PAROS AND ITS COLONIES - Laboratoire ArAr · 2018-07-13 · ρωμαϊκά λουτρά και η...

PAROS IV

Η ΠΑΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΑΠΟΙΚΙΕΣ ΤΗΣPAROS AND ITS COLONIES

Η Π

ΑΡΟ

Σ ΚΑ

Ι ΟΙ Α

ΠΟ

ΙΚΙΕ

Σ ΤΗ

Σ

Edited by

Dora Katsonopoulou

AΘΗΝΑ/ATHENS 2018ISBN

Pharos

ThasosParion

Paros

Cover illustrationsOn the front: Map of the Mediterranean showing the locations of Paros and its colonies.On the back: Marble statue of Gorgo, detail, 2nd quarter of 6th century BC. © Archaeological Museum of Paros, inv. no. A 1285.

ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ ΠΑΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΥΚΛΑΔΩΝ THE INSTITUTE FOR ARCHAEOLOGY OF PAROS AND THE CYCLADES

PAROS IV

Η ΠΑΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΑΠΟΙΚΙΕΣ ΤΗΣ

PAROS AND ITS COLONIES

ΣΟΛΩΜΟΥ 58, 106 82 ΑΘΗΝΑ58 SOLOMOU STREET, 106 82 ATHENS

ISBN: 978-960-89045-3-8

© DORA KATSONOPOULOU58 Solomou Street106 82 Athensemail: [email protected]

PAROS IV

Η ΠΑΡΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΑΠΟΙΚΙΕΣ ΤΗΣ

ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΑ Δ’ ΔΙΕΘΝΟΥΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΝΕΔΡΙΟΥΑΡΧΑΙΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ ΠΑΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΚΥΚΛΑΔΩΝΠΑΡΟΙΚΙΑ ΠΑΡΟΥ, 11-14 ΙΟΥΝΙΟΥ 2015

Εκδοτική επιμέλεια:Ντόρα Κατσωνοπούλου

ΑΘΗΝΑ 2018

PAROS IV

PAROS AND ITS COLONIES

PROCEEDINGS OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCEON THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF PAROS AND THE CYCLADES

PAROIKIA, PAROS, 11-14 JUNE 2015

Edited by Dora Katsonopoulou

ΑTHENS 2018

PAROS IV 7

ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΩΝTABLE OF CONTENTS

Πρόλογος από την Ντόρα Κατσωνοπούλου...................................................................... 11Preface by Dora Katsonopoulou ........................................................................................ 14

ΜΕΡΟΣ I - PART I

Η μητρόπολις ΠάροςParos, the metropolis

1. τίνες Παρίων; Were Archaic Parian Ventures Abroad Corporate or Private?...... ......... 19David Tandy

2. Archilochos did not Sail Alone to the Bountiful Shores of Siris: Parian and Naxian Potters in Southern Italy in the 7th Century BC.............................. 39Mario Denti

3. Πάρος: Πόλη Πολιτειακά Αναπτυγμένη από τον 8ο Aιώνα π. X. έως την Ύστερη Αρχαιότητα .......................................................................................... 65Φωτεινή Ζαφειροπούλου

4. Αρχαία Πάρος: Στοιχεία για την Εξέλιξη της Τοπογραφίας από Παλαιές και Πρόσφατες Ανασκαφές ........................................................................................... 77Γιάννος Κουράγιος

5. Recent Evidence of Sculptures in Parian Marble ......................................................... 101Dora Katsonopoulou

6. «Θησαυρός» και Nομίσματα από τον Xώρο του Aρχαίου Eργαστηρίου Γλυπτικής της Παροικιάς ............................................................................................. 115Σοφία Γ. Δετοράτου

7. Εργαστήρια στην Αρχαία Πάρο ................................................................................... 143Απόστολος Παπαδημητρίου

8. Η Λατρεία του Απόλλωνος και του Ηρακλέους στην Πάροκαι οι Δεσμοί με την Θάσο........................................................................................... 161Ζώζη Παπαδοπούλου

8 PAROS IV

ΜΕΡΟΣ II - PART II

Οι Αποικίες της Πάρου: Πάριον – Θάσος – ΦάροςParos’ Colonies: Parion – Thasos – Pharos

9. Some Observations on the Altar of Hermokreon in Parion ........................................179Vedat Keleş

10. Roman Pottery of Parion Necropolis .......................................................................... 189H. Ertuğ Ergürer

11. Parion’s Water Supply: Preliminary Works, 2014-2015 ............................................. 199Michael D. Yilmaz

12. The Roman Bath of Parion .......................................................................................... 209Alper Yilmaz

13. Mining, Metallurgical Activities and Artifact Production in Parion .............................221Ersin Çelikbas

14. Thracians of Odonis, the First Parians on Thasos and the North Aegean Neighbours: Τhe Case-study of a Group of Pre/para-colonial Ceramics ....................231Petya Ilieva

15. Paros, Thasos and the Question of Mining and Metal Production before and after Colonisation: Review and Perspectives ..............................................................251Giorgos M. Sanidas, Dimitra Malamidou, Nerantzis Nerantzis

16. Archaic One-handled Mugs from Thasos: A Parian Origin? ........................................267Martin Perron

17. Διακίνηση και Χρήσεις Εισηγμένης Κεραμικής με Γραπτή Διακόσμησηστις Θασιακές Αποικίες κατά την Αρχαϊκή Περίοδο .................................................. 299Ελένη Μανακίδου

18. Θεοί και Επικλήσεις στην Αποικιακή Διαδικασία:Θρησκευτικές Μεταφορές μεταξύ Πάρου και Θάσου ...............................................321Natacha Trippé

19. Άρτεμις στα Όρια της Πόλης της Θάσου .....................................................................333Arthur Muller

PAROS IV 9

20. Από την Πόρπη στο Φυλακτό: Η Αμφιθυμία της Αρτέμιδος της Θάσου μέσα από τα Αναθήματά της ..................................................................................... 345Clarisse Prêtre

21. Η Πάρος και οι Απαρχές της Γλυπτικής στη Θάσο ......................................................353Bernard Holtzmann

22. From Paros to Pharos ...................................................................................................369Alessandra Coppola

23. New Answers to Old Problems: Revitalizing Questions about the Location of Pharos and its City Walls ....................................................................377Sara Popović and Andrea Devlahović

24. Pharos, Greek Amphorae and Wine Production .........................................................397Branko Kirigin

25. Greek Onomastic Evidence from Pharos (4th-1st c. BC) .............................................421Jelena Marohnić

26. The Perception of Paros in Croatian Written Sources .................................................429Aldo Čavić

ΠΑΡΑΡΤΗΜΑ Ι - APPENDIX I: Πάρος - Φάρος ....................................................................437Ντόρα Κατσωνοπούλου

ΠΡΟΛΟΓΟΣ

Ο παρών τόμος (Paros IV) αποτελεί τον τέταρτο στη σειρά τόμο Πρακτικών Διεθνών Συνε-δρίων αφιερωμένων στην αρχαιολογία και τον πολιτισμό της Πάρου και των Κυκλάδων, που οργανώνονται από το Ινστιτούτο Αρχαιολογίας Πάρου και Κυκλάδων (ΙΑΠΚ) και πραγματοποι-ούνται στην Παροικία της Πάρου σε τακτά χρονικά διαστήματα. Ο τόμος με τον ειδικότερο τίτλο Η Πάρος και οι Αποικίες της, περιλαμβάνει τις επιστημονικές ανακοινώσεις που παρου-σιάστηκαν στη διάρκεια του Δ’ Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου Αρχαιολογίας Πάρου και Κυκλάδων, το οποίο έλαβε χώρα στην Παροικία της Πάρου από 11-14 Ιουνίου 2015, σε συνεργασία με το Δήμο Πάρου και τον Πολιτιστικό Σύλλογο «Αρχίλοχος Πάρου». Το Συνέδριο είναι το πρώτο που αφιερώθηκε ποτέ στο εγχείρημα της ίδρυσης αποικιών από τους αρχαίους Παρίους και συγκέντρωσε το ενδιαφέρον πολλών αρχαιολόγων και άλλων ειδικών που παρουσίασαν κατά τη διάρκειά του επιστημονικές εργασίες αναφορικά τόσο με την μητρόπολη Πάρο όσο και με τις τρεις κύριες αποικίες της, το Πάριον στην περιοχή της Προποντίδας, τη Θάσο στο Β. Αιγαίο, και την Φάρο στην Αδριατική (νησί Χβαρ στην Κροατία).

Το Δ’ Συνέδριο ακολούθησε τα τρία προηγούμενα Συνέδρια Αρχαιολογίας Πάρου και Κυ-κλάδων που πραγματοποιήθηκαν στην Παροικία της Πάρου και ήταν αφιερωμένα, το 1ο στη διάσημη Παρία Λίθο (1997), το 2ο στον μεγάλο ποιητή της Πάρου Αρχίλοχο (2005), και το 3ο στον διάσημο γλύπτη και αρχιτέκτονα της αρχαίας Πάρου Σκόπα (2010). Τα Πρακτικά και των τριών Συνεδρίων εκδόθηκαν από το ΙΑΠΚ. Ο 1ος τόμος με τον τίτλο Παρία Λίθος. Παριανά Λατομεία, Μάρμαρο και Εργαστήρια Γλυπτικής της Πάρου, με την επιμέλεια των Δημήτρη Σκιλάρντι και Ντόρας Κατσωνοπούλου, κυκλοφόρησε το έτος 2000 και επανεκδόθηκε το 2010, ο 2ος με τον τίτλο Ο Αρχίλοχος και η Εποχή του (Paros IΙ), με την επιμέλεια των Ντόρας Κατσω-νοπούλου, Ιωάννη Πετρόπουλου και Στέλλας Κατσαρού εκδόθηκε το 2008, και ο 3oς με τον τίτλο Ο Σκόπας και ο Κόσμος του (Paros IΙΙ), με την επιμέλεια των Ντόρας Κατσωνοπούλου και Andrew Stewart εκδόθηκε το έτος 2013.

Ο τόμος του Δ’ Συνεδρίου (Paros ΙV), έκδοση του ΙΑΠΚ με την επιμέλεια της Ντόρας Κα-τσωνοπούλου, περιλαμβάνει συνολικά 26 επιστημονικά άρθρα σε δύο μέρη. Το Μέρος I με τον τίτλο Πάρος, η μητρόπολις, περιλαμβάνει 8 εργασίες αναφορικά με την επιχειρησιακή δραστηριότητα των Παρίων εκτός του νησιού αλλά και με τα αρχαιολογικά ευρήματα της τελευταίας 30ετίας στην Πάρο που αναδεικνύουν τον πλούτο και την ισχυρή οργάνωση της πόλης της Πάρου ήδη από τον 8ο αιώνα π.Χ. Το Μέρος ΙΙ με τον τίτλο Οι Αποικίες της Πά-ρου: Πάριον – Θάσος - Φάρος, περιέχει 18 συνολικά άρθρα για την ιστορία και αρχαιολογία των αποικιών ξεκινώντας με την αρχαιότερη αποικία, το Πάριον, που ιδρύθηκε στα τέλη του 8ου αιώνα, ακολούθως τη Θάσο τον 7ο αιώνα και τέλος την Φάρο στο α’ μισό του 4ου αιώνα π.Χ.

