ΤΑΦΟΣ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΥ /PHILIP’s TOMB: ALEXANDROS-PHILIPPOS-KLEITOS O MELAS *<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<><>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=

<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>* *<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<><>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=

<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>* Elias Kapetanopoulos Professor Dr. (Greece-Rome) Department of History Central Connecticut State University New Britain, CT 06050-4010 (USA) Telephone: (860) 832-2820 (offic (860) 229-9960 (home) E-mail: Kapetanopoulos@ccsu.edu Home Page: http://www.history.ccsu.edu/elias/elias.htm Areas of Research: Attic epigraphy-Athenian institutions of the Roman period (200 B.C.-3rd c. A.D.), and early Makedon(ia)/Makedones. ========================================= CENTER FOR ATHENIAN-MAKEDONIAN STUDIES: MAKEDONIS A' = MAKEDONIS I ALEJANDROS – FILIPPOS - KLEITOS O MELAS 21 ÉIanouar€ou 1999 > 21 January 1999 = 11 Noeµbr€ou 2011 > 11 November 2011 The Greek font is Athenian [+Unicode]. All rights reserved.  -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ADAIOU

ÉHµay€hn ˘w pr«tow §w êrea b∞sa F€lippow Afiga€hn ke›µai b«lon §fessãµenow,

=°jaw oÂÉ oÎpv basileÁw tÚ pr€n: efi d° tiw aÈxe› µe›zon §µeË, ka‹ toËyÉ a·µatow ≤µet°rou.

The Greek Anthology. The Garland of Philip and Some

Contemporary Epigrams, ed. A.S.F. Gow and D.L. Page, I (Cambridge 1968) 6, IV.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ TOPIC: Façade fresco of a hunt painted on the frieze of what has been identified (others reject) as Philip II's tomb, discovered by Manolis Andronikos on the 11th of November 1977 under the great tumulus at Vergina (ancient Aigai[ai]). Since the tomb has been identified as that of Philip II, the young hippeus (flppeÊw), center of fresco, has been recognized as Alexander [M. Andronikos, N.G.L. Hammond], and indeed the young man must be Alexander at about sixteen years old, and his central position in the façade painting celebrates his entrance into adulthood and the assumption of the regency at sixteen (Plutarch, Alex. 9.1: Fil€ppou d¢ strateÊontow §p‹ Buzant€ouw, ∑n µ¢n •kkaidekãthw ı ÉAl°jandrow, époleifye‹w d¢ kÊriow §n Makedon€& t«n pragµãtvn ka‹ t∞w sfrag›dow, ktl. [one may ask why depict this particular event in Alexander's life, but this event is the most intimate one vis-à-vis his father Philip and Alexander's "rush" at the lion speared by Philip symbolizes his [Alexander’s] initiation into basileÊein]). To his right [left from viewer's perspective] there is a tall, square pillar with three miniature figures (?) at the top, which must be a country shrine, dedicated to some deity [Hekate? However, because of the scene, Artemis would be more appropriate]. A pillar with an amphora at the top appears, for example, in the Polydeukion relief [A.D. 173/4] from Loukou (Thyreatis Kynourias), as well as the tree motif next to the young man, but the tree shows life [below] (ALKMHNH NTATSOULH-STAURIDH, GLUPTA APO THN YUREATIDA KUNOURIAS [AYHNA 1993] P€n. 40, with description on p. 51). To the right (left) of this young hippeus an older hippeus is depicted about to spear a lion [which differs in appearance from the usual African lions]. This older hippeus, who has been identified as king Philip II [N.G.L. Hammond], is not shown in a heroic manner as the rest of the men therein, but displays a shorter stature which would accord with the reconstructed skeleton recovered from the tomb [taking also into account pyre shrinkage of bones]. Philip's skeleton was viewed on the 22-9-92, and perhaps the split damage, [sxisµØ] µaurisµ°nh s¢ µ°rh, on the upper right eye-socket may perhaps be "pyre inflicted", but with the strong caveat that the eye involved is the same as Philip's injured eye and the injury is also indicated on the same eye in the ivory portrait of Philip recovered from his tomb at Vergina. As to the woman in the same tomb [below], it is probably Phila who would have been older than Kleopatra and Eurydike, as indicated by the bones [cf. the silver (wine) strainer found in the tomb, which belonged to Machatas (inscribed MAXATA) who was Phila's brother (Manolis Andronikos, Berg€na, ofl basiliko‹ tãfoi ka‹ êllew érxaiÒthtew [AyÆna 1984=1989] 148, Fig. 108, and 156-157; in Petros G. Themelis/Ioannes P. Touratsoglou, OI TAFOI TOU DERBENIOU (AYHNA !997) 172-173, Machatas is identified as the maker of the silver strainer: ΜΑΧΑΤΑ DDDD8)]. [A letter of this writer about the tomb at Vergina, as recalled, was published, but not seen, in the TO BHMA [1979], and Manolis Andronikos discussed it with a sunoµÆlikow of this writer (as informed by the

