ΜΕΣΑ 6ΗΣ ΕΩΣ ΤΕΛΗ 5ΗΣ ΧΙΛΙΕΤΙΑΣ Π.Χ)Η διαφορετική πορεία των δύο περιοχών συνεχίζεται και στη Νεότερη Νεολιθική, υπό διαφορετική όμως μορφή. Καθώς δεν υπάρχουν παρά ελάχιστα δημοσιευμένα σύνολα από τηναρχή της περιόδου στη Θεσσαλία (τις λεγόμενες προ-διμηνιακές φάσεις, το δεύτερο μισό της 6ης χιλιετίας π.Χ.), θα περιοριστώ στην εξέταση του δεύτερου μισού της (διμηνιακές φάσεις, πρώτο μισό της 5ης χιλιετίας π.Χ.). Η αναπαράσταση του ανθρώπου κατά τη Νεότερη Νεολιθική στη Θεσσαλία παρουσιά-ζει αξιοσημείωτες αλλαγές σε σχέση με την παράδοση που είχε διαμορφωθεί κατά τους προηγούμενους αιώνες. Τα άκρα παύουν να αναπαρίστανται με λεπτομέρεια και αντίθετα προβάλλεται ένας γενικευτικός τύπος, τις περισσότερες φορές χωρίς δήλωση των ποδιών και με τα χέρια ως αποφύσεις (εικ. 1α). Με φόντο το ίδιο το παρελθόν των κοινοτήτων αυτών μπορούμε να μιλήσουμε για μια άρνηση της προγενέστερης έμφασης στη δράση της μορφής και αντίθετα τη μετατόπιση του ενδιαφέροντος σε μια στατική και γενική εικόνα του σώματος με μια παράλληλη έμφαση στο κεφάλι19. Παράλληλα πολλαπλασιάζεται η χρήση του λίθου ως υλικού για την κατασκευή ειδωλίων (εικ. 1β), ενώ κατασκευάζονται και αρκετά σύνθετα ειδώλια από πηλό και λίθο (τα λεγόμενα «ακρόλιθα», εικ. 1γ). Στα υπόλοιπα Βαλκάνια οι αλλαγές που εμφανίζονται μετά τα μέσα της 6ης χιλιετίας π.Χ. αφορούν κυρίως την εγχάραξη των μορφών. Σε όλο το χώρο από την δυτική και κεντρική Μακεδονία μέχρι την Ουγγαρία και τη Ρουμανία, κυρίως δε στην περιοχή της πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβίας (τον λεγόμενο «πολιτισμό Vinča»), οι μορφές «επενδύονται» με εκτεταμένες και ποικίλες εγχαράξεις (εικ. 2). Υπάρχουν βέβαια διαφοροποιήσεις από περιοχή σε περιοχή, αλλά η εγχάραξη παραμένει κυρίαρχη πρακτική στο σύνολο των οικισμών που γνωρίζουμε. Στην πρώτη φάση της περιόδου αποδίδονται τα πόδια και τα χέρια, αλλά η έλλειψη ποικιλίας στην απόδοση των ποδιών (η συντριπτική πλειονότητα είναι όρθιες μορφές) και των χεριών (σχεδόν πάντα ως αποφύσεις) δείχνει ότι στόχος δεν είναι η απόδοση μιας κίνησης, όπως στην περίπτωση της πρώιμης νεολιθικής Θεσσαλίας, αλλά η απόδοση ενός αρτιμελούς σώματος. Στη δεύτερη φάση πολλαπλασιάζονται οι μορφές που δεν αποδίδουν τα πόδια πλαστικά, αλλά φέρουν ενιαίο διάκοσμο στο κάτω τμήμα του σώματος. Στη Θεσσαλία κατά τη Νεότερη Νεολιθική, και κυρίως το διάστημα για το οποίο έχουμε στοιχεία, δεν χρησιμοποιείται η εγχάραξη ως τρόπος σημασιοδότησης των μορφών. Αντίθετα η επιφάνεια του σώματος παραμένει ανέπαφη, ιδίως αν σκεφτούμε και το μεγάλο αριθμό λί- θινων ειδωλίων που κατασκευάζονται αυτή την εποχή. Η κατασκευή ειδωλίων από δύο διαφορετικά υλικά, με τόσο διαφορετική υφή, ίσως παραπέμπει και πάλι σε μια σημασιοδότησηπου σχετίζεται με την επιφάνεια του σώματος, ίσως όμως είναι ακόμη ένας τρόπος να τονιστεί η κεντρικότητα του κεφαλιού, ένα στοιχείο που χαρακτηρίζει έντονα την εποχή20.

ΦΥΣΙΟΚΡΑΤΙΚΑ ΕΙΔΩΛΙΑ ΠΟΙΚΙΛΗΣ ΤΥΠΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ

Ο ορισμός τους ως φυσιοκρατικών δεν υποδηλώνει ότι παρουσιάζουν πάντα πλήρη και ακριβή απεικόνιση όλων των λεπτομερειών του ανθρώπου, αλλά ότι μας δίδουν τόσα στοιχεία ώστε σχετικά εύκολα να μπορεί κάποιος να αναγνωρίσει την φυσιοκρατική απόδοση του ανθρώπινου σώματος ή μέλους, τις περισσότερες φορές μάλιστα και το φύλο.

North of Greece, the Karanovo culture begins in the Eastern Balkan region at about5800 BCE (Ehrich and Bankoff 1992: 379) and figurines produced are marked by “focus[ed] attention on faces and hips, buttocks and the pubis” (Bailey 2000: 114). In the Central Balkans, the Vinča Complex begins ca. 5265 BCE (Ehrich and Bankoff 1992: 382) and the figurines from this culture are very striking with distinctive triangular, mask-like faces, detailed incisions, and symmetrical perforations (Gimbutas 1991: 68-69). Several other regions in Southeastern Europe also provide a rich body of distinct anthropomorphic figurine styles. The Tisza culture in Hungary emerged during the Late Neolithic (ca. 4970-4380) (Hertelindi et al.1995: 242), the Cucuteni culture in modern Romania and Moldavia flourished from ca. 4800 to 3500 BCE (Gimbutas 1991: 103; Bailey 2005: 88) and closer to the Adriatic but still on the Balkan Peninsula, the Butmir culture is dated to ca. 5300 to 4200 BCE also in the Middle and Late Neolithic periods.

