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Christ or Caesar? : The Changing Iconography of Coins Under the Constantinians

Jonathan Avendano

Abstract: In hoc signo vinces : the common Latin translation of the Greek phrase ἐν τούτῳ νίκα, which Constantine the Great was said to have seen written out in the sky above a Christogram (☧). The eventual emperor would go on to fight under this symbol of the Christian God and become the divinely chosen ruler of Rome. Constantine brought the God who helped him vincere with him into his imperial seat, and from then on Rome would never be the same.

The early fourth century saw the notable arrival of the Constantinian Dynasty, and with it the beginning of Christianity as the religion of the emperors and the empire as a whole. The conversion from paganism to Christianity marked not just a religious switch, but an immense political, cultural, and geographic transformation as well. However, for much of the reigns of the Constantinian emperors, the marriage of Christianity with Rome was complex and still forming. The emperors and their newly liberated contingent of devotees were often at odds with the long-standing traditions and culture of the still mostly pagan empire, and the perception and role of the imperial seat itself was in flux. Signs, images, and icons throughout material culture both reflected this societal tug-of-war and played an active role in shaping it (Howgego 2005). Coins in particular present a fascinating arena for iconographic impact because of their near-universal usage and (in most cases) their directly imperial influence. As such, they are a paragon for studying the attitudes of both the masses and the sovereign. Therefore, analyzing how the use of Christian and pagan icons on coins begin, end, and change throughout the Constantinian Dynasty can give us a greater understanding of the evolution of the Roman empire at this critical juncture in Western European history, and especially provide some key insights into

In that endeavor, I begin with an introduction to the historical and political context relevant to the discussion of specific coin icons, spanning from A.D. 306 – 363 (from the ascension of Constantine the Great until the death of Julian the Apostate). Within this section there is an explication of the two primary foci employed for elucidating iconographic changes: (1) the divine sanction of the office of emperor (Odahl 1995) and (2) the shift from “illusionistic verisimilitude to abstraction” (Elsner 1995) related to the Christian walk of faith. The discussion of the coins themselves follows a roughly thematic path, dividing into Christian and pagan icons. The discussion of each icon includes its political and/or historical background as well as an interpretation of its significance within that space.

The Christian Icons discussed include the Cross, the Christogram, the Labarum, the Helmet of Constantine, Nimbate Icons (i.e., with a Halo), the Cross and Globe Scepter, and ending with a discussion of a coin with inscription in hoc signo victor eris. Somewhat surprisingly, Constantine himself did not employ an extensive array of overtly Christian types, other than the Labarum, which held special theological significance and was supposedly even designed by the emperor himself (Odahl 1975). After the death of Constantine, Christian types become more prevalent not necessarily because of more pious emperors, but because of the political significance of aligning oneself with the Christian icons of the victorious conqueror who was Constantine the Great (especially for pretenders to the throne) (Williams 2007). The emperor was no longer the princeps civis of a shadow republic, but the explicit deliverer and ruler of the empire (Bleckmann 2014). Most relevant to each of these coins is their specific religious significance and their representation of divine imperial

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election. The images were found to be represented less as attacks on the established pagan religion, and more as emblems of Christian triumph.