Το Μέρος Ι, αρχίζει με την διερεύνηση του συλλογικού ή ιδιωτικού χαρακτήρα των αποι-κιστικών επιχειρήσεων των Παρίων στο εξωτερικό κατά την αρχαϊκή περίοδο, μέσα από την επανεξέταση της αρχαιολογικής, της επιγραφικής και της φιλολογικής μαρτυρίας (Tandy) και την παρουσίαση νέας μαρτυρίας από πρόσφατες μελέτες κεραμικής και ανασκαφές στην Ν. Ιταλία (Σίρις και, κυρίως, Incoronata ) σχετικά με την παρουσία εκεί μεγάλης ελληνικής κοινό-τητας αγγειοπλαστών από το Αιγαίο Πέλαγος και ειδικότερα από τις Κυκλάδες (Denti). Ακολού-θως, τα ανασκαφικά ευρήματα της τελευταίας 30ετίας στην Πάρο και ιδιαιτέρως εκείνα του

PAROS IV 11

12 PAROS IV

κύριου νεκροταφείου της αρχαίας πόλης συζητούνται για να καταδειχθεί ότι η Πάρος ήταν ένα οργανωμένο κράτος με σημαντική οικονομική και πολιτική ισχύ ήδη από το β’ μισό του 8ου αι. π.Χ. (Ζαφειροπούλου) και επιχειρείται η ανασύνθεση της τοπογραφίας της αρχαίας πόλης της Πάρου ως μίας από τις πλουσιότερες και πιο καλά οργανωμένες πόλεις των Κυκλάδων, με βάση παλαιές και πρόσφατες ανασκαφές (Κουράγιος). Στη συνέχεια, παρουσιάζεται και συζητείται ομάδα επιλεγμένων γλυπτών σε παριανό μάρμαρο που έγιναν γνωστά πρόσφατα: ρωμαϊκό άγαλμα Μούσας στην Πάντοβα της Ιταλίας, ακέφαλο γυναικείο άγαλμα στη Συλλο-γή Sorgente στη Ρώμη, και αρχιτεκτονικά γλυπτά από την αρχαία Κερύνεια στη βορειοδυτική Πελοπόννησο (Katsonopoulou). ‘Θησαυρός’ νομισμάτων που καταχώθηκε στα τέλη του 3ου αιώνα π.Χ. και άλλα νομίσματα από τον χώρο του αρχαίου εργαστηρίου γλυπτικής στην Πα-ροικιά παρουσιάζονται στο επόμενο άρθρο (Δετοράτου) και τα γειτονικά εργαστήρια καθώς και αποθέτες κεραμικής συζητούνται σε σχέση με την λειτουργία, την παραγωγή αλλά και τη θέση τους αναφορικά με τον πολεοδομικό ιστό της αρχαίας πόλης (Παπαδημητρίου). Τέλος, εξετάζονται ζητήματα σχετικά με την λατρεία του Απόλλωνος και του Ηρακλέους στην Πάρο, σε συνάρτηση με τις αντίστοιχες λατρείες στην αποικία της Θάσου (Παπαδοπούλου).

Το Μέρος ΙΙ, αφιερωμένο στις αποικίες της Πάρου, ξεκινά με την παρουσίαση των ευρημά-των των ανασκαφών στο Πάριον την τελευταία δεκαετία. Στο πρώτο άρθρο παρουσιάζεται ένα από τα διασημότερα έργα στην πόλη του Παρίου, ο κολοσσικός βωμός του 4ου αιώνα π.Χ. για τον Απόλλωνα και την Άρτεμη, ενώ συζητούνται η ταυτότητα του αρχιτέκτονα Ερμοκρέοντος και η σχετική νομισματική μαρτυρία (Keleş). Ακολούθως, παρουσιάζεται η μελέτη της ρωμαϊ-κής κεραμικής που ανακαλύφθηκε στους τάφους της αρχαίας νεκρόπολης του Παρίου με συ-νεχή χρήση από τον 7ο αιώνα π.Χ. έως την ύστερη αρχαιότητα (Ergürer) και περιγράφονται τα ρωμαϊκά λουτρά και η ιστορία τους από τον 2ο αιώνα μ.Χ., οπότε κατασκευάστηκαν, μέχρι την εγκατάλειψή τους τον 7ο αιώνα (Alper Yilmaz). Το υδραγωγείο και το σύστημα ύδρευσης της ρωμαϊκής πόλης του Παρίου που αποτελεί και θέμα διδακτορικής διατριβής του συγγραφέα, συζητούνται στην επόμενη ανακοίνωση (Michael Deniz Yilmaz) ενώ περιγράφονται μέσα από την ανάλυση και μελέτη μεταλλικών ευρημάτων από το Πάριον, η μεταλλουργική δραστηριό-τητα και παραγωγή στην πόλη (Çelikbas).

Στη Θάσο αναφέρονται τα άρθρα που ακολουθούν, αρχικά με την παρουσίαση μελέτης της επιτραπέζιας κεραμικής G 2-3 που ανακαλύφθηκε στον οικισμό που προϋπήρχε στην πε-ριοχή πριν από τον αποικισμό των Παρίων στη Θάσο (Ilieva) και με την συνολική επισκόπηση του ζητήματος της εκμετάλλευσης των μεταλλείων πριν και μετά τον αποικισμό των Παρί-ων (Sanidas et al). Στη συνέχεια, η γεωχημική ανάλυση δειγμάτων από ομάδα αρχαϊκών μό-νωτων κυπέλλων που ανακαλύφθηκαν στο Αρτεμίσιο της Θάσου και τα αποτελέσματα, που υποδεικνύουν πιθανή προέλευση από την Πάρο, περιγράφονται (Perron) και παρουσιάζεται μια αποτίμηση της εισηγμένης διακοσμημένης κεραμικής στις αποικίες της Θάσου κατά την αρχαϊκή περίοδο παράλληλα με τη διακίνηση και τις πιθανές χρήσεις της (Μανακίδου). Στη μεταφορά των θρησκευτικών λατρειών μεταξύ Πάρου και Θάσου και στις εξελίξεις τους στην αποικία εστιάζεται το περιεχόμενο του επόμενου άρθρου (Trippé) ενώ η λατρεία της Αρτέμι-δος εξετάζεται στα δύο άρθρα που ακολουθούν ως προς τη θέση των ιερών της στην αρχαία πόλη της Θάσου (Muller) και τις πτυχές της προσωπικότητάς της μέσα από τα αναθήματα στο Αρτεμίσιο (Prêtre). Η ενότητα της Θάσου ολοκληρώνεται με την παρουσίαση της πρώιμης γλυ-πτικής της και τη σχέση της με την πιθανή επιρροή από τους Παρίους αποίκους (Holtzmann).

Στην Φάρο, αποικία της Πάρου στην Αδριατική, αναφέρονται τα τελευταία πέντε άρθρα του Μέρους ΙΙ. Στο πρώτο εξ’ αυτών, εξετάζεται η φιλολογική μαρτυρία σχετικά με την ίδρυση της Φάρου, στο πλαίσιο της τότε πολιτικής και του εμπορίου στην περιοχή της Δαλματίας (Coppola). Ακολούθως, παρουσιάζονται τα αποτελέσματα των ανασκαφών που πραγματο-ποιήθηκαν μεταξύ 2009 και 2013 από το Μουσείο του Stari Grad στη θέση Remete Garden, με βάση τα οποία η χρονολόγηση των τειχών ανάγεται στους ελληνιστικούς χρόνους (Popović και Devlahović). Ο μεγάλος αριθμός ελληνικών αμφορέων (4ος-2ος αι. π.Χ.) από τις ανασκαφές στη Φάρο συζητείται υπό το φως της αγροτικής οικονομίας της πόλης στην επόμενη ανακοί-νωση και παρατίθεται σύντομη συγκριτική αναθεώρηση για την παραγωγή οίνου ανάμεσα στην μεσαιωνική περίοδο και την αρχαιότητα (Kirigin). Την παρουσία ελληνικών ονομάτων στη Φάρο (4ος-1ος αι. π.Χ.), με βάση λίθινες επιγραφές, μολύβδινες πινακίδες, όστρακα αγ-γείων και αρχαίες πηγές, διερευνά το ακόλουθο άρθρο (Marohnić) και τέλος, η αντίληψη της Πάρου ως μακρινής μητρόπολης στις γραπτές Κροατικές πηγές από τον 16ο αιώνα μέχρι πρό-σφατα και η συμβολή της νεότερης αρχαιολογικής έρευνας που συνέδεσε την Φάρο με την Πάρο, παρουσιάζονται και αναλύονται (Čavić).

Ευχαριστώ θερμά το Δημοτικό Συμβούλιο και τον Δήμαρχο Πάρου κ. Μάρκο Κωβαίο για την υποστήριξη του Συνεδρίου καθώς και όλα τα μέλη του Διοικητικού Συμβουλίου του Ινστι-τούτου Αρχαιολογίας Πάρου και Κυκλάδων και του πολιτιστικού συλλόγου «Αρχίλοχος Πά-ρου» για τη βοήθειά τους στην οργάνωση και πραγματοποίηση του Συνεδρίου.

Ντόρα Κατσωνοπούλου

Πρόεδρος Ινστιτούτου Αρχαιολογίας Πάρου και Κυκλάδων

PAROS IV 13

14 PAROS IV

PREFACE

The present volume (Paros IV) is the fourth in a series of international conferences dedi-cated to the archaeology and culture of Paros and the Cyclades, organized by the Institute for the Archaeology of Paros and the Cyclades (IAPC) and conducted at Paroikia on Paros at peri-odic intervals. This volume, entitled Paros and its Colonies, contains scholarly papers presented during the Fourth International Congress of Archaeology on Paros and the Cyclades, which was organized in collaboration with the Municipality of Paros and the Archilochos of Paros Cultural Association, and took place in Paroikia from 11-14 June, 2015. The congress, the first ever held on the topic of colonial enterprises of the ancient Parians, attracted the interest of many schol-ars from Greece and abroad who presented papers on the metropolis, the island of Paros, and all three main colonies that Paros founded in the ancient world: Parion in the Propontis, Thasos in the North Aegean, and Pharos in the Adriatic (island of Hvar, Croatia).