sunoµÆlikow, summer 1991), but the letter's contents are not recoverable at this time, since the copy of the letter had been discarded then on the assumption it had not been published, and TO BHMA cannot trace it without a definite date] ***<<similar circumstances to the letter to H KAYHMERINH, which apparently the paper did not publish>>***). The fresco's background shows a range of hills [Pierian-Bermian mountains-hills?], but the action takes place on a level ground, with scattered boulder-stones on the right. The trees are probably oaks (drËw) [and not birch (Ùju°w), for example] , and this is perhaps also true for the grove of trees behind the lion scene [the grove is thick, and consequently the trees have tall, bare trunks with foliage at the top]. The "dead" tree next to young Alexander [his left side] resembles in a way the tree [by the left side of Alexander] in the Alexander Mosaic [which E. Badian below would call the Darius Mosaic. It is true that Dareios' figure stands tall, but Dareios appears to be in a state of anxiety, whereas Alexander with a fixed look eyes the enemy, as he spears through a Persian with his long sarissa. For Alexander's pose, cf., e.g., The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, eds. W.D.E. Coulson, O. Palagia, T.L. Shear, Jr., H.A. Shapiro and F.J. Frost (Oxbow Monograph 37, 1994) 132, Fig. 2. Bl°pontew µØ bl°pein, Polybios 12.24.6: bl°pontaw µØ bl°pein, and Luke’s gospel, 8.10: ·na bl°pontew µØ bl°pvsin ka‹ ékoÊontew µØ sun€vsin. Cf. Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, 381 B: Àste bl°pein µØ blepÒµenon (crocodile)]. This motif of 'Alexander-"dead"tree' appears also in a close parallel in the lion hunt mosaic from Palermo (Cohen, below, 77, Fig. 48), for the young rider by the dead tree about to spear the lion has been identified as Alexander (Cohen, below, 76). The "dead" tree by Alexander is an artistic motif of identification, and one may recall Alexander's oak tree at Chaironeia mentioned by Plutarch in Alexander 9.2: ¶ti d¢ ka‹ kay' ≤µçw §de€knuto palaiå parå tÚn KhfisÚn ÉAlejãndrou kalouµ°nh drËw, prÚw ¥n tÒte kateskÆnvse, ka‹ tÚ poluãndrion oÈ pÒrrv t«n MakedÒnvn §st€n. Moreover, the "dead" tree projects Alexander's image more than a living tree with foliage would have done, and at the same time the Persian concentration magnifies Alexander's odds of victory. As for Alexander being depicted there bare-headed, cf. Nikolaos of Myra in Andrew Erskine, “Life after Death: Alexandria and the Body of Alexander, Greece&Rome 49.2 (October 2002) 176: <<… He (=Alexander) built his city (=Alexandria) near the sea, which he himself stands near. And the form of the statue reveals his nature. First, he is carried riding high on a horse; not a horse that anyone could easily ride, but one suitable to the dangers that he faced. And the animal’s vehemence evokes the speed of his campaigns. Next, he has no helmet on his head. For he who intends to subdue and survey the whole earth has no need of helmets. Everything he has seized in his advance seems to lie in his eyes. … His hair, unconfined, streams in the wind and onward rush of the horse. Its locks appear like the rays of the sun. …>>. [Note 54: Ps. Libanius, Progymnasmata 27, etc.] [For the helmet in the mosaic, almost direcly below Alexander’s right arm, which some would identify as Alexander’s, cf. Homer, Iliad 16.791-803: st∞ dÉ ˆpiyen [=ÉApÒllvn], pl∞jen d¢ µetãfrenon eÈr°e tÉ \µv/ xeir‹ kataprhne›, strefed€nhyen d¢ ofl ˆsse [=PatrÒklou]./ toË dÉ épÚ µ¢n kratÚw kun°hn bãle Fo›bow ÉApÒllvn:/ ≤ d¢ kulindoµ°nh kanaxØn ¶xe poss‹n ÍfÉ ·ppvn/ aÈl«piw trufãleia, µiãnyhsan d¢ ¶yeirai/ a·µati ka‹ kon€˙si. pãrow ge µ¢n oÈ y°µiw ∑en/

flppÒkoµon pÆlhka µia€nesyai kon€˙sin,/ éllÉ éndrÚw ye€oio kãrh xar€en te µ°tvpon/ =ÊetÉ ÉAxill∞ow: tÒte d¢ ZeÁw ÜEktori d«ken/ √ kefalª for°ein, sxedÒyen d° ofl ∑en ˆleyrow./ pçn d° ofl §n xe€ressin êgh dolixÒskion ¶gxow,/ briyÁ µ°ga stibarÚn kekoruyµ°non: aÈtår épÉ \µvn/ ésp‹w sÁn telaµ«ni xaµa‹ p°se terµiÒessa. A broken spear and other arms are also shown scattered at the feet of the horses.] Cf. also Q. Curtius Rufus, 8.1.20. Hic [=Clitus] erat qui apud Granicum amnem nudo capite regem dimicantem clipeo suo texit et Rhosacis manum capiti regis imminentem gladio amputavit, ... (Note: nudo capite)

The battle scene must be Arbela or Gaugamela (as also indicated elsewhere) [but cf. Curtius, 3.11.7-12], and the helmet can be seen below Alexander’s right arm. The top€on of the fresco hunting scene is surely Makedonian [hills, oak trees], and the hunted animals, too, are part of the Makedonian experience. The wild boar is still being hunted in the mountains of Orestis [Pindos-Boion-Grammos], for example; the bear [right end] is still there, and it can be encountered in Orestis, area of Pentalophos (locations of Nikorinna, Taliaros [ancient Talares? (Strabon 9.5.11 and 12 C434)]). The deer (§lãfia) also [two shown on the far left] were hunted in Orestis (with zarkãdia), and they almost disappeared but lately there is a come back (although some illegal hunting occurs). As for the lion shown therein, N. G. L. Hammond correctly referred to Herodotos [below] and Xenophon [below] for lions in Makedon [herein in this web site, under Makedonis VIII: Philippos, Meros A, under Hammond: ABSA 86 (1991) 80]; cf. also Pausanias, Boiotika 40.8: §pelyÒnta d° fasin (=MakedÒnew) §k toË ÉOlʵpou l°onta énatr°cai, ktl., and below under KreµÊdh-SisilianoË. Moreover, the motif of hunting lions appears among the Mycenaeans, and the lion figures as a theme in similes of Homer’s Iliad. Bronze coin of Kassandros: Obv.: Herakles head with lion-skin, Rev.: seated lion, Inscr.: KASSAN/DROU (dotted K) = Greek Civilization. Macedonia, Kingdom of Alexander the Great (Athens 1993) 99, No. 39 (of an exhibition in Montreal, 7/5th‐19/9th 1993). [Perdikkas III’s coin with lion on the reverse] The participants in this hunting scene are Makedones, and the µelagxroinÒw [extreme