Τα νεολιθικά ειδώλια είναι πολλά σε όλα τα Βαλκάνια, τη νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη και την ανατολική Μεσόγειο και ο αριθμός τους μειώνεται απότομα προς το τέλος της περιόδου. Παρουσιάζουν τεράστια ποικιλία θεμάτων, χωρίς όμως να είναι θεαματικά ως προς την κατασκευή και τα υλικά, όπως συμβαίνει με τα ειδώλια των ιστορικών χρόνων. Επειδή συχνά είναι αστρωματογράφητα επιφανειακά ευρήματα, είναι δύσκολο να έχουν ακριβή χρονολόγηση καθώς και να ενταχθούν σε ομοιογενή σύνολα ως προς την προέλευση ή την τυπολογία. Για τον λόγο αυτό δεν υπάρχει κάποια κοινώς αποδεκτή θεωρητική και μεθοδολογική προσέγγιση των νεολιθικών ειδωλίων.

Bulgaria

Until the beginning of the 1970s, studies of the Neolithic in northeasternBulgaria were few as most of the excavations had been on tells dated mainlyto the Middle and Late Eneolithic. he irst Early Neolithic sites from this regionwere registered only ater reconaissance undertaken by an internationalexpedition comprising the foliowing archaeologists: H. Todorova (Soia), E.I.Chernykh (Moscow), V.I. Markevič (Chişinau) and E. Comşa (Bucharest), onthe folio wing sites: Ovčarovo - Plateau, Ovčarovo - Zemnika (Тодорова 1976a:10–12), Ovčarovo - Forest (Ангелова 1979; 1980; 1988; 1992; Ангелова and Бин 1988), Pevec - Vineyards and Poljanica - Plateau (1976b; Todorova 1989). All of them are “open-air settlements”. he study of Poljanica - Plateau in 1974presented the irst settlement from the earliest Monochrome ceramic stage ofthe Neolithic in Bulgaria (Todorova 1989:11–12, Tab. 2). Another settlementfrom that period was discovered in 1990 near the village of Koprivec, Ruse district

In the late 1970s Henrietta Todorova directed the excavation of the fifth millennium BC village at Ovcharovo in northeastern Bulgaria (Todorova et al. 1983). In the debris of a building in one of the later phases of the village’s long life the team uncovered a collection of 26 miniature objects (fig. 2.1). Included are the following objects. Four anthropomorphic figurines, each of which is of similar size and shape, each decorated with red-painted design, and each c. 8.0 cm tall. Arms reach out from the shoulders or curve gently upwards. Heads, without facial features (though one has a pinched face that models a nose), taper upwards from the neck. Painted decoration is

restricted to chest-shoulders and waist-hips-thighs; both areas are densely covered with rectilinear and, in one case, curvilinear designs. Three standing, footed, two-sided, rectilinear clay plaquettes, each measuring no more than 6.0 cm wide and 5.0 cm high. Surfaces are decorated with painted sets of lines that run to the plaquettes’ edges: concentric circles or perpendicular, crossing lines and sets of angles fill surface centres. mEight chairs and three tables. The tables are square, four-legged and squat; one has small raised dots at each corner of the surface. Chairs are also squat and four-legged; each has an arched back. Neither tables nor chairs are decorated. (paizei eikona)

Rumania Για τον σκεπτομενο και την καθημενηHamangia figurines are sensually striking objects. Two particularly provocative pieces were discovered in the 1950s during rescue excavations at the Cernavoda cemetery (fig.3.1) (Berciu et al. 1955; Berciu 1960).1 The first of these, which the excavator named The Thinker, sits on a low, four-legged stool, with feet flat on the floor, knees raised, elbows on knees, hands on either side of the face; the figure’s cheeks rest in the palms of the hands.2 The second figurine, The Seated Woman, is similar in proportion and sits on the ground, with one leg sticking straight forward, the other bent at the knee upon which rest the figure’s hands. Trapezoid or ovalish heads rest at the top of extraordinarily long necks. Faces tilt upwards, chins jut forward, eyes look ahead. Eyes are formed with horizontally impressed triangles; raised thin triangles of relief are noses. Eyes are widest in the middle of the face and diminish to a point near each side of the head. Eyes and the long, pointed noses are shaped with simple modelling; mouths are round. A fragment of a figurine similar to the seated one was found in another grave at Cernavoda. A figurine head, similar to those of both Thinker and Seated Woman, but broken from its neck, was found in another part of the Cernavoda cemetery. The mouths of the two seated Cernavoda figurines are small oval impressions made at the most forward corner of the face, shaped as if the lips are puckered or pursed, though lips are not shown. Are these mouths singing or are they blowing? Almost everyHamangia figurine has an unnaturally long neck, most often triangular in section. The necks appear identical from one figurine to the next. Without markings or decoration, necks rise out of the shoulders, stretch upwards, straight or, in a very few examples, curved slightly forward. They stop abruptly in a flat triangular surface emphasizing the neck’s triangular cross-section: a neck soaring upwards but halted as if sliced straight through with a knife. Is there something missing? Were separate heads slipped onto these necks? If so why have none been found? If they haven’t survived because they were made of wood or grass or cloth or leather or some other perishable material, why weren’t they made of clay? How do we understand these headless figures? The shoulders, the torsos, the hips, indeed the entire bodies of Hamangia figurines are wide and full. Arms, where they are depicted, are often tightly tucked up across the chest or under conically pointed breasts. In some cases, these breasts are clearly female; in others it is less obvious. On some figurine chests, it is difficult to determine whether the modelled clay is intended to represent breasts (male or female) or whether it is an indistinct combination of forearms and hands. On other Hamangia figurines, arms are modelled more clearly, bent at the elbows with hands meeting over the abdomen. Most hands have no fingers; arms end in undefined mittenish abstractions. On a few, fingers are recognizable, though bizarrely some hands have only three fingers, others have four but lack thumbs. On many figurines, the arms are

short and stubby, sticking straight out to the sides from the shoulders. The widest part of almost all Hamangia figurines is at the hips which form an angular or rounded junction for the torso to meet the legs. On some figurines, straight lines incise a simple pattern at the front of the lower abdomen (fig. 3.3). Occasionally, these lines form clear triangles. While many Hamangia figurines have legs extended straight as if standing or lying down, others have legs tucked up under their bottoms, modelled to sit flat on the ground. Occasionally, dense parallel, incised lines decorate the thighs and legs (fig. 3.4). For most, however, hips, thighs and legs are smooth and undecorated, with only a shallow line to show where one leg meets the other. A very few have one leg pushed forward, separated from the other, bent at the knee, with foot placed flat on the ground to the front. For the extended figurines, some have legs modelled tightly together, delimited one from the other with an incised line running from crotch to feet. Others have legs slightly apart, decreasing in diameter as they reach the feet. Very little detail is given to the ankles or the feet; many legs just dwindle into undefined stubs. In some cases, a pinch of clay depicts a knee or a slight kink forward represents an ankle. All of the Hamangia figurines are small objects, very few are taller than 20 cm. They sit especially well in my hand; they offer a satisfying and seductive cocktail of pleasurable weight and slippery surface. The most striking aspect of their character however, is an apparent contradiction: their little bulkiness. They are tiny yet they appear over-inflated, as if about to burst. Absence of most facial or anatomical detail adds to the visual power of their bulky, bloated, blodgy character. The absence of heads compounds and concentrates this stimulation. In my hand they feel like very intimate objects.