This congress followed three previous ones on the archaeology of Paros and the Cyclades, also held in Paroikia, which were devoted to a number of important issues of the cultural heri-tage of Paros: (1) to the valuable Parian marble, the marble quarries and workshops of sculp-ture (1997), (2) the great poet Archilochos of Paros (2005) and (3) the famous sculptor and architect Skopas of Paros and his world (2010). The proceedings of these congresses were also published by the IAPC. The first, entitled Paria Lithos. Parian Quarries, Marble, and Workshops of Sculpture, edited by Demetrius Schilardi and Dora Katsonopoulou, was published in 2000 and reprinted in 2010; the second, entitled Archilochos and his Age (Paros II), edited by Dora Katsonopoulou, John Petropoulos and Stella Katsarou, was published in 2008; and the third, entitled Skopas of Paros and his World, edited by Dora Katsonopoulou and Andrew Stewart, was published in 2013.

The present volume on the fourth Congress (Paros IV), also published by IAPC, and edited by Dora Katsonopoulou, includes a total of twenty-six scholarly papers, divided into two parts. Part I, entitled Paros, the Metropolis, includes eight studies on the Parian enterprises outside the island and the results of archaeological work on Paros in the last three decades showing that Paros was an organized city already in the 8th century BC. Part II, entitled Paros’ Colonies: Parion – Thasos – Pharos, contains eighteen papers on the history and archaeology of the colo-nies beginning with the earlier colony of Parion founded in the last years of the 8th century BC, then Thasos in the 7th and, finally, Pharos in the first half of the 4th century BC.

Part I begins with a review of the archaeological, epigraphical, and literary evidence to ad-dress the issue of Parian ventures abroad in the Archaic period and their type of civic activities or private actions of individuals (Tandy). In the next article, new evidence is presented from re-cent excavations and ceramic studies of major sites in Southern Italy (Siris and, above all, Incor-onata) providing an exceptional record for the presence of a major Greek community of potters from the Aegean Sea, and more particularly from the Cyclades (Denti). Then, the finds from the excavations of the last 30 years on Paros, including the discovery of the official cemetery of the city, are considered to show that Paros was an organized state of considerable power already in the second half of the 8th century BC (Ζαφειροπούλου). The topography of the ancient city of Paros, one of the richest and best organized cities in the Cyclades, is presented on the basis of earlier and more recent excavation finds (Κουράγιος). Next, certain recently known sculptures

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in Parian marble are discussed including the Roman statue of a Muse in Padova, a headless female statue in the Sorgente Group in Rome and architectural sculptures from Keryneia of Achaea in the northwestern Peloponnese (Katsonopoulou). Following this, a hoard buried in the late 3rd century BC and other coins found at the site of ancient sculptor’s workshop in Pa-roikia are described (Δετοράτου) and the adjacent pottery workshops are discussed regarding their function, production and location in relation to the poleodomic plan of the ancient city (Παπαδημητρίου). Finally, issues regarding the cults of Apollo and Herakles on Paros, in con-nection to the respective cults in the colony of Thasos are considered (Παπαδοπούλου).

To introduce Part II, which is devoted to Paros’ colonies, excavation work conducted in the last decade at the site of Parion is first presented. One of the most famous works in the city, the colossal altar of the 4th century BC, the identity of its architect Hermokreon and relevant nu-mismatic evidence are discussed (Keleş) and the Roman pottery discovered in the ancient ne-cropolis, dated between the 7th century BC and the late Roman times, is presented (Ergürer). Then, the history of the Roman baths from the time of their construction in the 2nd century AD until their abandonment in the 7th century is demonstrated (Alper Yilmaz) and the water sup-ply of the Roman city of Parion is shortly presented as part of the author’s doctoral dissertation (Michael Deniz Yilmaz). Last, metallurgy activities and production in Parion are described via chemical analysis and studies of the metal objects found in the excavations (Çelikbas).

The following papers refer to Thasos, beginning first with the presentation of a study of the repertory of G 2-3 table ware discovered in the pre-colonial settlement of Thasos before the arrival of the Parians (Ilieva), and secondly, with an overview of the question of mining and metal production in the early Archaic period before and after the Parian colonization (Sanidas et al.). Next, the possible Parian influences on Thasian pottery are demonstrated via presenta-tion of the results of physico-chemical analysis of a group of one-handled mugs found at the Artemision (Perron), and an evaluation of the dissemination and use of imported decorated pottery to the Thasian colonies during the Archaic period is presented (Μανακίδου). The reli-gious transfers between the metropolis and its colony as well as their evolution are considered next (Trippé), while the cult of Artemis is the subject of the following two papers regarding the topography of her sanctuaries in the ancient city of Thasos (Muller) and certain aspects of her identity via the study of symbolic offerings from the Artemision (Prêtre). The dedication on Thasos concludes with the presentation of the early sculpture and its possible links with the Parian colonists (Holtzmann).

The last five papers of the volume are dedicated to Pharos, Paros’ colony in the Adriatic. First, literary evidence on Pharos’ foundation, in the context of contemporary politics and trade in the Dalmatian area is examined (Coppola) and the results of excavations conducted between 2009 and 2013 by the Stari Grad Museum at Remete Garden are presented concluding that the fortification walls excavated are dated to the Hellenistic period (Popović και Devlahović). Next, the great number of Greek amphorae (4th-2nd centuries BC) from the excavations on Pharos is discussed in light of its agricultural economy and a brief review of wine production in the medi-eval period and in antiquity is provided (Kirigin). In the following paper, the presence of Greek personal names on Pharos (4th-1st centuries BC) is investigated on the basis of inscriptions on stone, lead tablets, pottery fragments, and literary sources (Marohnić). Lastly, Paros’ percep-tion as a remote metropolis in written Croatian sources from the 16th century until recently

and the contribution of recent archaeological evidence in shaping a living connection between Paros and Pharos are discussed (Čavić).

I would like to thank the City Council and the Mayor of Paros, Mr. Markos Kovaios, for their support of the congress, and all members of the Institute for the Archaeology of Paros and the Cyclades and of the Board of the Archilochos of Paros Cultural Association for their assistance in organizing and realizing the Fourth International Congress on Paros and its Colonies.

Dora Katsonopoulou

President, The Institute for Archaeology of Paros and the Cyclades

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Archaic One-handled Mugs from Thasos: A Parian Origin?

Martin Perron

Institut Ausonius, Université Bordeaux-Montaigne

For over two decades, the research program of the French School at Athens entitled “Thasian sanctuaries and their offerings” brings together a dozen specialists pursuing the objective of studying the religious practices, the uses and the meanings of the votive offerings deposited in the various temples and places of worship of the polis (Fig. 1). The sanctuary of Artemis, located on the west slope of the acropolis at the heart of the ancient colony (Fig. 2), received most at-tention in recent years leading to the publication of detailed studies on pottery, sculpture, terra-cottas, and small finds.1 More recently, a geochemical provenance study program focusing on the origin of Early Archaic drinking vessels found at the Artemision has been implemented. It seeks to identify the workshops responsible for the production of the vases and to document the trad-ing networks that brought them to Thasos. This paper will focus on the latest results obtained for a category of drinking vessel, currently labeled in the Greek and Anglo-Saxon literature under the designation of μόνωτα κύπελλα and one-handled mugs.

THE ARTEMISIONThe sanctuary of Artemis in Thasos is one of the oldest Greek sanctuaries of the Parian colony.

Built on the western flank of the Acropolis on a series of artificial terraces located at the bottom of a rocky outcrop inclined towards the sea, it overlooks the eastern part of the Classical Agora and the Passage of the Theores2 (Figs. 2-4). Recent studies carried out on the votive offerings uncovered during the excavations – pottery, terracottas, ivory and silverware – testify to the em-bedment of a worship site at this location shortly after the installation of the Parian settlers on the island in the first quarter of the 7th century BC.3 Among the earliest pottery finds are included Co-rinthian,4 Cycladic5 and East Greek imports,6 North Aegean productions,7 and one-handled mugs.

THE ONE-HANDLED MUGS: TYPOLOGIES AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXTSThe one-handled mugs are cups of small capacity recognizable by their vertical handle, their

short everted or straight lip and round body resting either on a flat or a disk base (Figs. 5-8). Their opening diameter usually varies between 10 and 12cm with an average height of 6 to 8cm. They are thin-walled productions and their sizes suggest that they were likely used for individual

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consumption. In terms of ornamentation, the mugs found at the Artemision are coated with a more or less glossy black, brown or orange monochrome glaze. The coating, usually flaky, has been applied with a cloth whose marks are visible on some vases. Visual clay analysis made on the pottery breaks revealed the existence of four distinctive clay groups suggesting either several production centers or numerous manufacturing techniques within a few dominant workshops

Figure 1. Map of the Νorth Aegean (Huysecom-Haxhi 2009, Pl. 1 © EfA).

Figure 2. Map of the Ancient city of Thasos (Huysecom-Haxhi 2009, Pl. 2 © EfA).

Figure 3. Excavation map of the sanc-tuary of Artemis in Thasos (Prêtre 2016, 6, Fig. 2 © EfA).

Figure 4. Aerial photograph of the sanctuary of Artemis at Tha-sos, view towards the east (© Gilbert Nassens 2012 – CNRS Halma-IPEL).

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Archaic One-handled Mugs from Thasos

(Fig. 9; Table 1). According to visual comparisons performed with undisputed Thasian local ware, two of these groups could actually be of Thasian origin. The other two seem to be exogenous to the island. The one-handled mug corpus is highly fragmentary and only a few hundred fragments – for a minimum number of individuals (MNI) estimated at 45 mugs – have been recorded to

Figure 5. Thasos, Artemision. One-handled mugs. Figure 6. Thasos, Artemision. One-handled mugs.

Figure 7. Thasos, Artemision. One-handled mugs. Figure 8. Thasos, Artemision. One-handled mug pro-files.

Figure 9. Thasos, Artemision. One-handled mug clay groups.

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date. The MNI was obtained by counting the different rim profiles present in every fabric groups. The ornamentation techniques were also taken into consideration.

Table 1. Clay fabric descriptions according to macroscopic and tactile examinations.

The mugs of the Artemision have been uncovered in three sectors of the sanctuary: 1) in the lowest levels of the upper terrace in the area of the “square peribolos”, 2) in the levelling fill of the lower terrace and, 3) in the levels located under the early 5th-century altar erected in the northeastern corner of the sanctuary (Figs. 3-4). The mugs excavated from the “square peribolos” area come from the lowest layers of four deep trial trenches excavated to bedrock.8 These mugs have been unearthed with several Ionian cups of A1, A2 and B1 types,9 some Middle Wild Goat II jug fragments, several north Ionian bird bowls and a few Corinthian aryballoi and alabastra dated to the late Proto-Corinthian, Early and Middle Corinthian periods (Figs. 10-13).10 The deposits in which they were found can be dated to the second half of the 7th century and the first decades of the following century.11 The mugs that have been uncovered from the lower terrace and the altar excavations come from disturbed deposits that date no later than the turn of the 6th and 5th centuries.12

Elsewhere in Thasos, a one-handled mug of similar shape made in gray bucchero has been found in the levelling fill of the short terrace of the north sanctuary at Aliki.13 According to the finds uncovered during the 1962 excavations, the fill deposit must date no later than 600 BC.14 A number of cups were also documented from excavations undertaken in the 1960s at the Heraklis Kokkinos and Dimitriadis lots in Limenas in contexts dating to the second half of the 7th and 6th centuries.15 Outside Thasos on the North Aegean coast, mugs have been uncovered in sanc-tuaries at Oesymi16 and Mount Itamos,17 and in several Archaic tombs at Abdera,18 Akanthos,19 Mende20 and other sites of the Thermaic Gulf. The excavations conducted at Argilos21 and Olyn-thos22 have also yielded some examples that may come from household contexts. All the north Aegean contexts documented corroborate the chronological span “second half of the 7th – early 6th century” suggested for the Thasian findings.