right] must be Kleitos the Black [Kle›tow ı µ°law], who was older than Alexander. [Kleitos] holding a net [by its position] appears to be fishing, although the net's holes are somewhat large for fishing, but this may not be significant since [Kleitos] looks at the net and water may be discerned therein (cf. AEMY 8, 1994 [Thessalonike 1998] 120-121, 122). Moreover, [Kleitos'] isolation there and somewhat melancholic, downward look, though staring at the net, may foreshadow his death. In any case, the Makedonian rivers [at least of Orestis, although enviromental reasons and overfishing have altered the scene] were full of fish and of delicious fish, which overjoyed the Makedones when fish were brought to them from home [Athenaios? xxxxx; the actual reference to fish from home escapes identification presently, but reading it is recalled with vividness]. The inspiration of this fresco is atrributed by some to eastern influence, and therefore the tomb is not Philip II's, but Philippos Arridaios' [herein in this web site, under Makedonis VIII: Philippos, Meros A,, under Xarã Kioss°, for example]. However, the scene as briefly commented above is purely Makedonian, and the terrain bears no resemblance to an eastern environment of about Babylon (and this is true of the hunted animals, too). Naturally the tomb attributed to Philip raises questions (as to who is the young woman in the antechamber, for example), but the tomb's theme is that of Philip II [cf. also below, under Kottar€dh <<nekrikÚw o‰kow ka‹ purå Fil€ppou>>]. It is known from Diodoros (17.2.1: … ÉAl°jandrow diadejãµenow tØn basile€an pr«ton µ¢n toÁw fone›w toË patrÚw t∞w èrµozoÊshw tiµvr€aw ±j€vse, µetå d¢ taËta t∞w taf∞w toË gon°vw tØn §ndexoµ°nhn §piµ°leian poihsãµenow kat°sthse tå katå tØn érxÆn …) and from the Alexander Romance (Kapetanopoulos, below, 87) that Alexander gave Philip a formal burial, and consequently it may not be looked upon as unusual if the painter made a young Alexander the center in the fresco's hunting scene [B€ow ÉAlejãndrou toË MakedÒnow, ed. W. Kroll (Weidmann 1926=Hildesheim 2005) 1.24.11: Ka‹ toËton <tÚn> yr∞non §peip≈n, kosµÆsaw aÈt“ tãfon polutel∞ kat°yeto tÚ skÆnvµa aÈtoË, §pÉ aÈt“ t“ tãfƒ kayidrÊsaw naÒn]. It is said that Tomb II was hastily put together, and for this reason Alexander, as reported in the ÍpoµnƵata, had in mind of constructing a monumental tomb of Philip equal to one of the pyramids in Egypt [Diodoros, 18.4.5: toË d¢ patrÚw Fil€ppou tãfon puraµ€di paraplÆsion µiò tª µeg€st˙ (t«n) katå tØn A‡gupton]. And certainly the suns (¥lioi) on the larnakes of the deceased are a symbol of royalty [below] and Makedon in general [evidence has been collected on the Bergina (Vergina) ¥liow, but presently there is no intention of posting it here, for example; this evidence derives from Makedon and elsewhere and it is pictographic (below)]. NOTE. Some would attribute Tomb II to Philippos Arridaios-Adea Eurydike and identify the hunter with a purple cloak to the left of the lion [viewer’s side] as Kassandros; but if the hunting scene on the façade is Kassandros’, or from Kassandros’ time, why is Alexander to the left shown at about sixteen? Perhaps the figure that some would identify as Kassandros is really Amyntas, Perdikkas’ son and Philip II’s son-in-law, eliminated later by Alexander. Moreover, if Tomb II is Philippos Arridaios’-Eurydike’s, as some maintain, then where is Philip II’s tomb, as Manolis Andronikos queried? Or did Kassandros appropriate Philip’s tomb to bury [¶yacen, yãcaw, under Carney, AncW 35.2 (2004) below] Philippos Arridaios and Eurydike? But again where is Kynna?

Theatron. Two photographs side by side superimposed below.

Theatron at Aigai (Vergina) [two superimposed photographs (above), scanned by this writer who took them on the 4th of Oct. 2001], where Philip II was assassinated by Pausanias in the summer of 336 B.C. 

The tomb of Philip II (Bergina).

Façade [left side].

Façade [right side].

Philip II from the hunting scene of the façade above [from TO BHMA]. The fact that the right eye, which was Philip II’s damaged eye, is hidden from the viewer is a sure indication that the figure is Philip II.

Alexander from the façade above [from TO BHMA] and to the left of Philip II.

Alexander. The façade [above]. Below, Alexander. Sidon sarcophagus.

Alexander. Sidon sarcophagus. [scanned by Dave Gartner, Graduate Assistant, from Margaret Bieber, Alexander the Great in Greek and Roman Art (Argonaut, Chicago 1964) Pl. XVIII, 34 a-b]. These two faces of Alexander bear a resemblance to the face of Alexander in the façade of Philip II’s tomb above, a further indication that the young man in the façade is Alexander and that the tomb is that of Philip II, as previously identified [though contested by some]. ============ HLIOS [above]

Philip II’s larnax [from his tomb at Vergina].

Phila’s larnax? [Philip II’s tomb at Vergina]. Photograph from Elizabeth Carney’s home page. =============== ΗΛΙΟΣ

Kinch tomb.

Lyson-Kallikles tomb.

Aspis – Shield. ========================= BIBLIOGRAFIA > REFERENCES: TO BHMA, N°ew Epox°w, 12-07-98, b1: Illustration of Philip II on horse. TO BHMA, ibid., b6-7: Illustration of hunting scene on façade of Philip II's tomb, and young Alexander on horse. TO BHMA, N°ew Epox°w, 26-07-98, b8: Illustration of young Alexander on horse. ---------- Bibliography, additional, herein in this web site, under Makedonis VIII: Philippos, Meros A. ----------- Badian, Ernst, 'A Note on the "Alexander Mosaic"' in The Eye Expanded: Life and the Arts in Greco-Roman Antiquity, edd. Frances B. Titchener and Richard F. Moorton, Jr. (UofC

Press; Berkeley, 1999) 86-88. Barringer, Judith M., The Hunt in Ancient Greece (The Johns Hopkins University Press; Baltimore 2001); cf. reconstruction of Kalydonian hunt (152) and 201-202. Bartsiokas, Antonis, The Eye Injury of King Philip II and the Skeletal Evidence from the Royal Tomb II at Vergina, Science magazine, 21 April 2000; 288: 511-514.

See under HATZOPOULOS, MILT. B. below. Borza, Eugene N., Before Alexander: Constructing Early Macedonia (Publications of the AAH 6 [Regina Books] 1999) 68-74. Borza, Eugene N./Palagia, Olga, <<The Chronology of the Macedonian Royal Tombs at Vergina>>, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 122 (2007) 81-125.

A review of the argumrnt(s)/evidence that Tomb II is not that of Philip II, as originally identified. Some statements undoubtedly belong to the province of efikas€ai, not contributing to a solution of <<the riddle>>. Lion hunting. Pp. 92-99.

NOTE. Mycenaean lion hunting iconography?

Borza, Eugene N., in the THE LANDMARK ARRIAN The Campaigns of Alexander: Anabasis Alexandrou, translated by Pamela Mensch, Edited by James Romm [Pantheon Books, 2011] 411-416, APPENDIX Q, The Royal Macedonian Tombs

at Aigeai.

NOTE. Borza, as previously, recognizes Tomb II as that of Philip III Arrhidaios and Adea Eurydike, and Philip II is delegated to Tomb I [uncremated remains of adult male-young woman-infant]. In this writer’s view this recognition is not a clear cut one, as presented, for Philip had been cremated according to P.Oxy. XV 1798, fr. 1 = FGrH 148 F 1*, which accords with the cremation present in Tomb II. There are also other inherent problems in the attribution of Tomb II to Philip III and Adea Eurydike [see above], despite what some objects in the tomb may appear to suggest. At any rate, this writer adheres to the attribution of Tomb II to Philip II, unless Tomb II is indisputably proven to be that of Philip III.

• Commented and translated by this writer in AncW 27.1 (1996) 81-87: Philip

II’s Assassination and Funeral. Borza, Eugene N., “The Tombs of the Macedonian Kings: an Archaeological Puzzle”, a lecture, Sponsored by East Tennessee Society and McClung Museum, 22 February 2011, an AIA Society Event [from the Internet, non vidi, 9 May 2011].