Pagan icons are more complicated. Some continue to be maintained by Constantine and his successors, while others do not. Some are immediately disposed of, while some persist for a while before discontinuation. However, the vast majority of Roman personifications are done away with and replaced by the busts of Augusti, Caesari, and their families (Williams 2007). One notable exception is the god Sol, the sun god and highly linked to imperial power. Sol was interpreted as a loose depiction of Christ or simply a representation of the Christian sabbath, dies soli (Abdy 2012). However, the disappearance of Sol after the defeat of Licinius likely means that there were likely more political motivations for retaining the pagan god on coinage until Constantine had secured sole rule. Other discontinued types include Jupiter on the coins of Licinius (as champion of the pagan old ways against Constantine), and the revival of some Sol imagery with Julian the Apostate’s infamous bull (Woods 2000). Some pagan types were not abandoned, but became assimilated into the Christian visual tradition. Examples include Nike and the tropaium, as well as depictions of Constantinopolis and Roma. Nike and the tropaium are especially interesting because they eventually become an angel and a cross, respectively, under Theodosius II. This demonstrates one example of the ideas of Christian triumph coopting traditional Roman images of victory into its fold (Storch 1970). Finally, I discuss one type that straddles the fence between pagan and Christian. The Divus Constantinus depicts Constantine ascending to the heavens on a chariot, with a hand reaching down to bring him up. Christians interpret this as Constantine’s ascension to heaven, foretold by a passing comet, yet calling Constantine divus as in the traditional deification of deceased emperors (Bardill 2011). This coin represents well the balance between pagans and Christians that the emperor needed to uphold, staying true to his faith while keeping the pagans at peace. I conclude that coins tell us the story of a changing imperial office and the balance between old and new religion. The icons on coins also tell us about the epic struggle between Christian and pagan dominance, although neither overtly attacks the other. Yet, also, these coins show us how Christianity did incorporate many aspects of Roman culture. However, it was the power now associated with Christianity that brought the religion into the fore of Roman society and that likely attracted more converts (Harl 2001). Mostly poignantly, these coins show the ultimate triumph and dominance of Christianity within the political sphere, forever cementing it as the religion of power in the empire.

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Introduction

It is the 27th of October in the year 312 A.D., and Constantine and his army are on the march toward Rome; the usurper, Maxentius, waiting for him. Although his father was emperor before him, Constantine’s claim to the throne seems like it’s beginning to slip through his fingers. His army is outnumbered, and there is real possibility that he could lose. Somewhere in northern Italy, the coming conflict on his mind, Constantine looks up to the sun and sees a strange sign. Below it are written the Greek words ‘εν τουτωι νικα’: through this, conquer.

Constantine went on to be victorious at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, bearing the image he saw on his standards and on the shields of his men. Later on, the Greek phrase Constantine saw in the sky was commonly translated into Latin as ‘in hoc signo vinces’: through this sign, you will conquer. What was this sign that gave Constantine the victory? The Christogram ( ☧ ), a combination of the Greek letters χ and ρ, the first two letters of the word χριστος, literally meaning ‘the anointed one’, that is, the Christ. Others

That moment, the beginning of Constantine’s turn away from traditional Roman paganism toward Christian belief, marked for many the beginning of the Christianization of the Roman Empire, and went down as one of the most important moments in Church history. Below is a fresco in the Apostolic Palace painted by Raphael during the Renaissance depicting this scene (Fig. 1).

Figure 1 Visione della croce – by Raphael

Figure 2 RIC VII Arelate 114

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Here a cross is seen in the sun, but otherwise all seems well upon first view1. Constantine (left) with a crown on his head looking up into the sun and seeing a cross, with the words εν τουτωι νικα to the right. However, take a look at the coin just to the right of the fresco (Fig. 22), minted by Constantine in 317, just a few years after the battle of the Milvian Bridge. It depicts a figure with a radiate crown (just like the one Constantine is wearing in Raphael’s fresco) handing the goddess Victory, standing on a globe, to another figure on the right. The radiate figure is the pagan sun god, Sol, and the figure on the right is Constantine. Sol is literally handing victory over the entire world over to Constantine.

The legend tells us that it was not Sol, but Christ and his Christogram that gave the victory to Constantine, yet Constantine’s own coin is telling us the opposite. Historical accounts from the early church historian Eusebius3 tell us that Constantine did in fact understand clearly that it was not any pagan god, but Christ that helped him and that he was now following. Why did Constantine use this pagan icon, then?

The early-to-mid 4th century, under the rule of the Constantinian Dynasty, saw one of the largest religious and cultural shifts in the history of the Roman Empire. The marriage of Christianity and Rome was a complex one, constantly in flux. The new contingent of Christian imperial elites often found themselves at odds with the still largely pagan world around them, and the transition from pagan to Christian was by no means easy. Luckily, this era of turmoil and cultural shift was reflected in the signs, symbols, and icons of the period. As we saw with the depiction of Sol, coin iconography offers a unique view among other forms of material culture into these changes because of coins’ near-universal use and high level of direct imperial influence. In the span of 50 years, the Empire went from seeing the very first Christian symbol on coins, to the very last pagan symbol. Lying within these two extremes, we can get a glimpse into the state of the empire during this tumultuous time, and how Christianity began to take hold.