Mug Fabric Groups

Description Presumed Origin

MFG.1

Hard and compact pale brown clay (7.5YR 6/6 to 6/4), well levigated, containing a few fine calcareous and mica inclusions. Matt to semi-lustrous hard black to brown glaze which sticks more or less to the surface. Good fabric.

Non-Thasian

MFG.2

Porous and chalky pale brown clay (7.5YR 5/4 to 6/4) containing a good amount of fine calcareous and mica inclusions. Matt flaky black to brown glaze.

Thasian

MFG.3

Chalky light reddish yellow clay (5YR 6/6), well levigated, containing a fair amount of mica, crystalline, and calcareous inclusions. Matt hard glaze, red to orange, which more or less sticks to the surface. Light fabric.

Thasian

MFG.4

Hard and compact fine brown clay (10YR 6/6), well levigated, containing a few calcareous, crystalline, and mica inclusions. Matt hard glaze – black to brown – which more or less sticks to the surface. Good fabric.

Non-Thasian

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DISCUSSIONS AND HYPOTHESES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE NORTH AEGEAN FINDSAlthough the typology, chronology, and contexts of discovery of the mugs identified in the

Νorth Aegean display a relative homogeneity, the origin of the production has been subjected to debate between local archaeologists. According to parallels drawn with pottery from Chios23 and Samos,24 the excavators of the Clazomenian necropolis at Abdera have recently attributed the origin of the one-handled mugs belonging to their group “2Γa” – very close to the Thasian examples – to Asia Minor.25 Excavators from Akanthos, Mende and Polychrono have highlighted the typological similarities between their finds and some East Greek mugs, but they cautiously ascribed the origin of the production, which they believe to be local, to the Cyclades where the type is common during the Geometric and Archaic periods.26 Scholars working at Argilos have suggested that their finds may have been imported from Andros, the mother-city of the colony.27 The type is in fact known at Zagora and Ypsili during the Middle and Late Geometric periods

Figure 10. Thasos, Artemision. Fragments of “Ion-ian” bird, rosette and “à filets” bowls.

Figure 11. Thasos, Artemision. Fragments of “Ionian” A1 type cups.

Figure 12. Thasos, Artemision. Fragments of “Ion-ian” B1 type cups.

Figure 13. Thasos, Artemision. Fragments of late Pro-to-Corinthian, Early and Middle Corinthian pottery.

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making this island a possible production and export center towards the North Aegean.28 Paros,29 Naxos,30 Attica31 and Euboea, where several examples of the Geometric and Archaic periods have been found, are other areas referred to as potential production and distribution centers of the shape in the North Aegean. One handled-mugs were produced at Chalcis32 and Lefkandi33 as early as the Protogeometric period and their production grew in popularity during the Geometric period to reach their acme during the second half of the 8th century.34 The shape could thus have traveled from Euboea to the North Aegean as early as the 10th or 9th century35 or following the second wave of colonization that had resulted in the establishment of several Euboean colonies in the Chalcidice and the Thermaic Gulf. Mugs with similar profiles are also known in Argolis,36 Attica (the Phaleron cups),37 Oropos,38 Crete39 and the Levant40 from the Protogeometric period onwards41 and from Megara Hyblaea,42 Delos,43 Thera,44 Keos,45 Rhodes,46 Iasos,47 Colophon,48 Tocra,49 and Cyprus.50 Most of the finds come from sanctuaries or child’s graves. Finally, earlier – and sometime coarser – mugs emulating late Mycenaean or Balkanic traditions are known from undisturbed Late Bronze and Iron Age levels at Assiros, Kastanas, Vergina, Toumba Thessaloniki, Akanthos, and Olynthos.51 A possible link between these productions and the Archaic mugs has never been investigated, but it would be interesting to determine if a north Aegean development of the shape throughout the Iron Age is plausible. In short, the place(s) of manufacture of the mugs uncovered in the northern Aegean is still under debate and the problem of the origin(s) needs to be addressed.

THE ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS PROGRAMTo overcome the problem of the origin of the mugs found in Thasos, a physico-chemical analy-

sis program conducted by wavelength dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (WD-XRF) was carried out at the “Laboratoire de Céramologie” in Lyon.52 Our decision to perform the analyses in Lyon was primarily based on the richness of the laboratory database that includes more than 1000 pottery samples from Thasos and the North Aegean, 500 from the Cyclades, and more than 3500 from Asia Minor and the Eastern Greek islands. By using the laboratory expertise, we made sure to cover the regions at the center of the origins issues brought forward by our investigation.

For the needs of the research, 17 mug samples have been submitted to analysis. The samples have been chosen from the four clay groups identified during the visual examination (groups MFG.1 and MFG.2 being more represented) and were all selected for their typological and sty-listic representativeness among the broader Thasian assemblage (Table 2). The objectives of the WD-XRF program also aimed to determine the degree of geochemical homogeneity between the mug samples, to estimate the probable number of workshops involved in the production, and to gather information on the elemental compositions of the different assemblages. In doing so, the program aimed to determine whether the different typological, stylistic and macroscopic charac-teristics observed during the archaeological study formed, or not, homogeneous sets.

A total of 24 elements were quantified for the analysis. However, the statistical classification used to classify ceramics into groups of analogous chemical compositions covers only 17 out of the 24 elements. These include eight major and minor elements in ceramics (MgO, Al2O3, SiO2, K2O, CaO, TiO2, MnO, Fe2O3) and nine trace elements (V, Cr, Ni, Zn, Rb, Sr, Zr, Ba, Ce). The other (Na2O, P2O5, La, Y, Th, Pb, Cu) have been discarded because of imprecision and their insignificance in the study. The chemical elements and the reference standards material selected for the analysis were

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chosen based on the analytical routines of the laboratory and the elemental composition of the pottery clays.53 The statistical classification of the pottery samples was generated by “hierarchical cluster analysis” applied to standardized data, and based on Euclidian distance and average link-age (unweighted pair-group). The classification was carried out in several cross-referenced stages.

THE GEOCHEMICAL CLASSIFICATIONThe first classification focused on geochemical comparisons performed with 500 pottery

samples from the Cyclades analyzed in the 1980s by M. Picon and F. Villard. Several cross-refe-rence classifications were tested, and 97 samples – out of the 500 – were kept for their geoche-mical resembles and appear in the dendrogram (Fig. 14). The geochemical comparanda come from Paros, Naxos, Delos/Rheneia, Melos, Mykonos, Amorgos, Siphnos, Kimolos, and Thera and refer to pottery of the Geometric, Orientalizing and Archaic periods.54 Ten samples of Orientali-zing pottery discovered in Thasos were also among the sampling. The ceramic samples and the analytical methodology used in the 1980s are presented in the collective volume Recherches dans les Cyclades published in 1993.55

Table 2. List of the Thasian one-handled mugs analyzed at the Laboratoire de Céramologie de Lyon.

Catalogue number

XRF Sample number (Lyon)

Description Fabric groups

Presumed origin

OHM-1 THA.72 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with globular body. Black glaze all over.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-2 THA.73 Short flaring lip, with convex outer side, with shalow globular body. Flaky black glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-3 THA.76 Short flaring lip (straight and sharp) with deep globular body. Flaky black glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-4 THA.91 Short flaring lip (straight) with ridge below it. Matt brown-mottled glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-5 THA.106 High flaring lip (concave) with ridge below it. Deep and round body. Handle scar on top of the rim and at mid-body. Brown glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-6 THA.108 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with globular body. Mottled black glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-7 THA.109 Short flaring lip, with convex outer side, with deep globular body. Flaky black glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-8 THA.110 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with globular body. Hard black glaze.

MFG.1 non-Thasian

OHM-9 THA.88 Short flaring lip (concave) with ridge below it. Deep elongated body. Hard reddish-brown glaze.

MFG.2 Thasian

OHM-10 THA.92 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with deep globular body. Black glaze.

MFG.2 Thasian

OHM-11 THA.93 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with deep globular body. Flaky black to reddish glaze.

MFG.2 Thasian

OHM-12 THA.104 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with globular body. Flaky black glaze.

MFG.2 Thasian

OHM-13 THA.105 Short flaring lip, slightly rounded, with ridge below it. Deep globular body. Black glaze.

MFG.2 Thasian

OHM-14 THA.107 High flaring lip (rounded) with globular body. Flaky black to reddish glaze.

MFG.2 Thasian

OHM-15 THA.74 Short flaring lip (rounded) with deep and round body. Red glaze.

MFG.3 Thasian

OHM-16 THA.90 High flaring lip, slightly rounded, with deep ridge below it. Deep globular body. Dull brown glaze.

MFG.3 Thasian

OHM-17 THA.75 Short flaring lip with deep globular body. Dull black to brown glaze.

MFG.4 Non-Thasian

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The classification generated by the dendrogram revealed two clusters of mugs whose compo-sitions differ in terms of contents (Fig. 14). The first group, Mug-1, brings together 11 out of the 17 analyzed samples. It regroups most of the mugs having a short flaring lip and coated with a black flaky glaze associated with macroscopic clay groups MFG.1 and MFG.4 considered as non-Thasian. Two samples classified under MFG.2 clay group (OHM-12 and OHM-14) belong also to this cluster. The mugs belonging to group Mug-1 have greater amounts of Silicium and Magne-sium than the mugs belonging to the second group (Mug-2) which display higher percentages in Iron, Titanium and Strontium contents (Table 3). Differences in Cr and Ni compositions are also noticeable and could possibly indicate distinctive geological environments. The mugs regrouped under the second group (Mug-2) bear a straight high lip marked by a deep ridge at the junction with the body and are mostly coated with a brown or a reddish glaze.