Επιροές των ειδωλίων Hamangia και Ομορων περιοχώνAs in most Balkan prehistoric archaeology of the past half century, a majorinterpretive goal has been to place Hamangia figurines in their regional and extra-regional cultural contexts. To this end, similarities in figurine form have been used to draw analogies with material at Hacilar in central Anatolia (Has，otti 1997: 43). More general connections use figurine body-shape to suggest similarities across Anatolia and beyond (e.g., with Catalhoyuk, Jarmo, Ras Shamea, Tell Mureybet and Abu Hureya) (ibid.: 45). Further links are traced to mainland Greece (e.g., with Nea Nikomedia, Dikilitash, Achilleion, Sesklo and Tsangli) (Marinescu-Bilcu 1985). Additional parallels have been proposed for figurines from Bulgaria, Crete and Cyprus. In all, claims for resemblances between figurines range over a huge area, centring on the Near East but reaching from southeastern Europe to Iraq and Syria (Berciu 1966: 52–7; 1961: 514; 1960: 432). The general similarities of form used to establish these broad links are complemented by more specific comparisons of particular features. Thus similarities have been noted between the face of the Cernavoda Thinker and the faces of figurines in other regions and in other periods; these similarities have been used as arguments for contacts and cultural origins among different Balkan Neolithic communities: between Hamangia and the PreCucuteni communities to the northeast (Marinescu-Bilcu 1964, 1977a), between Hamangia and the Dudes，ti culture in southcentral Romania (Coms，a 1959); and between Hamangia and the Vincˇa culture in Serbia

Figurine contexts within Hamangia sitesAs noted, Hamangia figurines are unusual in the context of the Balkan Neolithic as they are found both in domestic and funerary contexts. Indeed they are the exception

to the Balkan rule that figurines are found only in settlement contexts.22 What information can we draw from the specifics of figurine find-spots within Hamangia sites? Does a deep and full understanding of the spatial distributions of figurines within settlement and burial provide the information capable of satisfying our desire to understand Hamangia figurines and the reactions they cause?In addition to the figurines from the Durankulak and Cernavoda cemeteries, Hamangia figurines are also recovered from settlement contexts. For example, four figurines were found in a building at Baia-Golovit‚a (Berciu 1966: 276–8) (figs 3.9 and 3.10).

Vinca

The Late Vinca settlement at Crkvine is in the villageStubline, some 40km southwest of Belgrade (Fig. 1). The first small-scale investigations at this site wereundertaken by Belgrade City Museum in 1967 in orderto establish basic information about the site stratigraphy,

Archaeological evidence from this geographically very favorableterrain has enabled the division of culture of early farmerscattlebreeders’ communities into three periods of development:the Early and Middle Neolithic (the Starčevo culture), cca 6200–5300 BC (Tasić 2006) and the late Neolithic (the Vinča culture), cca5250–4500 BC (Schier 1996).Starčevo igurines are characterized by pillar-like, phallic forms, with a neck undistinguished from the body, and attention is drawn completelyto the formation of facial details, with a plastically presented nose and incised eyes (cat. 2–4). he representations are impersonal and show a strict, static form. In some statuettes we can see the tendency towards a more relaxed motion in space, the lines begin to curve and abandon the frame of the rectilinear contours. For the irst time in Neolithic art there is an intimation of the arms and a much emphasized steatopygy, like in Venus-type igurines.Vinča igurines occur in a much larger number and have three phases of development. he oldest igurines thematically and stylistically preserve the Starčevo tradition of cylindrical forms with engraved details on the face. Heir only diference is the more harmonic proportions and more natural representation of some details. A human igurine, still unskillfully modeled, tends to present the head and the body as closely as possible, and now the marked details include the triangular face, short stubs of the arms, appended breasts and glutei that are sometimes misplaced (cat. 5–9, 47). hese early Vinča igurines seem disharmonic just because artistic creation was still under a very strong Starčevo inluence. Made after Starčevo traditions, thanks to the economic progress, Vinča plastic very soon managed to wrestle itself away from that canon and to introduce a new style into human igural representation, which was to secure its leading role in the Neolithic art of southeast Europe. The evolution of plastic proceeded continuously, and in the second phase the realist tendency gained full prominence. His phase is characterized by a three-dimensional shaping of the human igure and an abundance of details, now plastically modeled. he artists found it most diicult to shape the face. Seeking a representation as close as possible, they modeled

the nose plastically, and set the large eyes into a horizontal, natural position, thus elongating the entire face and making it assume a pentagonal shape. here are no more level surfaces – the brows, rudiments of the mandible, and cheekbones are boldly stressed (cat. 42, 68, 69, 73, 89, 119). hey achieve a fullness of shape, looking very lively. he breasts, hips and glutei muscles have a natural shape; the arms are shaped wholly, with the bent elbows and hands resting on the stomach, or extended forward, sometimes even raised (cat. 33, 38, 52, 53, 76, 94, 99, 111, 124). Some igurines’ legs are spread and placed as stepping forward (cat. 29, 37). Male and female genitals are emphasized (cat. 29, 81, 121), and sometimes diferent hairstyles are presented (cat. 113, 117). All that leaves an impression that the artists well knew the human body and had mastered its motion, so the entire igure received a complete and boldly shaped form. Modeling skill especially mattered in sitting or kneeling igurines (cat. 30–32, 41). Simultaneously, the artist’s deft ingers clothed the deity, either a magical instrument or a realistically presented model, in various skirts and gowns, which is an important source of information to the reconstruction of Neolithic women’s clothes (cat. 22, 26, 27, 87, 93). Two identical aprons can hardly be found. Some are threaded on a string around the waist, some are rolled over the skirt or gown. Perhaps the aprons signiied a diferent status or a membership in a certain group or clan. It is interesting to note that the igurines are perforated on the back of the heads, temples, short stubbed arms and hips, which could be used for hanging or inserting various accessories, by means of which certain individuality, possibly even some ritual, was expressed. In any case, while forming the igurines, the artist achieved diferent forms and aspects of ornamentation, which may mean that the igurines were used for one action only, to associate the believer with a certain supernatural power, and we can say that, unlike the Starčevo and earlier Vinča statuettes, they had a deeper religious sense. Unlike this phase of Vinča art, imbued with realism, three-dimensionality, personality, fullness and exuberance of form, in the most recent stage of development the igural plastic loses the splendor and lavishness of artistic expression, resorting to abstraction, schematics and linear representation of form. he igurines now become lat, two-dimensional, details are engraved, and plasticity is imitated through various pictorial methods (cat. 56, 62, 66, 82). he artist incises, paints, shortens and emphasizes certain body parts to construct the impression of three-dimensionality. he almond-shaped eyes are incised, often framed with eyelashes, whereby the artist tries to compensate for an absence of a full natural form, while other surfaces remain empty (cat. 129). Figurines are decorated with incised lines that freely move along the body and form various motifs, without a deinite meaning. he elbows, knees and glutei are usually marked with spiral lines, which visually achieves a sculptural representation of a human igure. he ornamentalexpression is made complete by painting some body parts red or black. Such a mode of ornamentation was probably not related to the use of statuettes in rituals and cults, nor did it represent a tattoo, as some experts think. It is a manner of visual expression, i.e. a special style devised in the art of the time, tending towardsabstraction. In further schematization, the face shortens, and broadens horizontally. Only a very elongated nose is modeled, whichunites with the chin and assumes the beak shape, thus giving rise to the beaked-face igurine type (cat. 79, 134, 141, 142). In shaping these igurines’ bodies, the lower part is much shortened and foregrounded, creating an illusion of formal plasticity.