Through an analysis of the most prominent Christian and pagan coin types during the period spanning the ascension of Constantine the Great to the reign of Julian the Apostate, we will be able to gather a greater understanding of the complexities of the time. In order to do so, we much ask ourselves when, where, and how Christian icons entered into coins, what became of the pagan types, and what the changes between and within Christian and pagan coin icons tell us about Rome, the Constantinians, and Christianity over time.

The Political and Cultural Wars of the Constantinian Dynasty

But first, before taking a look at coins, we will make a brief overview of the historical context as well as a brief discussion of the changing view of iconography for the Roman viewer in order to understand what was going on behind the iconographic changes.

1 Eusebius is unclear whether Constantine saw a Cross or a Christogram in his account of the vision. However, it was the Christogram that ended up being incorporated into his military standard. “About the time of the midday sun, when day was just turning, he said he saw with his own eyes, up in the sky and resting over the sun, a crossshaped trophy formed from light, and a text attached to it which said, `By this conquer'.” Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine. ed. and trans. Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall. Clarendon Ancient History Series (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999) 2 All coin images are taken from the Online Coins of the Roman Empire database. 3 Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine. ed. and trans. Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall. Clarendon Ancient History Series (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999)

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For our purposes, I will divide the Constantinian Dynasty into three main sections: (1) Constantine’s Tetrarchy with Licinius (307-324 A.D.), (2) Constantine’s sole rule of the Empire (324-337 A.D.), and (3) Constantine’s descendants (through Julian the Apostate, 337-363 A.D.). During the first part of his reign, Constantine was a part of a Tetrarchy as Augustus of the west, with Licinius as Augustus in the east, beginning in 307 A.D. Constantine defeats Maxentius, a usurper, in 312 at the Milvian Bridge and officially becomes a catechumen (early convert to Christianity, before baptism). The following year, Constantine and Licinius jointly decreed the Edict of Milan, officially legalizing Christianity (as well as all other religions) in the empire. However, their peace was uneasy, and in 317, Constantine and Licinius fought it out. Constantine was victorious and forced Licinius to cede some of his territory (namely the provinces of Pannonia, Moesia, and Macedonia). Constantine and Licinius fought once again in 324, and Licinius was once again defeated. However, this time, Constantine took full control of the empire, but allowed Licinius to live out his days in retirement. Constantine’s sole rule was mostly quiet, but he did establish Constantinople as the new imperial seat and presided over a number of church councils, including the First Council of Nicaea, which determined what we might consider the essential foundation of Christianity today. After his death, Constantine divided his kingdom among his three children, Constantine II (although killed off quickly), Constantius II, and Constans. Constantius II and Constans had a similar feud to that of Constantine and Licinius, with Constantius II eventually victorious over his brother in 353. In 361, Constantius II’s successor, Julian the Apostate, renounced Christianity during his short reign and returned to paganism, before being assassinated in 362. Aside from Julian the Apostate, Constantine’s successors were the ones who really began to depict Christian images on coins en masse, and by the time Julian was killed, no more pagan types were made.

Throughout all three of these periods, the emperors had to carefully balance their new faith with the established Roman religion, trying to appease both Christians and pagans, especially with their coinage. The new Christian Emperor also began a redefinition of the office of emperor itself, straying away from its Republican roots and moving more towards divinely sanction dominion (Odahl 1995; Bleckmann 2014). This slow transition to Christianity in culture and empire had a massive effect on the kinds of icons found on coins, and in turn, these icons began to influence how Romans viewed art and material culture in general. Coins did not exist in a vacuum, but were involved not just in representing the cultural changes of the time, but were active in creating the identities of Romans (Howgego 2005, 2013). The religious shift had a direct effect on the substance of art, and in turn the art in and of itself began to change Roman perceptions of art in general.