According to the dendrogram, the mugs belonging to group Mug-1 present compositions very close to Cycladic pottery of the Geometric period collected on Melos (groups Melos II and Melos III), Kimolos and Siphnos and whose origins are likely Melian and Siphnian.56 The mugs from the second group, Mug-2, display similar compositions with a group of Paro-Melian Orien-talizing pottery discovered at the sanctuary of Artemis in Thasos and identified by F. Villard and J. Gautier as possible local imitations.57 The dendrogram also indicated no striking correlation between the Thasian mugs and the Geometric, Orientalizing and Archaic pottery from Naxos, Paros, Thera, Delos and Mykonos. However, the association between the Thasian mugs belon-ging to group Mug-2 and the Thasian imitations of Orientalizing Paro-Melian pottery reinforce the visual observations and our first assumption that some of the mugs manufactured with light reddish-brown micaceous and pulverulent clays may be of local Thasian origin. The geochemi-cal connection of the mugs belonging to group Mug-1 with a small group of pottery coming from Siphnos, Kimolos, and Melos is, on the other hand, surprising. These three islands are not archaeologically known to have engaged in strong trading relationships with the Νorth Aegean.

Figure 14. WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and Late Geometric, Orientaliz-ing and Archaic pottery from the Cyclades analyzed by Villard and Picon. Final classification performed on 114 samples (out of 500) and 17 elements (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

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However, a recent study conducted by F. Knauss has demonstrated, through the distribution of the Parian Orientalizing pottery in the Cyclades, that these islands shared close trading activities with Paros.58

Next, the Thasian finds have been compared with a collection of 285 Ionian cups and a dozen of “Hera Mugs” coming from various sites of Asia Minor, Thasos, and the Black Sea.59 The Ionian cups form, along with the bird bowls, the category of pottery most frequently found with the one-handled mugs at the Artemision. It was important to determine the degree of geochemical homogeneity between the mugs and these categories of drinking vessels as they could have theoretically been manufactured from the same area of the Greek world. Pottery workshops of Ionia are known to have influenced some Thasian and North Aegean pottery and terra-cotta pro-ductions throughout the 7th and 6th centuries60 and several mug types were produced in Asia Minor during the same period as the Thasian finds. The results of the classification first indicated that the division of our mugs into two main groups remains unchanged (Fig. 15a). Group Mug-1 is on his own and isolated from the Ionian cups. The second group, Mug-2, is partly broken off and incorporated into a cluster of Ionian cups belonging to the group Samian 2A formerly elabo-rated by P. Dupont and whose origin is likely Samian or Phocaean (Figs. 15b-15d).61 However, the mug samples are often on their own and their hierarchical linkage with the Ionian cups samples are high enough to decrease the chances of belonging to a Samian/Phocaean workshop. The significant differences in calcium and iron compositions between the Samian/Phocaean and the Thasian mugs also point to this conclusion. Finally, no particular association has been established between the Thasian mugs and the “Hera mugs” collected at the Samian Heraion.

Table 3. Geochemical group compositions of the one-handled mugs analyzed from Thasos.

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A third classification was intended to compare the geochemical signatures of the Thasian mugs with north Aegean pottery samples analyzed by F. Blondé and M. Picon in the 1990s. This collection includes more than 1000 samples of Archaic and Classical pottery and modern clay samples from Thasos (Phari workshop and Blondé’s geochemical groups 2, 3 and 5 associated with fourth century Thasian cooking ware, common ware and black-glazed pottery)62 and from five other sites of the Thracian mainland including Amphipolis, Stryme, Maroneia, Samothrace, and Abdera63. This latter site has also yielded a large number of one-handled mugs similar to the one found at the Artemision. The goal of this classification was to determine whether it would be possible to assign a Thasian or a north Aegean origin to the Thasian finds as once suspec-ted by L. Ghali-Kahil and Ch. Koukouli-Chryssanthaki.64 The results of the classification did not reveal any geochemical correlations between the Thasian mugs and the pottery from Abdera and the other sites from the continent (Fig. 16a). However, the cross-references performed with the local Thasian pottery indicate a high degree of geochemical correspondences between the mugs belonging to group Mug-2 and Archaic vases uncovered at the workshop site of Phari65 in

Figure 15a. WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and some “Ionian cups” from Thasos, the Black Sea, Naukratis and the Eastern Aegean. Final classification performed on 135 samples and 17 elements. (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

Figure 15b. (left section). WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and some “Ionian cups” from Thasos, the Black Sea, Naukratis and the Eastern Aegean. Final classification performed on 285 samples and 8 elements (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

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the south-western part of the island (Fig. 16b). The geochemical signature of the mugs are close, but divided into two clusters possibly representing the compositions of different workshops or clay sources. Another sample (Tha. 93) is classified with a group of 4th century Thasian common ware samples belonging to Blondé’s group 2. The mugs belonging to the first (Mug-1) group are isolated at the right end of the dendrogram.

Finally, a dendrogram gathering the Cycladic, Ionian and Thasian samples which display the greatest similarities with the geochemical compositions of the mugs was created in order to refine the potential origin of the vases (Fig. 17). The results confirm a clear association between the mugs belonging to group Mug-1 and the Geometric and Archaic pottery from Melos, Kimolos and Siphnos. They also confirm the association between the mugs belonging to group Mug-2 and the Paro-Melian and local Thasian pottery, thus suggesting a local Thasian origin for this group. The classification rejects any East Greek or Samian connections despite the fact that some East Greek samples are included in Thasian clusters in the classification “Figure 17b” based on 8 major and minor elements (see note 59).

Figure 15c. (middle section). WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and some “Ion-ian cups” from Thasos, the Black Sea, Naukratis and the Eastern Aegean. Final classification performed on 285 samples and 8 elements. (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

Figure 15d. (right section). WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and some “Ion-ian cups” from Thasos, the Black Sea, Naukratis and the Eastern Aegean. Final classification performed on 285 samples and 8 elements (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

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Figure 16a. WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and Abderian local pottery. Final classification performed on 167 samples (out of 210) and 17 elements (The Thasian mugs are high-lighted in gray).

Figure 16b. WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between the Thasian mugs and Thasian local pottery. Final classification performed on 172 samples (out of 800) and 17 elements (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

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Figure 17a. WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between Thasian mugs, Cycladic pottery, “Ionian cups” and Thasian local pottery samples having displayed the closest geochemical compositions with the one-handled mugs. Final classification performed on 90 samples and 17 elements (The Thasian mugs are high-lighted in gray).

Figure 17b. (left and middle sections). WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between Thasian mugs, Cycladic pottery, “Ionian cups” and Thasian local pottery samples having displayed the closest geochemical compo-sitions with the one-handled mugs. Final classification performed on 240 samples and 8 major elements (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

Figure 17c. (right section). WD-XRF geochemical comparisons between Thasian mugs, Cycladic pottery, “Ionian cups” and Thasian local pottery samples having displayed the closest geochemical compositions with the one-handled mugs. Final classification performed on 240 samples and 8 major elements (The Thasian mugs are highlighted in gray).

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DISCUSSION ON THE FOREIGN INFLUENCES AT THE BASE OF THE THASIAN PRODUCTIONThe results of the WD-XRF program have revealed two potential areas of production for the

one-handled mugs found at the Artemision of Thasos: one on Thasos and one in the Cyclades. If the Thasian attribution confirms the macroscopic observations performed on the collection (see clay groups MFG.2 and MFG.3), the assignment of a workshop to Siphnos or Melos was unex-pected. According to the geochemical and petrographic studies conducted by Villard and Gautier in the 1980s, the pottery production of Melos did not seem to have benefited from a wide dif-fusion outside the island except for a small group of Late Geometric and Orientalizing pottery found in Kimolos and in a few other islands.66 In addition, almost no Melian Geometric or Archaic pottery has been found on far-away settlements and particularly in the North Aegean. As for Siphnos, the local origin attributed to the Archaic pottery documented by J.K. Brock, and recog-nized on several Eastern Mediterranean sites, is still increasingly challenged.67 The study carried out by Villard and Gautier has also demonstrated clear geochemical and petrographical distinc-tions between the pottery sherds sampled on Siphnos and Melos. However in dendrogram Clus-ter 1, the samples from Siphnos and Melos are embedded in a homogeneous cluster which also contains an Orientalizing sample from Melos (geochemical group M III) supposedly, according to Villard’ study, exogenous to the island.68 Consequently, a question can be brought forward: could the geochemical compositions of the Melian and Siphnian pottery resemble other clay composi-tions from the Cyclades? According to a petrographic study performed by the Fitch laboratory in the early 1980s, the clay used for the production of Melian vases is remarkably similar to those of Geometric pottery sherds collected on Paros and whose origins are likely Parian.69 A geochemi-cal analysis carried out by Optic Emission Spectrophotometry on a “Siphnian” one-handled mug discovered at Tocra had also revealed that the origin of the vase could actually be Parian.70 These observations are central for the sake of our research, because of all the Cycladic islands that may have influenced Thasian pottery craft, Paros remains the most probable. The cultural borrowings between Thasian and Parian workshops are well documented as evidenced by some Oriental-izing pottery imitations found all over the island,71 and by the production of cups decorated with a row of dots and small craters well recognized at Phari.72 These borrowings are embedded in a long tradition of political, religious and cultural ties that link Paros to Thasos and that are also documented by various other epigraphic, archaeological and literary sources.73 As one-handled mugs have been found in 7th and 6th century contexts in Paros, it would not be absurd to sug-gest Paros as the place of origin of the mugs belonging to group Mug-1.

This hypothesis would however rule out Euboea, Andros and Naxos where several one-handled mugs have also been produced and uncovered. But despite the lack of any comparative samples from Euboea in the Lyon database that could have helped to clearly dismiss Euboea from the potential diffusion centers, the Euboean mug production reached its peak at the end of the Pro-togeometric and the Late Geometric periods. Consequently, the Euboean mugs could not have directly influenced the Thasian production. The very anecdotal presence of Euboean imports in Thasos also supports this postulate.74 However, Euboean mugs of the Late Geometric II period have circulated in the Chalcidice and the Thermaic Gulf. The vases could theoretically have been imitated by the first colonial settlements that could then have transmitted the shape to Thasian workshops. Several Iron Age pottery sherds from the Chalcidice and the Thermaic Gulf have been found in pre-colonial levels of Limenas showing that pottery was circulating between Thasos and

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the north-west Aegean. The Euboean influence could also have been transmitted first to Paros and then to Thasos, following the Parian colonization movement. According to M. Tiverios, Paros and Eretria shared close ties following the Lelantine War and a number of ideas, men and goods may have circulated between the two cities.75

As for Andros, the production of one-handled mugs reached its peak during the Late Geomet-ric period, a century before the production of the Thasian mugs. However, a recent archaeomet-ric program co-directed by Canadian and Australian universities aimed to demonstrate that the 7th and 6th centuries “Siphnian pottery” could actually be assigned to Andros.76 But whatever conclusion their archaeometric program will bring forward, the clays used in the manufacture of the Andro-Siphnian one-handled mugs are easily recognizable and very different from the Tha-sian mug clays. Furthermore, imports from Siphnos and Andros are uncommon in Thasos mak-ing these two islands very unlikely to have influenced Thasian productions. Finally for Naxos, a recent study has indicated that almost no Naxian pottery was found on Paros and that a handful of Naxian pottery traveled to the northern Aegean reflecting somehow the existence of exclusive trading circuits for these great rival islands.77 A direct influence of the Naxian one-handled mug production on Thasian pottery craft is thus very doubtful.