για τα ειδωλεια με τα εργαλεια

The figurines were placed on a secondary burnt floor of packed earth (the floor in this house had no substructure), in front of the south-west corner of a large domed oven, i.e. its horseshoe-shaped firebox (Fig. 4). Most of the figurines (34 out of 43) were found under a rather large section of collapsed wall daub (Fig. 5). Before that, identical figurines had already been found in the same zone: two were found somewhat further from the oven, and another two were found next to the south-west corner, next to its south side, together with 15 loom weights.1 On the periphery of the assemblage, a fine whetstone with notraces of use was found. Eleven whole and fragmented miniature models of tools or weapons (hammeraxes, pickaxes, long tools with blade, mallets or sceptres) were found next to the figurines. The forty-three figurines are of almost identical appearance, except the central one, whose description will be provided later (Pls. 1–3; Tab. 1). All other figurines have a stout cylindrical body with a bird-like head, characteristic of the Late Vin≠a period, with an oval foot and small hole near the right shoulder for inserting a tool handle. There are no additional anthropomorphic marks (eyes, gender characteristics, dress and the like), nor additional ornament, and – except for the central figure –the surfaces were not additionally treated or coated. Seven miniature models are completely preserved (Pl. 2.A–F; 3.G–K), and among them we can recognise the following artefacts: two types of hammer- axes (Pl. 2.D, F), three variants of tools resembling pick-axes (Pl. 2.C, E; 3.H) and three spherical objects (Pl. 2.A; 3.I, J; mallets or sceptres?). Three fragmented models have just half of the tool preserved. Two of these are fragments of long implements resembling pick-axes (Pl. 2.B; 3.K), while the forth has a vertical blade on the end of long body . None of the figurines from the Stubline composition has any sex or gender indicators. Complete and detailed analyses of sex/gender identification of the Vin≠a figurines have never been performed, but first results indicate that most of the figurines do not have pronounced sex/gender indicators, while some have discernible characteristics of both sexes (Tasi≤ 2008.145; Milenkovi≤, Arsenijevi≤ 2010). The ritual burning of houses at Late Neolithic sites is a very popular theory (Stevanovi≤ 1997; Chapman 2000.111–112; Gheorghiu in press). If this had been the cause of the destruction of house 1/2008 at Stubline, one possible explanation for the composition could be related to some kind of memorial, as a marker of the community occupying the settlement before its ritual‘closing’

In the late 1970s, a team of American and Yugoslav archaeologists collaborated on the excavation of the late Neolithic, Vincˇa Culture, settlement near the village of Selevac (Tringham and Krstic´ 1990). The excavation was remarkable in many ways and has had a major impact on our understanding of early farmers and herders in southeastern Europe. Neolithic Selevac was an aggregation of buildings in which people lived a life similar in many ways to the lives of countless people across central and eastern Europe from the seventh to the fourth millennium BC. The excavation produced a large number of figurines (see Milojkovic´’s report for a full treatment of the material: Milojkovic´ 1990). Many were found in the remains of the village’s timber-framed buildingssome scenarios will be considered:1. Figurines are objects related to houses – each household owns a single figurine, and the use-life of a figurine is equal to the use-life of a house.2. Figurines are objects related to nuclear families – each household owns a single figurine and the figurine use-life equals the average human generation length. The average generation length is taken to be 28 years (Fenner 2005).

3. Figurines are objects related to persons – one figurine per person or several figurines per house (depending on the average household size). The average use-life of a figurine equals the average generation length (which is close to the expected life span for the Neolithic people, see Acsádi and Nemeskéri, 1970, Weiss, 1973).4. Figurines are related to households – one figurine per household, but they were used annually so their use-life in this scenario is 1 year.

Για τη φωτο VincaOf the two figurines, one is about 12.0 cm tall, the sort of size of a thing that would fit snugly in the hand. It is made of fired clay and has a face displaying clearly modeled eyes and nose though no mouth is represented. Arms are stumpy but positioned outstretched to the sides; there are no hands, nor any other features on the body below the neck. Two holes were made through each of the arms, and the figurine may have been suspended with a string or thong threaded through these holes. It is just as likely that the holes had some other purpose; perhaps something was suspended from the figurine or tied to it. The body of the figurine is cylindrical and straight-sided; it is the kind of thing that one could hold in one’s hand with fingers wrapped around the cylindrical lower part while the arms and head would have been visible, on display even. The second figurine is different. It is much