Briant, P., <<Chasses royales macedoniennes et chasses royales perses. Le theme de la chasse au lion sur la chasse de Vergina>>, Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 17.1 (1991) 227-243

[non vidi]=Anc. Macedonia VI (1996='99), vol. A, 648, note 24. <<Les chasses d’Alexandre>>, AM 5.1 (1993) 267-77. [non vidi, 1 June 2009]

Carney, Elizabeth D., Women and Monarchy in Macedonia (UofOklahomaPress 2000)

234-244 (ch. 9: Royal Female Burials). Carney, Elizabeth D., "Were the Tombs under the Great Tumulus at Vergina Royal?," ArchNews [forthcoming]. Carney, Elizabeth, <<Women and Military Leadership in Macedonia>>, AncW 35.2 (2004) 187: Leans toward Adea Eurydice as the woman in Tomb II=Philip’s tomb. [Errata, notes 17

and 18: Drougou=Drogou] The comments below may be refined accordingly: 1 May 2005 Adea-Eurydike, wife of Arrhidaios Philippos, it is said, is the female in what has been identified as Philip II’s tomb, because of the military paraphernalia found in the chamber and Adea-Eurydike has been recognized as a warrior woman/queen. However, when Olympias suggested to Adea-Eurydike to choose one of three ways to die [sword, noose, or poison] she chose the noose, a kind of a humiliating way of dying [cf. Jocasta, Oedipus’ mother, and Odysseus punishing the unfaithful women by hanging (Odyssey, 22.462-473)]. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Why didn’t Adea-Eurydike choose to die a heroic death by the sword, if she were so war-like as maintained?. Cf. Diodoros, 19.11. (5) …, tÚn µ¢n F€lippon pros°taje [=ÉOluµpiåw] Yr&j€ tisin §kkent∞sai, … (6) efis°peµcen oÔn aÈt∞ [=EÈrud€k˙] j€fow ka‹ brÒxon ka‹ k≈neion … (7) … tÚn µ¢n êndra peri°steilen, §piµelhye›sa t«n trauµãtvn Àw poyÉ ı kairÚw sunex≈rei, §autØn dÉ énakreµãsasa tª z≈n˙ kat°strece tÚn b€on, oÎte dakrÊsasa tØn aÍt∞w tÊxhn oÎte t“ µeg°yei t«n suµptoµãtvn tapeinvye›sa [this last does show fortitude on the part of Adea-Eurydike]. Cf. Douris=Athenaios, 13.560 f: DoËriw dÉ ı Sãµiow ka‹ pr«ton gen°syai pÒleµÒn fhsi dÊo gunaik«n (tÚn) ÉOluµpiãdow ka‹ EÈrud€khw: §n ⁄ tØn µ¢n bakxik≈teron µetå tuµpãnvn proelye›n, tØn dÉ EÈrud€khn Makedonik«w kayvplisµ°nhn, éskhye›san [=…plisµ°nhn, prohskhµ°nhn C] tå poleµikå parå KÊnn˙ [=kunnãnhi A] tª ÉIllur€di (Loeb); however, cf. Diodoros, 19.11.1-2 [where Polyperchon figures in that <<clash>> with Eurydike at Euia below Bermion=Kastania]. The other épor€a/§r≈thsiw: whether Adea-Eurydike, Philippos Arrhidaios and Kynna were cremated, for Diodoros and Diyllos=Athenaios imply only burial, with funeral games [in the style of Achilles after Patroklos’ funeral?]. Diodoros, 19.52. (4) ı d¢ Kãsandrow diegn≈kei µ¢n énele›n ÉAl°jandron tÚn pa›da ka‹ tØn µht°ra aÈtoË ÑRvjãnhn, … (5) µetå d¢ taËta basilik«w ≥dh diejãgvn tå katå tØn érxØn EÈrud€khn µ¢n ka‹ F€lippon toÁw basile›w, ¶ti d¢ KÊnnan, ∂n éne›len ÉAlk°taw, ¶yacen §n Afigaia›w, kayãper ¶yow ∑n to›w basileËsi. tiµÆsaw d¢ toÁw teteleuthkÒtaw §pitaf€oiw ég«si kat°grafe t«n MakedÒnvn toÁw eÈy°touw, …; and Diyllos=Athenaios, 4.155 a: ˜ti d¢ ka‹ ofl ¶ndojoi ka‹ ofl ≤geµÒnew §µonoµãxoun ka‹ §k proklÆsevw toËtÉ §po€oun §n êlloiw efirÆkaµen. D€ullow [=diÊalow A] dÉ ı ÉAyhna›ow §n tª §nãt˙ t«n flstori«n f∞sin …w Kãsandrow §k Boivt€aw §pani∆n ka‹ yãcaw tÚn

basil°a ka‹ tØn bas€lissan §n Afiga€aiw ka‹ µetÉ aÈt«n tØn KÊnnan tØn EÈrud€khw µht°ra ka‹ to›w êlloiw tiµÆsaw oÂw prosÆkei ka‹ µonoµax€aw ég«na [=ég«naw A] ¶yhken, efiw ˘n kat°bhsan t°ssarew t«n strativt«n. Antonis Bartsiokas (ÉAnt≈nhw Mpartsi≈kaw) stated in Science 288 (21 April 2000) 514 [511-514] that the bones of the male occupant were more or less dry, because Philippos Arrhidaios had been buried for about six months. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Why would Kasandros cremate bare bones, and not just bury the bones? [unless to give the impression of a heroic/royal burial]. And would the skeletons be devoid of almost all flesh after only six months in the earth? However, it is not known how Olympias disposed of Philippos Arrhidaios’ and Eurydike’s bodies, and if she had buried them at all [Diodoros’ ¶yacen and Douris’ [=Athenaios] yãcaw (above) suggest a first burial, with no indication of a reburial and its dramatics, although having also Kynna’s body/or sorÚw would indicate some kind of a retention of bodies. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Where is Kynna? The two sources mentioned herein give the impression that the three were buried together, and this would have been most fitting since Kynna was the mother [=basiloµÆtvr] of the queen/bas€lissa Adea-Eurydike. It has also been argued that the paraphernalia, or some of the paraphernalia, in Tomb II belong/may belong to Alexander; therefore, Tomb II is not Philip’s. The épor€a/§r≈thsiw: Could these paraphernalia, if Alexander’s, have been placed there afterwards? Perhaps Philip’s tomb may have been opened to veneration [that is, it was not immediately sealed, but only later, after the death of Alexander and whose body went to Egypt instead of to Aigai] (cf. Diodoros, 19.22.1: ÑVw d° poyÉ ∏kon efiw Pers°polin tÚ bas€leion, Peuk°sthw µ°n, Ãn taÊthw t∞w x≈raw strathgÒw, yus€an §pet°lese µegaloprep∞ to›w yeo›w ka‹ ÉAlejãndrƒ ka‹ Fil€ppƒ, ktl., and 3: §n µ°sƒ d¢ toÊtvn Íp∞rxon bvµo‹ ye«n ka‹ ÉAlejãndrou ka‹ Fil€ppou [317 B.C.]). These épor€ai/§rvtÆseiw can perhaps be answered with greater accuracy by those who observed the objects in their original position, before their disturbance. There are, of course, photographs, but the photographs cannot really convey/recreate the original [for example, the nature of the sites of Dion. Dodona or Delphi cannot be captured through photographs or even through videos, for only an actual visit there explains why they were chosen to be sacred places: Olympos over Dion, mountainous Dodona, Delphi]. Lastly, the injuries that Philip II is said to have received may not have been as injurious or extensive as reported [for example, the destruction of his eye may not have involved the bone at all, and this may apply to the injuries in his legs, as well]. Philippos Arrhidaios, too, may have borne bone injuries, if speared, as it may be inferred from Diodoros, 19.11.5: tÚn µ¢n F€lippon pros°taje [=ÉOluµpiåw] Yr&j€ tisin §kkent∞sai.