THE FUNCTION AND THE USES OF THE ONE-HANDLED MUGSOne of the particularities shared by most of the mugs recorded in the Greek world is that they

have often been retrieved from female divinity sanctuaries and child graves. According to similar associations observed elsewhere in the Mediterranean, it would not be impossible that these drinking vessels were considered as special objects offered to young boys at the moment of their “rite of passage” from puberty to adulthood, tendered by ephebes to female kourotrophoi deities following their initiation to sympotic practices and their integration to the civic world or offered by mourning parents to the divinity in memory of their deceased children.78 One of the major functions of the cult of Artemis is precisely related to life stages of women and young people.79 At Thasos, although the study of the small finds and figurines recently confirmed a strong participation of the female population in the celebration of the cult,80 a recent study car-ried out on the late Archaic material found at the sanctuary shows a surprisingly large number of drinking vessels that could reveal the existence of a ritual devoted to the initiation of male teenagers.81 Several literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources highlight the importance of cups and drinking vessels in the initiation of young men to symposia which corresponds to an im-portant rite of passage in the Greek world.82 Young boys and teenagers frequented symposia and female deity sanctuaries,83 but the association “mugs-children-Artemis” could possibly reflect the celebration of a ritual which was actually attested in Thasos during the first century BC.84 The location of the Artemision in a steep environment at the fringe of the Archaic city wall and the floodplain marks this idea of passage between the fierce forces of nature and the civilized world. As for the mugs uncovered in children’s graves elsewhere in the Mediterranean, some scholars believe that their use (and more generally of drinking vessels) could represent a generic male, warrior or citizen status that the boy would have acquired if he had reached adulthood.85 Further studies on the mug discovery contexts and accompanying finds should be undertaken before confirming this hypothesis, but the presence of mugs at the Artemision of Thasos could possibly reflect a votive and/or initiatory tradition that would not only be specific to Thasos, but

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embedded and shared by several Greek settlements from the Protogeometric to the end of the Archaic period.

CONCLUSIONTo conclude, the preliminary results of the archaeometric analysis program carried out on

the one-handled mugs from Thasos allowed us to clarify the following elements. First, they have confirmed the local origin of some samples as previously suggested by Ghali-Kahil and Koukou-li-Chryssanthaki. The attribution of one or more workshops to Thasos represents an important archaeological breakthrough as it demonstrates that Thasian potters did not only emulated the richly decorated Orientalizing productions of Paros and Asia Minor, but also more sober and mo-dest productions of the 7th century. In addition to the reliefs ware and the Orientalizing pottery imitations, the Thasian one-handled mugs represent one of the oldest categories of reproduc-tion of Cycladic and southern Greek pottery in Thasos. Moreover, the attribution of a workshop to Thasos raises a number of considerations on the origin of the other North Aegean mugs, especially those coming from Abdera and the Thasian peraea. The physico-chemical analysis of pottery samples coming from these sites could eventually redefine the commonly attributed tra-ding routes of these vases by re-attributing them to Thasian or other North Aegean workshops. Second, the geochemical analysis attributed with a high degree of certainty a Cycladic origin to the mugs belonging to group Mug-1. The geochemical correlations suggested close ties with Siphnos and Melos. However, the geochemical overlaps of the Siphnian and Melian pottery samples, combined with the Fitch Laboratory petrographic studies performed in the 1980s and the archaeological study of the Aegean colonization and trading networks, allow us to suggest a possible Parian origin to the mugs belonging to group Mug-1. Finally, the study allowed us to put into perspective an interesting relationship between the presence of one-handled mugs in Pro-togeometric, Geometric and Archaic children’s graves, their offering in female deity sanctuaries of mainland Greece and the Cyclades, and their presence at the Thasian Artemision. As demons-trated, this connection could conceal the existence of a mourning or an age-class ritual system dedicated to Ephebes or young males. A ritual that could have possibly been shared by several Greek communities from the Late Protogeometric to the Late Archaic period.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research project has benefitted the Initiative d’Excellence European programme support-ed by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche n°ANR-10-LABX-52. I warmly thank the Université Bordeaux-Montaigne, the Institut Ausonius and the Laboratoire de Céramologie de Lyon (UMR 5138) for their support and Professor Jean-Jacques Maffre and Mrs. Anne Tichit for allowing me to study this material.

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NOTES

1. See above all Weill 1985; Coulié 2000; 2005; 2008; Huysecom-Haxhi 2009; Maffre 2012; Maffre and Tichit 2011; Pipili 2012, 197-208; Prêtre 2016.

2. Grandjean and Salviat 2000, 89; Maffre and Tichit 2011, 139. 3. Grandjean and Salviat 2000, 89; Coulié 2008, 443-44; Maffre and Tichit 2011, 140. 4. Weill 1985, 13, fig. 7; Neeft 2012, 189-96. 5. BCH 84, 1960, 858-62, fig. 1, 4; Salviat and Weill 1960, 347-86; Salviat and Weill 1961, 98-122; Salviat

1983a, 185-90; 1983b, 201-16; Coulié 2000, 99-160; 2005, 272-73; 2008, 427-48. 6. BCH 84, 1960, 862, figs. 5-6; Salviat and Weill 1961, 116-18, fig. 11-12. 7. See Bernard 1964, 116-37 for parallels. 8. See BCH 83, 1959, 780; BCH 84, 1960, 858-62; BCH 102, 1978, 828-29; BCH 108, 1984, 869-72; Weill

1985, 13, note 1; Huysecom-Haxhi 2009, 15, 18. 9. See Villard and Vallet 1955; Schlotzhauer 2001, 19-20; Schlotzhauer and Villing 2006, 59-62 (types 8B,

5B, 10B and 11). 10. See notes 5-9 for references. 11. According to the observations made by the excavator of the upper terrace, this deposit lies in situ

above the bedrock and under (or in relation with) the remaining Archaic wall of the first sanctuary. However, some scholars believe that this deposit consists of a fill taken from another area of the colony and put in place during the late 7th or early 6th century BC to create the upper terrace. See BCH 102, 1978, 828-29; BCH 108, 1984, 869-72; Maffre and Tichit 2011, 140 and also Prêtre 2016, 2.

12. BCH 102, 1978, 821-29; Weill 1985, 9; Huysecom-Haxhi 2009, 16. 13. Études thasiennes IX, 16, note 35, fig. 15 a. Gray bucchero mugs are also known from Assos. See Utili

1999, 84-85, 248, fig. 38, no. 678 (late 7th-early 6th c.). 14. Servais et al. 1980, 16; Grandjean and Salviat 2000, 164. 15. Unpublished material recorded by the author. 16. Koukouli-Chryssanthaki 2012, 328, fig. 13 γ. 17. Vokotopoulou et al. 1990, 435, fig. 15; Soueref 1998, 236, fig. 16. 18. Kallintzi 2006, 144, fig. 18.2; Kallintzi and Papaikonomou 2010, 134; Skarlatidou 2004, 250, fig. 13;

2010, 268-70, group 2Γα, mugs K159β, fig. 149 and K271α, fig. 103; 2012, 453-60. 19. Kaltsas 1998, 86, Tomb 1468, no. 728, pl. 90 b (late 7th c.) and 228-31, fig. 13, nos. 1127, 1068, 1067,

1097 and 1074 (mugs of type A); Trakosopoulou-Salakidou 2013, 151-52, fig. 19 (Tomb 8732, no. inv. I.01.55, last quarter of the 7th c.); Panti 2008, 38-42, 314, mugs of type I (last quarter of the 7th-first decades of the 6th c.), no. 52, fig. 5 ι, pl. 8 λ; no. 53, fig. 5 κ, pl. 8 μ, no. 54, fig. 5 λ (last quarter of the 6th c.); no. 55, pl. 9 α; no. 56, fig. 6 α, pl. 9 γ; no. 57, fig. 6 β, pl. 9 δ; no. 58, fig. 6 γ; no. 60, fig. 6 ε. The chronology established by the author (p. 40-41, 314) for the mug no. 53 (circa 700 BC) is unlikely despite the fact that it has been uncovered together with a Protocorinthian aryballos. A late 7th-6th c. dating is more plausible according to regional parallels.

20. Vokotopoulou 1987, 282, fig. 13 (end of the 7th c.); Moschonnesioti 2010, 212-13, fig. 5a (pitgrave no. 236) and fig. 7a; 2012, 204-205, fig. 6 α-στ.

21. Bonias et al. 2012, 211, fig. 5, no. C-11070. 22. Olynthus V, 29-30, pl. 27, P40 (Granary G11). 23. Boardman 1967, 124, fig. 78, nos. 372, 378; Beaumont and Archontidou-Argyri 2004, 222-23, nos. 48-

53 (especially no. 49), fig. 11 (Kato Phana, Subgeometric to 7th c.). For a Protogeometric example, see Archontidou-Argyri 2004, 207, 211, fig. 1 and fig. 9, no. BEX4037 (Ayios Isodoros, Andrioti lot, Tomb I).

24. From the Heraion. See Technau 1929, 33, fig. 25, no. 2; Walter 1957, pl. 52, no. 4; Walter and Viernisel

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1959, pl. 14, no. 5, pl. 34, no. 8 (Brunnen G), pl. 36, no. 2 (Brunnen G), pl. 60, nos. 1, 2, 5 (Bothros); Kopcke 1968, 271, pl. 104, nos. 8-11; Furtwängler and Kienast 1989, 117, no. Ia/1, fig. 22, pl. 25 (Nor-Bau, Prostasis Phase Ia).

25. Skarlatidou 2010, 268-70. 26. Kaltsas 1998, 230-31; Moschonessioti 2012, 204-205; Trakosopoulou-Salakidou 2013, 151-52. 27. Bonias et al. 2012, 211; Kazakis et al. 2015. For “Siphnian” examples, see Brock and Mackworth Young

1949, 44, pl. 16, no. 2 (Find from the acropolis, 7th c.) and Tocra I, 35, pl. 19, fig. 15, no. 2085 (late 7th- early 6th c.).

28. See Zagora II, 198-99, pl. 129 b-c (Fortification Wall area, LG), pl. 219 a-b (Area H, Unit H41, habitat, LG II) and 165-66, pl. 256 c-d (Temple and its surrounds, Unit H30, LG); Televantou 2004, 423, fig. 5; 2008, 36, fig. 40-41, 48, fig. 63 (Ypsili, Temple area, LGII).