Cucuteni/Tripolye

In the summer of 1982, while widening and deepening a trench of his garden allotment near the village of Dumes，ti (northeastern Romania), Ion Onofrei found several clay figurines. Researchers from the local museum widened the trench and recovered more figures, some complete pots and many sherds; all were characteristic of the A3 phase of the Cucuteni culture and date to the second half of the fifth millennium BC. Two years later Ruxandra Maxim-Alaiba carried out a larger excavation during which she uncovered the building which had originally contained the material that Mr Onofrei discovered (Maxim-Alaiba 1983–4, 1987). Of particular interest is a set of 12 figurines. The figurines range from 14.0–20.0 cm tall, were shaped bent at the waist, and can be divided into two groups based on form and surface decoration (fig. 5.1). Six of the figurines are modelled with their legs apart and have very little decoration, though what is present is the same on each figure: one band of clay wrapped around the waist and another band running from the back over the shoulder and down diagonally across the chest and around the side of the body, forming a loop (fig. 5.1, left). Both the waist and the shoulder bands are decorated with groups of two, three or more parallel incised lines running diagonally across the bands. Each set of lines butts up against the neighbouring sets at a right angle; the impression is of a piece of fabric that has been twisted and folded over upon itself to make a narrow belt and shoulder strap. Each of these six, belted, figurines has small flattened pellets of clay in the place of breasts and all but one has a similar flattened pellet marking the navel. All six have a small penis pointing down between the slightly bowing, separated legs and all six have small impressions marking the knees. None have any detail of feet. Hands are also absent, though very short stumpy arms curve up from the shoulders. Expressionless heads with eyes and noses formed by pinching the clay sit on round necks. In summary, these six figurines have very little decoration and are all very similar to each other. Clearly distinct from this first group

are six other figurines which are highly decorated and all of which are very similar to each other (fig. 5.1, right). On one of these figurines, small flattened pellets of clay represent knees. On another, pellets mark the navel and knees and on two others, pellets mark breasts, navels and knees. On all six, legs are modelled tightly pressed together. Many fields of incised lines cover almost the entire surfaces of each of the figurines. Individual fields of parallel incisions butt up against neighbouring fields, sometimes at right angles, sometimes straight-on and separated only by a vertical line. In the centre of the figurines’ fronts and backs the fields of incisions meet up in two vertical lines.

Makedonia

In the late 1960s Colin Renfrew and Marija Gimbutas directed excavations at the Neolithic and Bronze Age settlement tell at Sitagroi near Drama in eastern Macedonia (Renfrew et al. 1986). Almost 250 figurines typical for the region were recovered from the site’s Neolithic phases (Sitagroi I–III) (Gimbutas 1986a, 1986b). One fragment from Phase III (4600–3500 BC) is particularly evocative (fig. 6.1): a poorly preserved head only 5.2 cm from chin to forehead and 3.7 cm from one cheek to the other. Both sides of the face are damaged and the upper right portion of the forehead is missing; the neck is broken under the chin and the rest of the figurine is long lost.1 The fragment was not found in any clear architectural structure or other special context (Renfrew 1986: 212). Gimbutas does not discuss the figurine in detail other than to suggest that it is probably a human (and not a divine) head (Gimbutas 1986b: 298). It is the black-painted decoration of the figurine face and head that is so striking. Eight parallel lines run from the bottom of the forehead, up and over the top of the head and straight down to the back of the neck (and perhaps further down the back – the fragmentation interrupts the lines), and probably represent hair. The eyes, made from the application of oval clay pellets and horizontal slits, bulge out from below eyebrows; above and below the slit of each eye is a painted line of triangles that represent exaggerated eyelashes. The mouth also bulges out though it has no painted details. Running from each side of the nose and mouth towards the side of the face and along the jaw-line are other painted lines. Two lines run down from the mouth over the chin and onto the neck. Other lines are on the neck, though the break of the neck from the body cuts them off just below the chin. Gimbutas comments on the protruding ‘high cheek-bones’, and that the figurine is a naturalistically rendered face of a woman (Gimbutas 1986a: 239). It is a highly decorated face, painted and modelled in order to create a particular appearance. Gimbutas recognizes eyelashes as female; in the cheek-bones and thick lips Gimbutas sees a shape that ‘does not reflect a Mediterranean type’, that is specific to another type of people, from another place, that even may be a mask (Gimbutas 1986a: 239). I am struck by the attention to painting the face, to marking the head, the eyes, the cheeks, the chin and the neck with decoration.

Μακρύγιαλος ΙΕιδώλια. Τα ειδώλια της φάσης ΜΚΙ είναι 121, εκ τωνοποίων τα 113 είναι ανθρωπόμορφα και τα οκτώ ζωόμορφα. Τρία ειδώλια είναι λίθινα (από μάρμαρο), ενώ τα υπόλοιπα είναι πήλινα. Δεν υπάρχει μεγάλη ποικιλία στους τύπους των μορφών, παρόλο που παρατηρούμε κάποιες διαφοροποιήσεις στη διαμόρφωση τουσώματος. Μόνο τα 2/3 από τα ειδώλια σώζουν το κατώτερο τμήμα και σχεδόν τα μισά από αυτά είναι όρθια. Η απόδοση των χεριών είναι αντίθετα

εξαιρετικά σχηματοποιημένη: τα χέρια, όταν αποδίδονται, έχουν σχεδόν πάντοτε τη μορφή αποφύσεων.Ελάχιστα παραδείγματα έχουν χέρια προτεταμένα ή ανοιχτά στα πλάγια. Σχεδόν το ένα τρίτο (35%) απότα ειδώλια που σώζουν τον κορμό φέρουν στήθη(Σχ. 2α). Λίγα (13%) δηλώνουν τον ομφαλό και ελά-χιστα προτεταμένη κοιλιά, τις κλειδώσεις των ποδιών, ηβικό τρίγωνο ή τα γόνατα των ποδιών. Οι μισές μορφές (50%) φέρουν κάποιο είδος εγχάραξης στο σώμα τους. Χαρακτηριστικά μοτίβα αποτελούν οι διαγώνιες εγχαράξεις στα πόδια των όρθιων μορφών (Σχ. 2). Λίγες μορφές φέρουν κάποια δισκάρια συμμετρικά τοποθετημένα στο σώμα (Σχ. 2β), ενώ,επίσης, λίγες μορφές φέρουν ένα ζεύγος κυκλικών εμπιέσεων ή στίξεων στη βάση της πλάτης (Σχ. 2β).Ένα άλλο χαρακτηριστικό μοτίβο, αυτή τη φορά στον λαιμό, είναι μια κατακόρυφη σειρά από στίξεις (Σχ. 3α). Το βασικό χαρακτηριστικό του προσώπουπου αποδίδεται είναι η μύτη. Συχνά αποδίδονται με εγχαράξεις τα μάτια, ενώ σπάνια το στόμα, τα φρύδιακαι τα αφτιά. Πολλές φορές το κεφάλι κοσμούν εγχαράξεις, οι οποίες ίσως αποδίδουν και κόμη (Σχ. 3β). Κόμη ίσως αποδίδουν και διάφορα πλαστικά εξάρμα-τα που αναφύονται από το κεφάλι λίγων μορφών.Τέλος, σε μερικές από τις μορφές παρατηρούνται οπές, συνήθως στα χέρια ή στο κεφάλι.