Carney, Elizabeth, <<Hunting and the Macedonian elite: sharing the rivalry of the chase (Arrian 4.13.1)>> in The Hellenistic World: New Perspectives, ed. Daniel Ogden [The

Classical Press of Wales and Duckworth, 2002] 59-68 (text), 69-74 (Notes), 74-80 (Bibliography).

Page 61, with notes 32-36. The lion in Macedonia. Also cited below, under LEONTES. Pages 66-67, with notes 75-87. Tomb II as a <<late fourth century>> construction. [1 Nov. 2006]

Carney, Elizabeth, <<THE DEATH OF PHILIP II: PERCEPTION AND CONTEXT>>, Classical Bulletin 82.1 (2006) 27-38.

See: http://www.camws.org/meeting/2003/abstracts2003/carney.html [11 August 2009]

Cohen, Ada, The Alexander Mosaic. Stories of Victory and Defeat (Cambridge, 1997) 53-57, 73-78. Cohen, Ada, Art in the Era of Alexander: Paradigms of Manhood and their Cultural Traditions [Cambridge University Press, 2010]. Diodoros, 18.4.5: toË d¢ patrÚw Fil€ppou tãfon puraµ€di paraplÆsion µiò tª µeg€st˙ {t«n} katå tØn A‡gupton, ìw §n to›w •ptã tinew µeg€stoiw ¶rgoiw katariyµoËsin. (6) énagnvsy°ntvn d¢ t«n Ípoµnhµãtvn

ofl MakedÒnew, ka€per épodedegµ°noi kal«w tÚn ÉAl°jandron, ˜µvw ÍperÒgkouw ka‹ dusef€ktouw tåw §pibolåw ır«ntew ¶krinan µhd¢n t«n efirhµ°nvn suntele›n [Alexander’s ÍpoµnƵata]. 31.27.8: t«n går katå tØn Makedon€an basil°vn ple€sthn pepoihµ°nvn [=pepoihµ°nhn P] spoudØn per‹ tåw kunhges€aw pãntaw Íper°bale [=ı Skip€vn]. {Loeb text}

See Polybios, 31.29, below. DroÊgou. St°lla, Berg€na. Tå PÆlina ÉAgge›a t∞w Megãlhw Toʵpaw [ÉArxaiologikØ ÑEtaire€a, ÉAy∞nai, 2005].

Reviewed by Susan I. Rotroff in AJA 111 (2007) 809-810. ELEUYEROTUPIA, Tetãrth, 08-02-2006, T°xnew [Online]: <<S€goura o tãfow toË Fil€ppou>> / YESSALONIKH / Tou SAKH APOSTOLAKH.

EYNOSONLINE, E-LIFE >> EPISTHMES, 30/4/2008, <<Oi tãfoi e€nai basiliko€>>..., AggelikÆ K≈tth [>E.N. Borza, www.nationalgeographic.com, arguing for Philip III in Tomb II]. See 2008 AIA Annual Meeting, Chicago, 

below. H OLGA PALAGGIA éntapantç/replies. EYNOSONLINE, E-LIFE >> TEXNES - POLITISMOS, 7/5/2008: “Mia apãnthsh sthn <<Ep€yesh ston tãfo tou Fil€ppou>>” [§pistolØ/letter ÖOlgaw Palaggiç].

Below, under 2008 AIA Annual Meeting, Chicago. Palaggia replies to ETHNOS’ dhµos€euµa <<Ep€yesh>> ston tãfo tou Fil€ppou / To Nãsional Tzeogkrãfik aµfisbhte› ton AndrÒniko µe skopianÆ... oµpr°la, AGGELIKH KVTTH [<<E>> 29/4]. Philip’s assassination/cremation/[burial]: AncW 27.1 (1996) 84 (text), 87 (translation) [81-87]=P. Oxy. XV 1798, fr. 1=FGrH 148 F

1 [below, Kapetanopoulos, Elias, <<Philip II’s Assassination and Funeral>>]. This accords with the cremated remains in Tomb II. 