29. A few examples of the Geometric period are in exhibition at the Paroikia Archaeological Museum.30. Bikakis 1985, 280, pl. 58, no. 455 inv. 5691 (Kaukara Gyle necropolis, 6th c.); Kourou 1999, fig. 20-23,

pl. 35, 38-39; Zapheiropoulou 2010, 243, fig. 5b; 2013, 73, fig 6β (Chora, Kastro Hill Necropolis, MG II); Charalambidou 2013, 81-84, fig. 8, no. inv. 3880 (Tsikalario Necropolis, Tomb 11, MG II). Several other examples are in exhibition at the Archaeological Museum of Naxos.

31. Vergina I, 91, no. 17, pl. 43 (Tomb N, Protogeometric) and 180-81, fig. 30.32. Andreiomenou 1986, 101, 110-11, fig. 29 b-d, nos. 31-36 (Lot Kanatselos, Child tomb TI and TIV, EPG to

SPG); 1992, 88-90, 114, fig. 1-2, 10, nos. 5, 6, 13-15 (Piraïki-Patraïki well).33. Coldstream 1977, 39, fig. 9d (early 9th c.); Lefkandi I, 295, pl. 102, 144, 148 (Mugs, Group V);

Lemos 2002, 27-30, pl. 46.7 (Toumba, Tomb T.54, LPG) and pl. 54.3 (Tomb 46, LPG); Eretria XXII, 85, 88-89, pl. 85, no. 224 (Eretria, Apollo Daphnephoros sanctuary, Phase II, Pit 254 mugs of type TA3, LG II); Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1998, 66, 79, fig. 33, no. 4 inv. 122 (Kyme, Cist rock-tomb, MG II).

34. Eretria XX, 71-73 (types TA1-TA3), pl. 88, pl. 99, nos. 91, 113, 162; Kenzelmann-Pfyffer 2011, 896, Tables 1-5. (From several LG I and LG II contexts uncovered at the sanctuary of Apollo and at the West Quar-ter). Similar mugs dated to the Early Archaic period are also known at Eretria. See Eretria III, pl. 15, no. 65 and pl. 16, no. 71 (Heroon of the West Gate).

35. Fragments of Protogeometric and Early Geometric Euboean pottery are known from Vergina, Mende-Poseidi, Torone, Methoni, Karabournaki, Sindos, Kastanas and a few other settlements. See Vergina I, 180-81, fig. 30; Vokotopoulou 1990, 403-10; Moschonnesioti 1998; 2004; Paspalas 2006-2007, 25-43; Tiverios 1998; 2008, 1-17; 2013; Gimatzidis 2010; 2011, 957-70.

36. Courbin 1966, 220-24, pl. 71, no. C.58 and pl. 72, no. C.522, pl. 74, no. C. 2457. Similar examples are also recorded at Asine, Lerna and Tyrinth.

37. Lemos 2002, 29-33, pl. 31,2 (Protogeometric); Agora VIII, 2, 53, pl. 10, nos. 180-84 (Phaleron cups, late 8th-early 7th c.); Young 1942, 27, fig. 4, nos. 19-IB, 19-IA (Grave 19, early 7th c.), 32, fig. 10, no. 29-2 (Grave 29, first quarter of the 7th c.), 37, fig. 19 (Grave 48) and fig. 23 (Grave 74), 40, no. 74-IA (third quarter of the 7th c.), 42-43, fig. 27, no. 18A-1 (Grave 18A, end of the 7th c.); Kerameikos VI.2, 450-451, no. 39, pl. 31, inv. 93 (Späten necropolis, LG); Lynch 2015, 235, fig. 9.1 (Athens Agora, Young Male Grave, Deposit D 16:4, no. inv. P20181, Geometric period); Pologiorgi 2003-2009, 196, fig. 75, no. K701 (Ano Halandri, enchytrismos 1) and 200, fig. 83, no. K713 enchytrismos 2, late 8th-early 7th c.); Mazara-kis Ainian and Alexandridou 2011, 165-66, fig. 4a (“Sacred House” of the Academy, Kokkinogenis plot, EG Deposit and children tombs).

38. Vlachou 2010, pl. 45; 2011, 89-96, fig. 3.39. Boardman 1960, 131, pl. 36, nos. I.44-I.45 (Aghios Ioannis, Tomb I, PG); Coldstream et al. 2001, 55-57,

fig. I.19 h, j, k, pl. 27 c-f (Attic imports and local productions, MG I); Andreadaki-Vlazaki 2004, 30, fig. 6 ΠΑΠ 114 (Splantzia, lot N. Papadopoulou, LG II); Kotsonas 2008, 197-211, fig. 48-51 (Eleftherna, PG);

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2011, 946-47, fig. 2-3 (Knossos, Eleftherna, PG); Erickson 2002, 49-50, fig. 3, nos. 2-8 (Kato Syme, Sanc-tuary, 6th c.); Wescowski 2010-2012, 34-36; Tsatsaki 2013, 272, fig. 23, nos. 2-3.

40. Coldstream 1977, 66, fig. 20 a (Tell Abu Hawam, mid-9th c.); Walbaum 1994, 55, fig. 3a-b (Tell Abu Hawam, stratum III, MG).

41. The oldest known examples of one-handled mugs similar to the Thasian types are of Attic and Argive origins and derived from LHIIIC prototypes. Some Subminoan productions also display shape and or-namentation close to the Thasian finds. On the subject see Vergina I, 180-81; Lemos 2002, 27-33; Kotsonas 2008, 197-211.

42. Megara Hyblaea II, 185, pl. 207, nos. 3-6; Bouffier 2012, 137, fig. 3 (Child Tomb T.16).43. EAD XV, 51, 66, nos. 95-96, pl. XXXII E (LG II, Group Ae).44. Thera II, 151, fig. 365.45. Butt 1977, 305-307, 312, fig. 2, nos. 23-24, pl. 68 (Ayia Irini, mugs of Group I – “Siphnian”, late 7th-early

6th c.).46. Clara Rhodos VI, 64, fig. 76 (Camiros, Tomb XVI, Sepolcreto di Papatislures, late 7th-early 6th c.).47. Berti 2007, 439, pl. 52.2 (Agora necropolis, Tomb XLIX, child grave, LG).48. Mariaud 2011, 691 (Grave D, Mound II, child grave, LG).49. Tocra II, 35, pl. 19, fig. 15, no. 2085 (late 7th-early 6th c.). A mug is also known from Level 8.50. SCE II, 420, tomb 82, no. 26, pl. CXXXIX no. 15 (Marion, Tomb 82, East Greek cup, circa 600 BCE); Gjer-

stad 1977, 34, no. 159, pl. XVII, no. 6.51. See above all Vergina I, 215-18, fig. 55-58, pl. 38, nos. 8, 16, pl. 41, no. 19, pl. 50, no. 18, pl. 61, no. 13

(funerary context); Wardle 1993, 133, fig. 7.2 (Assiros, LHIIIC imitations); Chavela 2004, 334-35, fig. 9 (Toumba, gray ware mugs, Group Γ); Trakosopoulou-Salakidou 2013, 150-52, fig. 17-19 (Akanthos, funerary context).

52. Laboratoire de Céramologie, UMR 5138 Archéologie-Archéométrie, Maison de l’Orient et de la Médi-terranée de Lyon. I would like to thank Valérie Thirion-Merle and Alain Bernet for their guidance and support and Maria Nikolaïdou-Patera, Stavroula Dadaki and Dimitra Malamidou (18th Ephoreia of Pre-historic and Classical Antiquities of Kavala) for having facilitated the sampling procedures in Thasos.

53. The information can be consulted on the laboratory’s webpage online at http://www.arar.mom.fr/qui-sommes-nous/laboratoire-de-ceramologie/equipements-du-laboratoire-d-analyses-des-materiaux-archeologiques/spectrometre

54. Villard 1993, 145-55, figs. 1-51.55. See Villard 1993. The analytical methodology used by the Lyon laboratory in the 1980s is very similar

to the one used by us in 2015. The WD-XRF device is, however, not the same.56. Villard 1993, 149-50, 159, fig. 1-3, 44; Gautier 1990, 66-68; 1993, 173-76. The Thasian mugs share

closed compositions with pottery samples (Si 43-Si 44 = Lyon samples CCL79-80). See (Lyon, samples CCL28 = Melos 4, CCL34-35 = Melos 10 and 13, CCL39-44 = Kimolos 11, 15, 20, 22, 24, 26)

57. Villard 1993, 154-55, fig. 13 (Lyon, samples nos. CCL1-12); Gautier 1990, 75-77; 1993, 185-89, Tab. 5. See also Zapheiropoulou 2003, 6-10. For other north-Aegean imitations, see Manakidou 2012, 201-13.

58. Knauss 2003, 188-92, fig. 31.59. Dupont and Lungu 2012, 255-78; 2014, 91-111. Several of the analyses carried out by P. Dupont on the

East Greek samples in the 1970s and 1980s were based on 8 geochemical elements making full geo-chemical comparisons impossible. Two sets of classifications based on 17 and 8 geochemical elements were thus performed.

60. See Coulié 2002; Huysecom-Haxhi 2009; Perron 2010; 2012; 2013a; 2013b.61. Dupont 2014, 94.62. See Blondé and Picon 1999; 2000; 2007, 29-32, 47-50, Tableau I.

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63. Blondé and Picon 2000, 161-88, Tableau 2; Blondé 2007, sample numbers ABD 1-200 and C 1605-1619 (Abdera, Group I).

64. Études thasiennes VII, 72, pl. XXX, no. 128; Koukouli-Chryssanthaki 2012, 328.65. Blondé, Perreault and Peristeri 1992, 11-40; 2012, 129-38.66. Zapheiropoulou 1983; Gautier 1993, 175-76; Villard 1993, 150-51; Coulié 2005, 270. See also Jones

1986, 652-56. 67. Jones 1986, 659; Bonias et al. 2012, 209-14; Kazakis et al. 2015, 73-86.68. Villard 1993, 150; Gautier 1993, 174, Tableau 1, sample no. Me 13 = Lyon sample CCL35.69. Jones 1986, 652-58; Coulié 2005, 269.70. Jones 1986, 659, Table 8.19; Tocra I, 887-93, no. 2085.71. See Salviat and Weill 1960, 347-86; Salviat and Weill 1961, 98-122; Salviat 1983a, 185-90; Coulié 2000;

2008; Coulié and Jubier-Galinier 2003, 197-200.72. Tiverios 1989, 617; Blondé, Perreault and Peristeri 1992, 24-30, fig. 11-14; Perreault 1999, 253-60.73. See Pouilloux 1954; Tiverios 1989, 617-18; 2006, 72-79; Trippé in this volume.74. For some Euboean or Euboeanizing finds in Thasos, see Bernard 1964, 140-42, no. 220, fig. 10, 52;

Gimatzidis 2002, 74, fig. 1; Tiverios 2006, 76; 2008, 8.75. Tiverios 1989, 617-18; 2006, 75-76.76. Bonias et al. 2012, 209-14; Kazakis et al. 2012; 2015, 73-86.77. Knauss 2003, 188-89; Coulié 2005, 261.78. Kotsonas 2008, 210; 2011, 949; Tichit 2013, 113-24 and in this volume. It would not be impossible that

the mugs could “only” have served in the instrumentum of ritual meals performed at the sanctuary. On the topic, see Verdan, Kenzelmann-Pfyffer 2011, 895-96.