Elsner describes this shift in the Roman mindset toward art as a shift in the θεαμα θεου (the sight of god)(Elsner 1995). Under paganism, visual culture was very vivid, and the focus was depicting and creating images (or sights) of the various gods, goddesses, and lesser deities within the pantheon. The θεαμα θεου was explicit and concrete under paganism. Christianity, on the other hand, is in and of itself much less focused on depicting God or Christ, and in fact for some would even be considered sinful. Christianity was highly influenced by Neoplatonic philosophy in this regard, with an emphasis on the unseen as more real/substantive as the seen. Therefore, the θεαμα θεου was spiritual, unexplainable in any kind of earthly form. Thus, the onset of Christianity saw a shift toward abstraction and symbolic representation, rather than “illusionistic verisimilitude” (Elsner 1995). In other words, Romans began to favor the abstract symbols of Christianity over actual representations of individuals.

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Christian Iconography

The Constantinian Dynasty marked only the beginning of this shift from vivid to abstract in the minds of Romans, but nonetheless the period was rife with these Christian symbols, especially on coins. Somewhat surprisingly, the Christian Cross did not feature prominently on many coins, and was not a distinct feature of Christian visual culture until later4.

Christogram ( ☧ )

First introduced in the introduction, the Christogram was likely the most important and prevalent Christian symbol on Roman coins during the reign of the Constantinians. As first discussed, it is a combination of the first two letter of χριστος – the Greek word from which ‘Christ’ is derived. During this time, the Christogram remained largely ancillary and did not feature as the primary icon of many coins, but appeared alongside other types. Figure 3.a.(left) depicts a bronze coin minted under Constantine in 336 A.D. depicting the she-wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, and right above it a Christogram, without any other significance other than being a mint mark. Figure 4 (right), minted in 320, shows two captives under a military standard with the Christogram off to the side, again, as a mint mark. Figure 3.b. (left),

another bronze coin of Constantine but minted in 319, however, depicts Constantine with a Christogram on his helmet, not just as an identification mark. This issue from Siscia has some degree of variation (with some issues having a Cross, or what looks like an early Eastern Cross) is one of the first instances attesting to Constantine’s conversion, and Christian influence in minting (Odahl 1977).

Globe and Cross Scepter

Another interesting type that begins to appear with constantine is the combination of a globe and the cross into a scepter, seen in Fig. 5. (left). If you look closely, you can see that this Constantine also has a Christogram on his helmet like in Fig. 3.b., but the scepter holds even more significance. It was a statement on Constantine’s part to his divine saction as emperor. Constantine was less the princeps and more a savior sent by God (Bleckmann 2014).

4 However, we will discuss one instance of the Roman tropaium (that is ‘victory trophy’) eventually becoming synonymous with the Christian Cross. An instance of the assimilation of pagan images into Christianity (Storch 1970).

a.

b.

Figure 3 a: RIC VII Arelate 400, with focus on the Christogram b: RIC VII Siscia 61, with focus on the Christogram on Constantine’s helmet.

Figure 5 RIC VII Ticinum 36

Figure 4 RIC VII Thessalonica 83, with focus on Christogram.

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Labarum

Probably the most striking depiction of this change in definition for the imperial seat was exemplified in Constantine’s Labarum coin (Fig. 6, right). This coin type in particular held special, personal significance for the Emperor. The Labarum was Constantine’s long time military standard, seen right with a Christogram on top and a flag with three dots. The Labarum is stabbing a serpent/dragon, with the legend SPES PUBLIC (the hope of the people). This scene alludes to the beast of the sea described in the Book of Revleation at the eschaton. Constantine, is not, however, claiming to be the returned Christ who defeats the beast and evil forever. Yet, the connection is intentional: he is painting himself in that same light as Christ, as a savior, sent by God, to liberate the Romans from the

evil emperors who persecuted Christians before he came to power (represented by the serpent) (Odahl 1975). Constantine, therefore, saw himself as an integral part of enacting God’s will on earth.