Alexander’s ˜pla/insignia, see N.G.L. Hammond, <<ARMS AND THE KING: THE INSIGNIA OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT>>, Phoenix 43 (1989) 217-224=Collected Studies III (Adolf M. Hakkert, Amsterdam, 1994) 183-190. Quintus Curtius, 10.6.4: Tunc Perdicca, regia sella in conspectum volgi data, in qua diadema vestisque Alexandri cum armis erant, anulum sibi pridie traditum a rege in eadem sede posuit; idem, 10.10.13: deinde precati, ut ius fasque esset mortalibus attrectare deum [=eum], purgavere corpus, repletumque est odoribus aureum solium et capiti adiecta fortunae eius insignia (Aegyptii, Chaldaei); idem, 10.6.15: “Mea sententia haec est, ut sede Alexandri in regia posita, qui consiliis eius adhibebantur, coeant quotiens in commune consulto opus fuerit, eoque quod maior pars eorum decreverit stetur, duces praefectique copiarum his pareant” (Ptolemy speaking). Diodoros, 18.26.4: §pãnv d¢ t∞w yÆkhw §pet°yeito [Dindorf, §pet€yeto] kaluptØr xrusoËw, èrµÒzvn ékrib«w ka‹ perilaµbãnvn tØn énvtãtv perif°reian. taÊthw dÉ §pãnv peri°keito foinik‹w diaprepØw xrusopo€kiltow, parÉ ∂n ¶yesan tå toË µethllaxÒtow ˜pla, boulÒµenoi sunoikeioËn tØn ˜lhn fantas€an ta›w prokateirgasµ°naiw prãjesi [Alexander’s èrµãµaja]. Diodoros, 18.60.3-61.1-2 (skhnÆ, yrÒnow) [Nepos, Eumenes, 7.1-3, Polyainos, 4.8.2]. Plutarch, Eumenes13, (3) ÖEfh går ÉAl°jandron aÈt“ [=Eȵ°nei] katå toÁw Ïpnouw fan∞nai, ka‹ de›ja€ tina skhnØn kateskeuasµ°nhn basilik«w ka‹ yrÒnon §n aÈtª ke€µenon: e‰ta efipe›n …w §ntaËya sunedreÊousin aÈto›w ka‹ xrhµat€zousin aÈtÚw par°stai ka‹ sunefãcetai boul∞w te pãshw ka‹ prãjevw érxoµ°nouw épÉ aÈtoË. taËta =ad€vw ¶peise tÚn ÉAntig°nh ka‹ tÚn TeÊtaµon, oÎte §ke€nvn bad€zein bouloµ°nvn prÚw aÈtÒn, oÎte aÈtÚw éji«n §p‹ yÊraiw •t°rvn ırçsyai. (4) ka‹ tiy°ntew oÏtv skhnØn basilikØn ka‹ yrÒnon ÉAlejãndrƒ katapefhµisµ°non §ke› suneporeÊonto bouleuÒµenoi per‹ t«n µeg€stvn. Aelian, Varia Historia 12.64. Alexander’s body and Ptolemy’s ıµo€vµa/ruse against Perdikkas. Suetonius, Gaius, 52: ... Triumphalem quidem ornatum etiam ante expeditionem assidue gestavit [=Gaius], interdum et Magni Alexandri thoracem repetitum e conditorio eius [cf. idem, Divus Augustus, 18.1]. Cassius Dio, 59.17.3: §peidÆ te ßtoiµa ∑n, tÒn te y≈raka tÚn ÉAlejãndrou, Àw ge ¶lege [=Gãiow], ka‹ §pÉ aÈt“ xlaµÊda shrikØn èlourg∞, polÁ µ¢n xrus€on polloÁw d¢ ka‹ l€youw ÉIndikoÁw ¶xousan, §pen°du, j€fow te parez≈sato ka‹ ésp€da ¶labe ka‹ dru˛ §stefan≈sato, (4) ...

ELEUYEROTUPIA, ParaskeuÆ, 1/6/2001, TEXNES [Online]: O tãfow tou Megal°jandrou [F. Mp.]

Presentation of the 2nd improved edition of <<O IIow basilikÒw tãfow thw Berg€naw apokalÊptei ton M°ga Al°jandro>> (ekd. <<Yessalon€kh>>)

by Triantãfullow D. Papaz≈hw, [dutiko] MakedÒnaw, pr≈hn strativtikÚw ka‹ µelethtØw t∞w Berg€naw katå tØn 10et€an toË É90. Previously published in 1993 under the title <<Ston F€lippo BÉ Æ ston M°ga Al°jandro anÆkei o basilikÒw tãfow thw Berg€naw;>>. Thesis, as reported by F. Mp.: Tomb II does not belong to Philip II, but to Arridaios Philippos [this writer: as some others maintain, but there are serious obstacles to this view]. Philip II was buried in Tomb III. Later Antigonos Gonatas modified Tomb II and Alexander and Roxane were reburied there, as was Alexander IV, Alexander’s and Roxane’s son, in Tomb III. Gordiod°sµata. Repeated herein, under Makedonis VI: Alexandros: Bibliographia.

ELEUYEROTUPIA, KuriakÆ, 17-04-2005 [Online]: AMFISBHTHSH APÉ TA KOKALA BGALMENH / Oi sÊgxronoi <<Makedonoµãxoi>> [Ke€µeno: KVSTAS

GIANNAKIDHS – fvt.: GIVRGOS & GIANNHS ZARZVNHS (photographs in the regular printed edition)]. The dispute as to who is buried inTomb II at Vergina, Philip II or Philippos Arridaios. ÉEgxrÒµvw efiw ¶nyeton KURIAKATIKHS ELEUYEROTUPIAS, <<E(cilon)>> TEUXOS 731, 17-04-2005, sel. 50-60. Korufa€oi arxaiolÒgoi kai anyrvpolÒgoi uposthr€zoun Òti ta ostã den / anÆkoun ston F€lippo BÄ allã ston adelfÒ tou M. Alejãndrou, F€lippo GÄ/ POIOS FILIPPOS BRISKETAI / STON TAFO THS BERGINAS; [§j≈fullon] – [§ntÚw] Oi sÊgxronoi <<Makedonoµãxoi>> / AMFISBHTHSH / APÉ TA KOKALA / BGALMENH [Ke€µeno: KVSTAS GIANNAKIDHS / fvt.: GIVRGOS & GIANNHS ZARZVNHS] SUNDROMON toË diå éntiy°sevw prvteÊein.

Fox, R. Lane, <<INTRODUCTION: DATING THE ROYAL TOMBS AT VERGINA>> in BRILL’S COMPANION TO ANCIENT MACEDON. Studies in the Archaeology and History of Macedon, 650 BC­300 AD,  ed. Robin J. Lane Fox [E.J. Brill: Leiden.Boston, 2011] 1‐34. Gill, David W.J., <<Inscribed Silver Plate from Tomb II at Vergina: Chronological Implications>>, Hesperia 77.2 (1978) 335-358. (Leans toward Eurydike-Arrhidaios Philippos III, because of weights shown on silver plate from the tomb.)

NOTE: Diyllos=Athenaios IV 41 p. 155 A=FGrH 73 F 1: D€ullow dÉ ı ÉAyhna›ow §n tªi §nãthi t«n ÑIstori«n fhsin …w Kãsandrow §k Boivt€aw §pani∆n ka‹ yãcaw tÚn basil°a ka‹ tØn bas€lissan §n Afiga€aiw ka‹ µetÉ aÈt«n tØn KÊnnan tØn EÈrud€khw µht°ra ka‹ to›w êlloiw tiµÆsaw oÂw prosÆkei ka‹ µonoµax€aw ég«na ¶yhken, efiw ¯n kat°bhsan t°ssarew t«n strativt«n. Diodoros, 19.52.5: µetå d¢ taËta basilik«w ≥dh diejãgvn tå katå tØn érxØn EÈrud€khn µ¢n ka‹ F€lippon toÁw basile›w, ¶ti d¢ KÊnnan, µn éne›len ÉAlk°taw, ¶yacen §n Afigaia›w, kayãper ¶yow ∑n toflw basileËsi. tiµÆsaw d¢ toÁw teteleuthkÒtaw §pitaf€oiw ég«si

kat°grafe t«n MakedÒnvn toÁw eÈy°touw, diegnvk∆w efiw PelopÒnnhson strateÊein. In both Diyllos and Diodoros (depending undoubtedly on Diyllos) there is no hint that Eurydike and Philippos III Arrhidaios had been cremated other than they were buried (yãcaw, ¶yacen), which indicates body reburial in this instance. It is also said that Kynna, Eurydike’s mother, had been buried with them, which may be interpreted to mean that the three shared one tomb, or most unlikely meaning that the three were buried at the same time but in separate tombs. Moreover, the only distinct activity mentioned of their burial is the Funeral Games that followed. No mention of an elaborate tomb, for example, though this could be delegated to omission, but very unlikely if the tomb was as elaborate as Tomb II is. Thus, any argument from this evidence that Tomb II belongs to Eurydike-Philippos Arrhidaios is mere speculation. Andronikos had asked where is Philip’s tomb if Tomb II is not his, and Tomb I is offered as the potential burial of Philip. In Tomb I an adult male, female, and child had been inhumed (Gill herein, p. 352), but Philip suffered cremation (cf., for example, P. Oxy. XV 1798 in AncW 27.1 (1996) 84 [81-87]), and Pseudo-Kallisthenes, I.24, who speaks of a tãfon polutel∞, but also of tÚ skÆnvµa.