79. Huysecom-Hahxi 2009, 569, 599-600; Lundgreen 2009, 123; Vikela 2008, 82; Prêtre 2011-2012, 7; 2016, 132-37.

80. Huysecom-Hahxi 2009, 569, 599-600; Prêtre 2011-2012, 8-9.81. Tichit 2013, 113-24. A similar phenomenon, but involving offerings of young male sculptures, has also

been documented at the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron during the 4th c. BC. According to Lundgreen (2009, 123-24), the boys head could have been offered to Apollo, brother of Artemis and also a kouro-throphos divinity.

82. Tichit 2013.83. Huysecom-Hahxi 2009, 601-604; Pomadère 2011, 526-27.84. Huysecom-Hahxi 2009, 601-604.85. On the subject, see Houby-Nielsen 1996, 148; Huysecom-Haxhi 2008, 67-68; 2009, 569; Pomadère

2011, 526-27. However, despite the attractiveness of this hypothesis, very few north Aegean pu-blications mention the gender of the deceased buried with the one-handled mugs. Large quantity of decorated pottery, sympotic shapes with male-gendered scenes also appear in female burials elsewhere in Macedonia making the hypothesis fragile. Moreover, the number of child burials which were not provided with grave offerings is large and exceptions and variations as to the de-position or not of grave gifts make any general rule on the subject doubtful. See Saripanidi 2016, 95; Vlachou 2012, 382-84. Finally, Houby-Nielsen (1996, 244) has noted that in Archaic Athens, drinking vessels were most of the time deposited in young children tombs. Mazarakis Ainian and Alexandridou (2011, 174-75) have also recorded several hundreds of mugs in child burials near the Sacred House of the Academy at Athens. The mugs could have served as drinking vessels in a sort of “cult of the dead” dining ritual to commemorate massive infantile mortality episodes (such as epidemics). The presence of one-handled mugs in child burials at the Clazomenian necropolis of Abdera (mid-7th to end of the first quarter of the 6th c.) could likely support this postulate.

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Forensic anthropology studies performed on the child skeletons (Agelarakis 2010, 375-88) have revealed that some of the deceased could have died from childhood diseases, anemias, malnu-trition and epidemics. Abdera was known as a settlement surrounded by marches, slow moving sands and stagnant watersheds presenting optimal conditions for the development and diffusion of epidemics such as malaria (See Skarlatidou 1986, 105-106; Koukouli-Chryssanthaki 1994, 46). Nevertheless, only a few child burials were accompanied with one-handled mugs as funerary offerings (See Kallintzi and Papaikonomou 2010, 137 and 140 contra the epidemics hypothesis).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ABBREVIATIONS

Agora VIII Brann, E.T.H. (ed.) 1962. The Athenian Agora vol. VIII. Late Geometric and Protoattic Pottery (mid-8th to Late 7th Century B.C.). Princeton: The American School of Classi-cal Studies at Athens.

BCH 83, 1959 “Chroniques de fouilles 1958. Thasos. Artémision” BCH 83, 775-90.BCH 84, 1960 “Chroniques de fouilles 1959. Thasos. Artémision” BCH 84, 856-62.BCH 102, 1978 “Chroniques de fouilles 1977. Thasos. Artémision” BCH 102, 828-29.BCH 108, 1984 “Chroniques de fouilles 1983. Thasos. Artémision. Le péribole carré” BCH 108, 869-72.Clara Rhodos VI Jacopi, G. (ed.) 1932-1933. Clara Rhodos, vols. VI-VII (Part I). Scavi nella necropoli di Rodi

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EAD XV Dugas, Ch. and K. Rhomaios (eds.) 1934. Les vases préhelléniques et géométriques, Exploration archéologique de Délos XV. Paris: École française d’Athènes.

Eretria III Bérard, C. (ed.) 1970. Eretria III. L’Hérôon à la Porte Ouest. Berne: École suisse d’archéologie en Grèce.

Eretria XX Verdan, S., A. Kenzelmann Pfyffer and C. Léderrey (eds.) 2008. Eretria XXII. Le sanctuaire d’Apollon Daphnéphoros à l’époque géométrique. Fouilles et recherches. Gollion: École suisse d’archéologie en Grèce.

Eretria XXII Verdan, S. (ed.) 2013. Eretria XXII. Le sanctuaire d’Apollon Daphnéphoros à l’époque géométrique. Gollion: École suisse d’archéologie en Grèce.

Kerameikos VI.2 Kübler, K. (ed.) 1970. Kerameikos : Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen Band 6 Teil.2. Die Nekropole des Späten 8. Bis Frühen 6. Jahrhunderts. Berlin: Deutches Archäologis-ches Institut.

Lefkandi I Popham, M. R., L. H. Sackett and P. G. Themelis (eds.) 1980. Lefkandi I, The Iron Age. The Settlement. The Cemeteries, BSA Suppl. 11. London: The British School at Athens.

Megara Hyblaea II Vallet, G. and F. Villard (ed.) 1964. Mégara Hyblaea II. La céramique archaïque. École Française de Rome. Paris: Mélanges d’Archéologie et d’Histoire, Suppl. 1.

Olynthus V Mylonas, G. E. 1933. “Pre-Persian Pottery from Olynthus.” Ιn D.M. Robinson (ed.), Ex-cavations at Olynthus vol. V. Mosaics, Vases and Lamps of Olynthus found in 1928 and 1931, 15-63. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Studies in Archaeology 18.

SCE II Gjerstad, E. (ed.) 1935. The Swedish Cyprus Expedition: Finds and Results of the Exca-vation in Cyprus 1927-1931. Vol. II. Stockholm.

Thera II Dragendorff, H. and F. Hiller von Gaertringen (eds.) 1903. Thera: Untersuchungen, Vermessungen und Ausgrabungen in den Jahren 1895-1902 (Band 2): Theraeische Gräber. Berlin.

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Vergina I Andronicos, M. (ed.) 1969. Βεργίνα Ι. Το νεκροταφείον των τύμβων. Βιβλιοθήκη της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 62. Athens.

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ABSTRACT

ARCHAIC ONE-HANDLED MUGS FROM THASOS: A PARIAN ORIGIN?

Between 1959 and 1983, the archaeological excavations conducted at the sanctuary of Ar-temis in Thasos have yielded a large amount of Archaic drinking vessels among the offerings. Among the finds, emerges a group of monochrome one-handled mugs (μόνωτα κύπελλα) whose frequent association with Early Corinthian pottery, North Ionian bird bowls and Ionian cups of Villard and Vallet’s type “A1” suggests a dating in the second half of the 7th to the first decades of the 6th century BC. The shape is known and widespread in other coastal settlements of Thrace and the Chalcidice during the Archaic period, but is also acknowledged in several East Greek, Attic, Cycladic, and Euboean settlements of the Protogeometric and Geometric periods which brought some north-Aegean scholars to debate on the possible origin(s) of the production.

To gather information on the origin of the one-handled mugs uncovered in Thasos, a prove-nance-study program using X-ray fluorescence spectrometry has been implemented at the Labo-ratoire de Céramologie de la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée of Lyon. The classification and geochemical comparisons performed between the mugs and other Thasian, North Aegean, Cycladic and East Greek pottery assemblages indicate two possible origins of the analyzed frag-ments: one local and one Cycladic. Based on the physico-chemical results and the historical back-ground that links Thasos to Paros, this paper will demonstrate how the one-handled mugs found at the sanctuary of Artemis could have been disseminated through Parian colonial and trading ventures and how the study of these mugs can provide new information on the long tradition of Parian influences on Thasian pottery craft and ritual practices associated with young men and female deity sanctuaries.

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ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ

ΑΡΧΑΪΚΑ ΜΟΝΩΤΑ ΚΥΠΕΛΛΑ ΑΠΟ ΤΗ ΘΑΣΟ: ΠΡΟΕΛΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΠΑΡΟ;

Αρχαιολογικές ανασκαφές που πραγματοποιήθηκαν μεταξύ 1959 και 1983 στο Αρτεμίσιο της Θάσου, έφεραν στο φως μεγάλη ποσότητα αρχαϊκών αγγείων πόσεως. Ανάμεσά τους δι-ακρίνεται ομάδα από μόνωτα κύπελλα, η συχνή σύνδεση των οποίων με πρωτο-κορινθιακή κεραμική και κύπελλα των τύπων Villard και Vallet “A1”, ευνοεί μια χρονολόγηση στο β’ μισό του 7ου - πρώτες δεκαετίες του 6ου αιώνα π.Χ. Το σχήμα είναι γνωστό και ευρέως διαδεδομένο σε άλλους παραλιακούς οικισμούς της Θράκης και της Χαλκιδικής κατά την Αρχαϊκή περίοδο, επίσης απαντάται σε οικισμούς της Πρωτογεωμετρικής και Γεωμετρικής περιόδου στην ανα-τολική Ελλάδα, Αττική, Κυκλάδες και Εύβοια, γεγονός που προκάλεσε συζήτηση ανάμεσα σε επιστήμονες που ασχολούνται με το βόρειο Αιγαίο αναφορικά με την πιθανή προέλευση αυτής της παραγωγής.

Για την άντληση πληροφοριών σχετικά με την προέλευση των μόνωτων κυπέλλων από τη Θάσο, πραγματοποιήθηκε στο Laboratoire de Céramologie de la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée της Λυών, ανάλυση με πρόγραμμα σπεκτρομετρίας. Η ταξινόμηση και γεωχημική σύγκριση ανάμεσα στα κύπελλα και άλλη κεραμική από τη Θάσο, το βόρειο Αιγαίο, τις Κυκλά-δες και την ανατολική Ελλάδα κατέδειξε δύο πιθανές πηγές προέλευσης των δειγμάτων που αναλύθηκαν: η μια τοπική και η άλλη από τις Κυκλάδες. Με βάση τα αποτελέσματα αυτής της ανάλυσης και τους ιστορικούς δεσμούς ανάμεσα στη Θάσο και την Πάρο, με αυτή την ανακοί-νωση θα καταδείξουμε πώς τα μόνωτα κύπελλα που βρέθηκαν στο ιερό της Αρτέμιδος, μπορεί να είχαν διαδοθεί μέσω των αποικιστικών και εμπορικών επιχειρήσεων των Παρίων, και πώς η μελέτη αυτών των κυπέλλων μπορεί να προσφέρει νέες πληροφορίες για τη μακρά παράδοση επιρροών της Πάρου στην κεραμική παραγωγή της Θάσου και για τελετουργικές πρακτικές που σχετίζονται με νεαρούς άνδρες και ιερά γυναικείων θεοτήτων.

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