Other Christian Icons

A couple of other important Christian types are shown (right). Fig. 7.a. shows Vetranio (a temporary usurper who willingly abdicated to Constantius II), crowned by victory, holding a standard with the Christogram, and the legend “in hoc signo victor eris”, calling back to Constantine’s vision before the Milvian Bridge. There also begin to be nimbate icons (halos) on the depictions of emperors (shown right, Constantius II).

Pagan Iconography

In the wake of the new Christian empire, pagan icons either dissapeared, resisted cultural change under temporary pagan leaders, or were assimilated into Christian visual culture. The eventual dissapearance and/or assimilation of pagan icons tells us some of the most helpful information for understanding the complexeties of the period.

Sol

First, we must begin with Sol, because our understanding of Sol within Constantine’s iconographic choices will inform our dicussion of the other pagan types. Some say that Sol was essentially synonymous with Christ for Constantine (Williams 2007), but that explanation does not make much sense with Eusebius’ account that the Emperor was well versed in the faith and understood it well (Eusebius 1999). It is possible that Sol had some connection to the dies soli, i.e. Sunday, the Christian holy day. However, the representation of Sol likely had more to do with the assimilation of power.

Figure 6 RIC VII Constantinople 19

Figure 7 a. RIC VIII Siscia 275; b. RIC VIII Antioch 68

a. b.

Figure 8 RIC VII Arelate 16

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Sol, before Constantine, had come to be syonymous with imperial power (Manders 2012). Coin types like Constantine’s here were very common (Fig. 8, right) showing Sol with a radiate crown and holding a globe, with the legend ‘sol invicto’, meaning ‘Sol unconquered’. Obviously, then, Sol still held significance as a symbol of power, regardless of religion. For Constantine, power was now vested in him not by Sol but by Christ, but since Christianity did not have much of a visual culture, traditional depicitons of became depictions of Christ. Therefore, a coin like the one shown in Fig. 9 could be interpreted as Sol by pagans, and Christ by Christians. There was no confusion betweeen the two, but a deliberate ambiguity and reclamation. Sol, then became the symbol of not just imperial power, but Christian power.

Jupiter and Licinius

If Sol could stand in for Christianity, Jupiter could stand in for paganism. Licinius, a devout pagan and Constantine’s main rival to the east, had a particular affinity for Jupiter on his coin types (Abdy 2012). Pictured right (Fig. 10) is Jupiter holding his lightning bolts in his right hand, with the legend ‘iovi conservatori’, meaning ‘Jupiter the Keeper’. The ‘iovi conservatori’ type was one of Licinius’ favorites, and Jupiter came to represent a sense of preservation for the established pagan

order and the Tetrarchy for Licinius (Bastien 1973). Jupiter, then, was Licinius’ antithesis to Constantine’s Christ/Sol (as seen in the introduction). Left (Fig. 11), in a bronze coin minted by Licinius, you see victory crowning Jupiter, visually reminiscent of Christ/Sol handing victory over to Constantine. This tug-of-war between Jupiter and Sol came to symbolize the struggle between paganism and Christianity, and the emperor who prevailed would bring their patron god and their religion with them. Once Licinius was defeated, Jupiter and the ‘iovi conservatori’ type went with him.

Julian the Apostate’s Bull

Instead of holding off Christianity, Julian and his Bull were paganism’s last-gasp attempt at wresting control back from the Christians. Julian the Apostate’s Bull, the very last pagan icon (Fig. 12), depicts a bull with the legend ‘SECURITAS REIPUB(LICA)’, the security of the republic. Scholars have debated the exact significance of the type (many of whom attributing it to a Mithraic cult), but Woods offers a more nuanced definition. Woods, by analyzing the bull to icons of Gallenius and actual contemporary religious practices, claims that the bull was related to the cult of Sol (Woods 2000). In this way, Julian’s Bull was a reclamation of Sol back to its pagan roots and away from its new Christian context. Once Julian was ousted, no pagan image was ever minted again.