Grammenos, Dimitris, under Marangou, Christina, below. HATZOPOULOS, MILT. B., <<The Burial of the Dead (at Vergina) or The Unending Controversy on the Identity of the Occupants of Tomb II>>, TEKMHRIA/TEKMERIA 9 (2008) 91-118 (118: SUMMARY). A detailed review of the

contoversy and its <<participants>>. H KAYHMERINH, EPTA HMERES, KURIAKH 19 DEKEMBRIOU 1999, 39. Brief reference to Philip II's tomb at Vergina, with photograph of tomb's façade and hunting scene. Houser, Caroline, 'The "Alexander Sarcophagus" of Abdalonymos: A Hellenistic Monument from Sidon' in Regional Schools in Hellenistic Sculpture, eds. Olga Palagia and William

Coulson (Oxbow Monograph 90, 1998) 284 [281-291]. Kapetanopoulos, Elias, "Philip II's Assassination and Funeral," Ancient World 27.1 (1996) 81-87. (Above, EYNOSONLINE, E-LIFE >> EPISTHMES.)

Page 84: Restoration of P. Oxy. XV 1798, frgs. 1 + 17 [cremation of Philip’s body]

[--------------------] [-- tÒte d¢ Pausan€aw] [prosdraµ«n µãxairai] [F€lippon éne›le: Fil€p]- [pou d¢ yanÒntow, ÉAl°]- (4) [jandrow] toÁw M[a]k[edÒ]- [naw §n y]eãt[r]vi ka[‹] [toÁw êll]ouw ép°[lu]-

[se v tØn d]¢ per‹ yrÒn[vi] (8) [aÈt«i Ïbr]in to›w M[a]- [kedÒsi p]ar°dvke t[e€sa]- [syai: fon°a dÉ] épetupãn[i]- [san êrdh]n v tÚ d¢ s«µ[a] (12) [toË te Fil]€ppou yera- [e€ai loËs]ai par°dvk[e]: [to›w d¢ p]er‹ tØn ta[fØn] [purån kat]ask[e]uãze[in] (16) [e‰pe: sunnenhµ°]nhw d¢ [t∞w purçw jÊlv]n §lat€- vacat [nvn jhr«n, ktl. ------]

Dotted letters. Lines 5 (t, k), 6 (e, t, 2nd a), 8 (y, n), 9 (1st i, M), 10 (a, t), 11 (n), 12 (n, µ), 13 (i), 14 (1st a, k), 15 (n, a), 16 (1st a, u, e), 17 (n), and 18 (n). Lines 18-19: [τῆς πυρᾶς ξύλω]ν ἐλατί/ vacat / [νων

ξηρῶν, κτλ. ------]. Cf. Euripides, Hekabe/Hecuba,

lines 573-576: éllÉ ofl µ¢n aÈt«n tØn yanoËsan §k

xer«n / fÊlloiw ¶ballon, ofl d¢ plhroËsin

purån / korµoÁw f°rontew peuk€nouw, ı dÉ oÈ

f°rvn / prÚw toË f°rontow toiãdÉ ≥kouen kakã:

[Talthybios to Hekabe, about Polyksene/Polyxena]; cf.

also ibid. lines 631-634: ÉIda€an ˜te pr«ton Ïlan

/ ÉAl°jandrow efilat€nan / §tãµeyÉ, ëlion §pÉ

o‰dµa naustolÆsvn / ÑEl°naw §p‹ l°ktra, tån

[Choros/Chorus].

 Kleiner, Fred S., “The Kalydonian Hunt: A Reconstruction of a Painting from the Circle of Polygnotos,” Antike Kunst 15 (1972) 7-19. See under Barringer above. Kottar€dh, ÉAggelikÆ, BASILIKES PURES STH NEKROPOLH TVN AIGVN, Anc. Macedonia VI (1996='99), vol. A, 631-642:

Purå Fil€ppou (nekrikÚw o‰kow Filippou), 634-637 (>purå PatrÒklou), 642, Sx. 3 & 4.

This is solid, supplementary evidence that the tomb is Philip II's

[above]. Xãlkino liontãri [bronze lion] from Philip's purã, 631. Eraldikå (heraldic) liontãria (lions) [shield], 635.

KreµÊdh-Sisiliãnou, Sof€a, ENAS NEOS TUPOS TETRADRAXMOU TOU ALEJANDROU A', Anc. Macedonia VI (1996='99), vol. A, 643-654:

Page 648: Parãstash ipp°a-kunhgoÊ. Stater of Amyntas III (ca. 393-370 B.C.) [not illustrated]. Obverse: The ippeÁw has cast his spear at the lion, shown on the reverse, and is about to attack it with his second spear. This scene of lion hunting shows that such motifs antedated the lion hunting scene on the façade of Philip II's tomb, and it lends support to the view that the lion scene on the façade comes out of a Makedonian context and not from an eastern one [above]. Pages 648-649: Makedonian hunts mentioned.

Landucci Gattinoni, Franca, in Philip II and Alexander the Great. Father and Son, Lives and Afterlives, eds. Elizabeth Carney and Daniel Ogden [Oxford University Press, 2010]

Part III After Philip and Alexander: Legacy and Legitimation, nos. 11-13, 113-148

no. 11: Franca Landucci Gattinoni, <<Cassander and the Legacy of Philip II and Alexander III in Diodorus’ Library>>, 113-121

NOTE. Cynna’s/Kynna’s burial, pp. 114-116. In a kind of squaring the circle, now a “Macedonian tomb” with <<freestanding columns as its façade, the sole remains of the original monument>> [page 116] is identified /or proposed to be recognized as Kynna’s tomb [situated not far from the main tombs]. This is idlle, or rather wandering, speculation, since this “Macedonian tomb” has left no trace(s) of its occupant(s) [it has been entirely demolished, except for the columns [ancient/modern times?]. In Diodoros, the sense is that Kynna was buried together with the Kings: Philip III/Eurydice, but it is open to interpretation. Cp. above, under Carney, Elizabeth, <<Women and Military Leadership in Macedonia>>. 