Μακρύγιαλος ΙIΕιδώλια. Τα ειδώλια της φάσης ΜΚΙΙ είναι 116, εκ.των οποίων 110 είναι ανθρωπόμορφα και έξι ζωόμορφα. Από τα ανθρωπόμορφα 63 είναι λίθινα και 47 πήλινα. Τα ζωόμορφα είναι όλα πήλινα. Η μορφή των λίθινων ειδωλίων είναι εξαιρετικά τυποποιημένη. Έτσι, παρόλο που μπορούμε να τα χωρίσουμε σε δύο τρεις τύπους, θα μπορούσαμε να μιλήσουμε για ουσιαστικά έναν τύπο με μικρές μορφολογικές παραλλαγές, οι οποίες ενδεχομένως να μην έχουν σημασία (Εικ. 3). Το μόνο χαρακτηριστικό του σώματος που αποδίδεται στα λίθινα ειδώλια είναι η μύτη και αυτή σε ελάχιστες περιπτώσεις (τρεις). Μοναδικό είναι το ΑΓ52 ως προς την απόδοση μαστών (Εικ. 4). Τα πήλινα ειδώλια εμφανίζουν κάπως μεγαλύτερη ποικιλία σε σχέση με τα λίθινα, αλλά μικρότερη σε σχέση με τα πήλινα της πρώτης φάσης. Σε γενικές γραμμές το σώμα τους παριστάνεται χωρίς απόδοση λεπτομερειών (Σχ. 6). Ελάχιστα είναι όρθια ή εικονίζουν τα πόδια, ενώ τα χέρια αποδίδονται και πάλι με αποφύσεις.Σχεδόν το ένα τρίτο (34%) των μορφών που σώζουντον κορμό φέρουν μαστούς (Σχ. 6). Τρεις μορφέςαποδίδουν ένα τρίγωνο στην περιοχή της λεκάνης11,οι δύο, όμως, από αυτές ίσως χρονολογούνται στηνεποχή του χαλκού. Η απόδοση χαρακτηριστικών στοπρόσωπο είναι πιο συχνή από ό,τι στο υπόλοιπο σώμα, καθώς, εκτός από τη μύτη η οποίααποδίδεταιγενικώς, στο 30% των κεφαλιών αποδίδονται και ταμάτια (Σχ. 3γ). Το πηγούνι, τα αφτιά και η κόμη αποδίδονται σε ελάχιστα παραδείγματα. Το 30% των πήλινων μορφών φέρουν κάποιας μορφής εγχαράξεις.Τέλος, τρία λίθινα και τρία πήλινα ειδώλιαφέρουνοπές στο σώμα τους, χωρίς να είναι βέβαιο ότι πρό-κειται για οπές ανάρτησης. Στο υλικό του Μακρύγιαλου ΙΙ περιλαμβάνονται και πέντε πήλινες μορφές που φέρουν οπή στο άνω τμήμα του κορμού, πιθανότατα για τη στειλέωση ενός κεφαλιού από άλλο υλικό. Επίσης, ένα λίθινο κεφάλι ίσως προέρχεται από παρόμοια μορφή. Οι μορφές αυτές φέρνουν στον νου τα γνωστά ακρόλιθα από τη Θεσσαλία, με μια σημαντική, ωστόσο, διαφορά. Ενώ τα πιο γνωστά παραδείγματα από την ανατολική Θεσσαλία (Ραχμάνι, Πευκάκια)12 αποτελούνται από έναν κορμό ατελώς ψημένο, οι κορμοί από τον Μακρύγιαλο είναι καλά ψημένοι, ενώ ένα παράδειγμα, φέρει και εγχαράξεις.Συζήτηση – Συμπεράσματα

Στις δύο φάσεις του οικισμού παρατηρείται αριθμητική ισορροπία των ειδωλίων, παρά τη μεγάλη διαφορά στην έκταση, η οποία, όμως, αντισταθμίζεται από τον αντιστρόφως ανάλογο βαθμό πυκνότητας των κατασκευών. Η πρώτη φάση χαρακτηρίζεται κυρίως από αυτόνομες μορφές που εικονίζουν τα πόδια και τα χέρια, όχι όμως αναλυτικά, και σε μεγάλο βαθμό φέρουν εγχαράξεις στο σώμα τους. Στο υλικό μάλιστα του Μακρύγιαλου Ι παρατηρούμε το χαρακτηριστικό μοτίβο των διαγώνιων εγχαράξεων στα πόδια που εμφανίζεται σε οικισμούς της κεντρικής Μακεδονίας (Θέρμη, Σταυρούπολη, Άσσηρος, βλ.σχ. 2)15. Η κατανομή των συγκεκριμένων μορφών (όρθια με εγχαράξεις στα πόδια) στον Μακρύγιαλο υποδεικνύει ότι ο συγκεκριμένος τύπος ήταν ίσως κατάλληλος για χρήση σε συγκεκριμένες συγκυρίες (όπως αυτή που περιγράφεται για τον λάκκο 212)16. Από τη μια, η απεικόνιση των μελών του σώματος, ακόμη και στο παράδειγμα των μορφών που είναι προσκολλημένες στο αγγείο, υποδεικνύει ότι η ολοκληρωμένη απόδοση της ανατομίας του ανθρώπου ήταν απαραίτητη, τουλάχιστον σε κάποια συγκεκριμένα συμφραζόμενα. Η εκτενής χρήση εγχαράξεων υποδεικνύει μια έμφαση στην επιφάνεια της μορφής, κάτι που ισχύει γενικώς για την εποχή17, στο συγκεκριμένο, όμως, τύπο η έμφαση δίνεται στα άκρα του σώματος, όπως ίσως φαίνεται και από τη συγκέντρωση στα ίδια ανασκαφικά σύνολα των μορφών με εγ-χαράξεις στους ώμους (4 από τις 5 μορφές έχουν βρεθεί στον λάκκο 212). Στη δεύτερη φάση του οικισμού παρατηρούνται αξιοσημείωτες αλλαγές, με κυριότερη τον πολλαπλασιασμό των λίθινων ειδωλίων (από 3 σε 63 μορφές)18, ενώ εμφανίζονται και τα ακρόλιθα ειδώλια. Μεγάλες αλλαγές στις άλλες κατηγορίες δεν παρατηρούνται, εκτός ίσως από τη διαφορετική θέση των χαρακτηριστικών του προσώπου στα ανθρωπόμορφα αγγεία και μια μεγαλύτερη τυποποίηση στον τρόπο που αποδίδονται τα μάτια και τα φρύδια σ’ αυτά τα αγγεία. Οι γενικές κατευθύνσεις της αναπαράστασης των ανθρώπων δεν αλλάζουν: δίνεται έμφαση και πάλι σε μια στατική εικόνα. Η έμφαση στην επιφάνεια του σώματος δεν εξαφανίζεται, αν και οι εγχαράξεις στις πήλινες μορφές μειώνονται. Το βασικό στοιχείο που χαρακτηρίζει την απόδοση της ανθρώπινης μορφής είναι η έλλειψη ανατομικών λεπτομερειών: το σώμα αποδίδεται γενικευτικά, χωρίς δήλωση των κάτω άκρων. Ενώ σε κάποιες τουλάχιστον περιστάσεις της πρώτης φάσης φαίνεται πως υπάρχει ενδιαφέρον για μια ολοκληρωμένη ανατομική παρουσίαση του ανθρώπου (με τη δήλωση και των άκρων), στη δεύτερη φάση το ενδιαφέρον αυτό ατονεί και η εικόνα του ανθρώπου γίνεται πιο γενικευτική και τυποποιημένη. Ειδικά τα λίθινα ειδώλια αναπαράγουν σε μεγάλο βαθμό τον ίδιο ουσιαστικά τύπο. Η χρήση του μαρμάρου στην πλειονότητα των μορφών μάλλον δυναμώνει αυτή την εντύπωση, και θα μπορούσαμε να πούμε ίσως ότι και πάλι δίνεται μια έμφαση στην επιφάνεια του σώματος, αυτή τη φορά, όμως, μέσω της υφής του υλικού και όχι της εγχάραξης του σώματος.