Figure 10 RIC VI Thessalonica 43

Figure 11 RIC VII Cyzicus 13

Figure 12 RIC VIII Cyzicus 126

Figure 9 RIC VII Arelate 114

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Constantinopolis and Roma

Personifications of values and/or places was common place before Christianity, but soon began to go out of use with the shift towards abstraction in iconography (Williams 2007). However, this example of the personifications of the cities of Rome and Constantinople persisted. Images depicting Roma and Constantinopolis together were usually trying to garner unity between the eastern and western halves of the empire. Fig. 13 (right), minted under Constantius II, was minted for this same purpose: a show of unity between himself and his brother in the west.

tropaeum and Victoria

Here we hae an interesting case of pagan icons not just co-opted for Christian purposes, but transformed into recognizeable Christian icons. In Fig. 14, we have a gold solidus minted under constantine in Thessalonica depicting the goddess Nike, or Victoria, holding a tropaeum, a traditional Roman emblem or “trophy” of victory. Early Christians made the connection between these two symbols of Roman victory and the ultimate victory achieved on the Cross of Christ. Therefore, the tropaeum and Victoria was kept in coin iconography long after other pagan icons dissapeared (Storch 1970). But it did not stop there. Fig. 15 shows a gold solidus minted under Theodosius (at the exact same mint as Fig. 14) but instead it depicts Victoria (more closely resembling what we would call an Angel) holding a cross. As we can see through this coin, the Cross came to signify not just the Christian victory over death, but military Victory, completely assimilating the significance that the tropaeum once had (Storch 1970).

Divus Constantinus – “Divine Constantine”

Constantine the Great’s death was in part commemorated by the issuing of a special gold solidus by his son Constantinus II between 337 and 340 A.D. In this coin (Fig. 16, right), the reverse shows veiled constantine, riding a quadriga, ascending to heaven with the hand of God stretching down to meet him. The obverse depicts Constantine, veiled, with the legend: ‘divus constantinus’. It seems like Constantine is breaking the monotheistic rules of Christianity again. Even the chariot to heaven is reminiscent of very popular images of Athena riding a quadriga with the hand of Zeus extended down towards her (Bardill 2011). Just as with Sol, this coin is again an example of where the lines between paganism and Christianity are blurred. A pagan could interpret this coin as the divinization of the emperor, as was

Figure 13 RIC VIII Antioch 167

Figure 14 RIC VII Thessalonica 174

Figure 15 RIC X Theodosius II (East) 219

Figure 16 RIC VIII Constantinople 1

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tradition for centuries, while a Christian could interpret it as Constantine ascending to heaven as a saint. We see through this coin and others (such as the tropaeum and Victoria types or the image of Sol co-opted into the image of Christ) not just a transition of cultures, but a mixture of the two. Even looking back to Raphael’s painting centuries later (Fig. 1), Constantine is still depicted wearing the gold, radiate crown of Sol. Roman culture did not die with the advent of Christianity, but it was blended into the new religion, the effects of which last to this day.

Patterns in Coin Iconography

Now that we have discussed some of the most important Christian, Pagan, and in-between icons during the Constantinian Dynasty, we are now able to place them within their context in time and space and draw some conclusions.

From the beginning of Constantine’s reign, there is a clear divide in coin iconography between the east and the west. Figure 17 shows the differences in types minted between land overseen by Constantine in the west versus that overseen by Licinius in the east. Constantine favors Sol (mint in Arelate), but we see the beginnings of Christian icons at the Ticininum mint with the globe and scepter type. Licinius, on the other hand, almost exclusively mints coin types with the image of Jupiter, especially the ‘iovi conservatori’ (mints in Alexandria, Thessalonica, and Siscia all issuing versions of it).

Once Constantine defeats Licinius in their first conflict, he takes his Christian icons with him, as seen in Figure 18. In mints once under the control of Licinius in Siscia and Thessalonica, Christian iconography (namely the Christogram on Constantine’s helmet and beside a military standard) is now minted. In Arelate, we see the solidus depicting Sol handing Victoria to Constantine. In the east, Licinius continues to print almost exclusively types depicting Jupiter, and we see Licinius’ response to Constantine’s ‘Sol handing over Victory’ type with Jupiter being crowned by Victory. We see in real time tensions rising between Licinius and Constantine, Jupiter and Sol, paganism and Christianity, and how this imminent war for Roman culture and religion is represented on their coins.