Thessaly

In the summer of 1973, a team of American and Greek archaeologists were digging into the Early and Middle Neolithic (6500–5600 BC) settlement at Achilleion on the southeastern edge of the Thessalian Plain, near the modern town of Farsala in northcentral Greece. In one of the upper layers of the excavation, in an area lacking built features, and consisting of discarded Neolithic material, the team recovered an extraordinary figurine (fig. 7.1).1 The figurine, or at least what remains of it (for it survived only from the neck upwards and part of the forehead is missing) consists of two independent pieces of fired clay, slipped with white paint. One piece represents a cylindrical neck. It is a thin, rounded column of clay, broken at the lower end, where

the neck would have met the shoulders, and at the top end where the column tapers to a point. The other piece of the figurine is a representation of a human face. It is very schematically modelled and, seen from the front, is an oval or lozenge shape, widest at the level of the eyes, and almost pointed at the chin and forehead. Running horizontally across the middle of the face, two eyes, formed by two deep, thin incisions are separated by a pointed nose. Low on the face, near the chin, is a mouth, incised and impressed as a flat oval. While it is clear that the mouth is open, the eyes are more difficult to understand: are they closed, or are they open? No other features of the face or head are depicted: there are no ears and no hair. Indeed the face, though clearly human, bears no expression. Seen from the side, the eyes have a more sinister appearance; the look of a person squinting in anger, or even perhaps in incomprehension. I have described expressionless faces in earlier chapters and discussed the potential significances of omitting facial expression. But the face of this Achilleion figurine is something more, or more accurately perhaps, something less.

Παραδειγματα απο φωτοθεσσαλια σοφαδες βολου ειδώλιο1. ORF 44/44; Sofades (Magoula Margarita); ATAE unknown. H: 8.40, W: 4.20, T: 4.70; 10YR ( ?) 5/6; paint 10YR 6/6; red paint 10R 4/8; yellowish brown clay; no inclusions; very smooth; burnished; brownish yellow paint; red painted decoration. Very naturalistic hollow head and neck with headgear. Back part of head missing. Oval face; applied coffee-bean eyes with horizontal incision; modelled nose (slightly abraded); modelled lips and horizontally incised mouth; well-modelled ears with punctuation and traces of red pigment on right ear; prominent chin. Conical hat with modeled brim, bearing at least five punctations; a suspension hole on top hat. Sex unknown. Red painted decoration: a line marking face contour starting from ears, indicating the existence of a beard; a line countouring hat brim and another around the hat at midheight; traces of red on the neck.

θεσσαλια βολος6 ειδώλιο7. ORF 1/1; ATAE unknown. H: 7.00, W: 1.60, T: 2.10; 2.5YR 6/6; light red clay; smooth; unburnished; well fired. Head and cylindrical neck, broken at its base. Oval face applied a little below the rounded top of pillar; applied protruding nose; ears are backwards protrusions; applied oval coffee-bean eyes with horizontal incision; applied round pellet of clay with large punctation renders mouth. Sex unknown.

θεσσαλια βολος7 ειδώλιο81. ORF 46/46; ATAE unknown. H: 7.00; W: 3.10, T: 2.80; 10YR 8/4 2.5 YR 5/8; brown clay; traces of very pale brown paint; red painted decoration; some inclusions; smooth; unburnished; well fired. Naturalistic, almost intact standing figurine. Head and left arm missing. Arms folded at elbows, support protruding breasts and are separated from torso by vertical incisions front and back; a deep incision on right hand marks digits; protruding belly with punctuate navel; V-incised pubic triangle with vertical incision for sex; well-modelled protruding buttocks, separated by vertical incision; distended legs; each foot bears two deep vertical incisions to render digits. Female. Traces of red painted decoration consisting of large stripes under belly and over the whole surface of the figurine.

θεσσαλιαμαργαριτες ειδώλιο

114. ORF 58/58; Margarites; ATAE unknown. H: 6.70, W: 6.80, T: 8.10; 2.5YR 6/4; light reddish brown clay; many inclusions; smooth; unburnished; well fired. Very naturalistic sitting figurine with broken head from neck, broken left arm and breast and legs at knee level (most of the missing parts restored by collector); well modelled right breast; arms folded at elbows, probably meeting above belly, separated from back surface by vertical incisions; right shoulder bears three applied clay pellets; well protruding belly with punctate triangular navel; two parallel horizontal incisions above belly mark fat folds; V-incised pubic triangle with vertically incised sex; legs folded at knees, obviously brought to the right, right leg above left; voluminous slightly concave buttocks separated by vertical incision, with two horizontal parallel incisions at either side, just below belly, rendering fat folds. Female.