Figure 19 shows the state of the mints during the Constantine’s sole reign. We see his favored Labarum type minted in Constantinople, as well as the tropaeum and Victoria type, and the Christogram over the she-wolf. During this time, Constantine continues to propagate the influence of Christianity in the Empire. After Constantine’s death, we see the various evolutions of pagan types, the use of symbols calling back to Constantine himself, and even the final resurgence of paganism with Julian’s bull.

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Figure 17: Coin Mints from the Ascension of Constantine until his first conflict with Licinius

Figure 18: Coin Mints from the First Conflict with Licinius, until Constantine’s Sole Rule.

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Figure 19: Coin Mints during Constantine’s Sole Rule until his Death. Figure 20: Coin Mints after Constantine’s Death.

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Imperium and the Spread of Christianity

The rise of Christianity in the empire was no accident, and its staying power spoke to its ability to integrate itself within Roman society. And although their numbers were growing, it was not a simple majority that caused the spread of Christianity. As we see with later coin types, Emperors after Constantine use Christian symbols to associate themselves with him. Vetranio (amongst other usurpers) especially embodies this with his coin legend ‘in hoc signo victor eris’, connecting himself with the moment of Constantine’s ascension, and the power that Constantine the Great commanded (Williams 2007). Christianity had to this point grown beyond being a popular cult to becoming THE religion of imperium, the Latin word that for the Romans indeed meant the empire itself, but more precisely the power to command within the empire and as a part of the empire (Richardson 1991). Now that Christianity was the religion of imperium, it appealed to Romans, who saw the struggle for imperium as an essential part of their Roman-ness (Harl 2001). We see this trend in the coins: the Christogram becomes a military standard, the Cross comes to stand in for Victory, and Christ himself replaces Sol, the unconquered guarantor of imperial power.

Thanks to Constantine, Christianity now had the imperium, and through studying how imperial icons on coinage evolved and changed, we can begin to see how this transfer of imperium began to unfold, and how it changed western European history forever, from Constantine, to Raphael, to the modern day, and likely for many years to come.

- Jonathan Avendano

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Roman Imperial Coinage (RIC) types pictured or mentioned:

RIC VI Siscia 233a: iovi conservatori http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.6.sis.233a RIC VI Thessalonica 43 iovi conservatori http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.6.thes.43 RIC VII Alexandria 6 iovi conservatori http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.alex.6 RIC VII Antioch 32 licinius Jupiter Antioch http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.anch.32 RIC VII Arelate 16 Sol http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.ar.16 RIC VII Arelate 114 Sol handing Constantine victory http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.ar.114 RIC VII Arelate 400: she wolf and chi-rho http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.ar.400 RIC VII Constantinople 19: labarum, spes public http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.cnp.19 RIC VII Cyzicus 13 Crown Jupiter licinius cyzicus http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.cyz.13 RIV VII Siscia 61: Helmet with Christogram http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.sis.61 RIC VII Ticinum 36: medallion, Constantine with globe scepter and chi-rho on helmet http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.tic.36 RIC VII Thessalonica 83 standard with Christogram http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.thes.83 RIC VII Thessalonica 174: Victory with Trophy (Constantine) http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.7.thes.174 RIC VIII Antioch 68: Constantius II, nimbate http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.8.anch.68 RIC VIII Antioch 167: Roma and Constantinopolis http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.8.anch.167

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RIC VIII Constantinople 1: Divus Constantinus http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.8.cnp.1 RIC VIII Cyzicus 126: Julian’s infamous Bull http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.8.cyz.126 RIC VIII Siscia 275: hoc signo victor eris http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.8.sis.275 RIC X Theodosius II (East) 219: Victory with Cross http://numismatics.org/ocre/id/ric.10.theo_ii_e.219

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