Θεσσαλιαμαργαριτες2 ειδώλιο115. ORF 48/48; Margarites; ATAE unknown. H: 4.40, W: 4.10, T: 5.10; 2.5YR 6/6; light red clay; many inclusions; rough; unburnished; well fired. Sitting naturalistic crossed-legs figurine, head and arms missing (right arm restored by collector); traces of applied hands brought under breasts, above belly; protruding belly with punctate navel; well modelled buttocks separated by small vertical incision; folded right leg passed over left extended one. Female

θεσσαλια 45 ειδώλιο135. ORF 546/546; ATAE unknown. H: 5.90, W: 3.30, T: 1.80; 2.5 YR 6/6; light red clay; quite smooth; unburnished; well fired. Intact stylized figurine with long columnar neck, pyramidal lower part and rounded flat base. Flat topped head (slightly damaged), merged with neck; small vertical incisions around top head; beak- nose; applied coffee-bean eyes with horizontal incision; no arms; large incised pubic triangle with vertical incision for sex; legs are very small protrusions, each bearing four incisions indicating toes. Female.

θεσσαλια βολος10 ειδώλιο156. ORF 116/116; Platomagoula; ATAE unknown. H: 7.10, W: 10.80 (restored), T: 2.70; 5YR 6/4; light reddish brown clay; many inclusions; rough; unburnished; poorly fired. Torso of clay stylized figurine, with protruding arm stumps (right arm stump and back restored by collector) and flat rounded base. Large V-hole at base of neck for the insertion of an acrolith head; three parallel horizontal incisions run around the body below arm stumps. Sex unknown.

θεσσαλια δασοχωρι ειδώλιο363. ORF 721; ΜΛ. ΘΕ. 1694; Dassochori 2 (Magoula Orman); ATAE 60.H: 3.30, W: 1.40, T: 1.50; 7.5YR 7/4; pink clay; no inclusions; very smooth; burnished; well fired. Naturalistic head with applied oval face and cylindrical neck broken at its lower part. The face is inclined slightly rightwards, making the head more expressive; applied coffee-bean eyes obliquely incised; applied nose; no mouth; hairdo rendered by four vertically applied clay strips starting from a central parting, bearing two vertical incisions each. Sex unknown.

θεσσαλια50 ειδώλιο379. ORF 870; ΜΛ. ΧΟ. 252; unknown provenance; ATAE unknown.H: 3.10, W: 1.10, 1.70; 7.5YR 5/4; brown clay; no inclusions; smooth; burnished; well fired. Beak head and cylindrical neck. Beak is large and flattened; applied round

coffee- bean eyes with quasi-horizontal incisions; hair rendered by three applied clay strips, starting from a central parting and bearing deep vertical incisions giving the impression of eleven tresses; no mouth. Sex unknown.

θεσσαλια54 ειδώλιο381. ORF 709; ΜΛ. ΘΕ. 696; Zappeio 2 (Magoula Koutsouro); ATAE 48.H: 7.50, W: 2.30, T: 3.10; 10R 5/6 and paint 7.5YR 8/4; red clay; few inclusions; smooth; burnished; pink paint; well fired. Head and long cylindrical neck. Applied oval face with marked chin merged with forehead; applied coffee-bean eyes incised horizontally; beak-nose starting from forehead, broken at its lower part; three applied tresses bearing oblique incisions start from top of head, but only their lower part is preserved. Sex unknown, possibly female.

θεσσαλια49 ειδώλιο499. ORF 890; ΜΛ. ΧΟ. 118; Platykambos 2 (Magoula Panagias); ATAE 157.H: 12.50, W: 4.80, T: 3.60; 10YR 8/3, paint 7.5 YR 6/6, traces of painted decoration 2.5 YR 7/6; very pale brown clay; no inclusions; very smooth; well polished; overall reddish yellow paint; traces of light red colour on head, front of neck and chest; well fired. Intact standing figurine with long columnar neck merged with head. Lozenge-shaped face applied a little below rounded top of pillar; the latter bears one vertical incision on either side and creates the impression of a bun or headdress; horizontally incised eyes; small applied nose; no mouth; slightly protruding ears; applied arms folded at elbows, well distinguished from body, hands meeting on chest; incised left elbow joint; slightly protruding, non modelled breasts; prominent, rather pendulous belly with punctate navel; small incised pubic triangle with vertically incised sex; well modeled buttocks separated from legs by incisions; large joined thighs separated by deep incision front and back; distended shanks ending in characteristically modelled feet which are concave underneath for better stability. Female.

θεσσαλια καρδιτσα ειδώλιο609. ORF 891; ΜΛ. ΤΚ. 9; Myrinni (Karditsa). H: 4.20, W: 3.00, T: 2.30; 2.5YR 6/6; light red clay; no inclusions; very smooth; well burnished; poorly fired, mainly at the base. Intact four-legged figurine with quadrangular (parallelogram) concave base. Elongated columnar neck merged with pointed head; large beak-nose, starting from top of head, from which also start three applied strips of clay rendering hair-tresses; tresses bear horizontal incisions and end in round pellets of clay which may render hair decorations; round coffee-bean eyes incised obliquely; base of neck encircled by incision; two vertical incisions on shoulders visible from front to back of torso, probably separate it from arms; oblong applied belly with horizontal incision; large incised pubic triangle with vertically incised sex; two round applied protrusions on the back, bearing oblique incisions, most probably render buttocks; four slight protrusions at each of the four angles of the base indicate that the figure was probably seated on a stool. Female.

θεσσαλια πλατια μαγουλα ζαρκου ειδώλιο615. ORF 1024; M.Λ... Plateia Magoula Zarkou; ATAE unknown.H: 7.25, W: 3.90, T: 2.70; 10YR 7/4 and paint 5YR 5/7; light red clay; rough;unburnished; well fired. Intact naturalistic figurine with voluminous rounded lower part and round flat base. Head merged with neck, has a flat triangular top and a large beak- nose; applied coffeebean eyes with incision; three parallel incisions on each

cheek; no mouth; base of neck marked by two parallel incisions, interrupted at back; arms folded at elbows, under protruding round breasts hands on abdomen (stomach); right arm bears six parallel incisions, while fingers are distinguished by three incisions on each hand; three long parallel vertical incisions start from base of neck down to sternum; four parallel incisions surrounding the lower part of the figurine, possibly render a dress; back surface bears incised decoration: five broken lines on head which probably render hair; three long parallel vertical incisions along the spine; four broken incised lines starting from each shoulder down to the waist; two V-incisions from waistline down to mark separation of buttocks. Sex unknown, possibly female. Reddish brown paint on triangular top head and inside all the incisions.

θεσσαλια αμπελωνας μαγουλα καραγκιοζ ειδώλιοUpper half of figurine with cylindrical head and body, broken at waist. Head merged with pillar neck; incised eyes and mouth; applied nose (damagrd); applied arms folded at elbows, hands meeting below chest; fingers marked by two horizontal incisions on each hand; no breasts; a vertical incision on central part of chest; incised waistline encircling the figurine and nine small vertical incisions above it. Sex unknown.