 NOTE. ANDRONIKOS, MANOLHS, BERGINA. OI BASILIKOI TAFOI [EKDOTIKH AYHNVN, 1989] 83. The tomb with the four surviving columns/k€onew was excavated in 1980, as Andronikos reports. Since it was underground it was concluded that it was a tomb, but it may not have been underground

when originally constructed [the surface may have differed then]. At any rate, it was destroyed rather thoroughly, for whatever reason, and apparently nothing funerary was found to identify it as being indeed a tomb. Perhaps the tomb, if a tomb, is under study by someone, but the remaining columns and some stones may tell its connection with the three tombs under the Megãlh Toʵpa, if any. As to whom the tomb may have belonged, not even speculation is allowable here, with the sate of the evidence. [6 June 2010] 

N.B. Philip II and Alexander the Great. Father and Son, Lives and Afterlives, eds. Elizabeth Carney and Daniel Ogden [Oxford University Press, 2010] 

   

Part I Father, Son and Court, nos. 1-6, 3-65   

no. 2: Victor Alonso Troncoso, <<The Bearded King and the Beardless Hero. From Philip II to Alexander the Great>>, 13-24   

NOTE. Cp. the bearded king (Philip II) and the beardless Alexander in the hunting scene on the façade of Tomb II/Tomb II of Philip. [4 ÉIoun€ou/June 2010] 

 Marangou, Christina, and Grammenos, Dimitris, <<’Monamentality’, functionality, animality: on an unusual prehistoric clay head from central Macedonia, Greece, and its implications>>, ABSA 100 (2005) 1-40. [lion’s head, 8-X-2006] Musgrave, Jonathan, and Prag, John, <<The occupants of Tomb II at Vergina: why Arrhidaios and Eurydice must be excluded>>, in HERACLES TO ALEXANDER THE GREAT. Treasures from the Royal Capital of Macedon, a Hellenic Kingdom in the  

Age of Democracy [Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford and the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2011] 127‐130.

Palagia, Olga, 'The Enemy Within: A Macedonian in Piraeus' in Regional Schools in Hellenistic Sculpture, eds. Olga Palagia and William Coulson (Oxbow Monograph 90, 1998) 25,

note 52. Palagia, Olga, “Alexander the Great as Lion Hunter: The Fresco of Vergina Tomb II and

the Marble Frieze of Messene in the Louvre,” Minerva 9.4 (1998) 25-28. Palagia, Olga, "Hephaestion's Pyre and the Royal Hunt of Alexander" in Alexander the Great: Fact and Fiction, eds. A. B. Bosworth and E. J. Baynham (Oxford UP, 2000) 167-206, No.

6 (discussion of Tomb II or Philip II's tomb, 189-200 and 202) [=Bartsiokas, p. 514, note 3=The New York Times below]. NOTE: A discussion/interpretation of mainly lion hunting motifs in art, with a leaning toward conformity with the study's thesis that Tomb II is not Philip II's, as the facade's fresco is interpreted. P. 180: "No lions were to be found south of Thrace or east of the Nestus river (Hdt. 7.125) and Greek artists had no first hand knowledge of them." Herodotos, 7.124: …: §poreÊeto (=J°rjhw) d¢ diå t∞w Paionik∞w ka‹ Krhstvnik∞w §p‹ potaµÚn Xe€dvron, ˘w §k Krhstvna€vn érjãµenow =°ei diå Mugdon€hw x≈rhw ka› §jie› parå tÚ ßlow tÚ §p' ÉAji“ potaµ“. 7.125: Poreuoµ°nƒ d¢ taÊt˙ l°ont°w ofl §peyÆkanto tªsi sitofÒroisi kaµÆloisi. katafoit°ontew går ofl l°ontew tåw nÊktaw ka‹ le€pontew tå sf°tera ≥yea êllou µ¢n oÈdenÚw ëptonto oÎte Ípozug€ou oÎte ényr≈pou, o„ d¢ tåw kaµÆlouw §kerãizon µoÊnaw. yvµãzv d¢ tÚ a‡tion, ˜ ti kot¢ ∑n t«n êllvn tÚ énagkãzon épexoµ°nouw toÁw l°ontaw tªsi kaµÆloisi §pit€yesyai, tÚ µÆte prÒteron Ùp≈pesan yhr€on µÆt' §pepeir°ato aÈtoË. 7.126: Efis‹ d¢ katå taËta tå xvr€a ka‹ l°ontew pollo‹ ka‹ bÒew êgrioi, t«n tå k°rea Íperµegãyea §st‹ tå §w ÜEllhnaw foit°onta. oÔrow d¢ to›si l°ousi §st‹ ˜ te di' ÉAbdÆrvn =°vn potaµÚw N°stow ka‹ ı di' ÉAkarnan€hw =°vn ÉAxel“ow: oÎte går tÚ prÚw tØn ±« toË N°stou oÈdaµÒyi pãshw t∞w ¶µprosye EÈr≈phw ‡doi tiw ên l°onta, oÎte prÚw •sp°rhw toË ÉAxel–ou §n tª §pilo€pƒ ±pe€rƒ, éll' §n tª µetajÁ toÊtvn t«n potaµ«n g€nontai. 7.127: ÑVw d¢ §w tØn Y°rµhn ép€keto ı J°rjhw ·druse aÈtoË tØn stratiÆn, ktl. Herodotos shows that the Makedones would have had knowledge of lions well before Alexander's expedition, as lions were to be found between Nestos and Acheloos. However, the question to be asked is what type of lions were they. From the fresco on the façade of Tomb II, as reproduced, it does not seem to be a regular Asiatic/African lion (as above), and this weakens the argument that the fresco's lion is influence from the east.

Palagia, Olga, <<The Tomb of Philip at Vergina: Which Philip?>>, Beazley Archive Lecture Series = http:www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/lectures/palagia.htm. [downloaded, 26 May 2009] Palagia, Olga, under Borza, Eugene N./Palagia, Olga, above. Palaggiã, Olga, <<ApÒ ton Parãdeiso tou Radãµanyu ston KunhgetikÒ Parãdeiso tou Megãlou Alejãndrou: Mia n°a erµhne€a thw MakedonikÆw ZvgrafikÆw>>,

ıµil€a thw stØn ÉArxaiologikØn ÑEtaire€an §n ÉAyÆnaiw, Deut°ra, 28

Mart€ou 2005, st‹w 19.00 = TO BHMA, TOãlloBHMA, KuriakÆ, 27-03-2005 [Online, KvdikÒw ãryrou: B14424C153].

Paliad°lh-SaatsÒglou, XrusoÊla, H toixograf€a µe to kunÆgi sth Berg€na,

PANELLHNIO SUNEDRIO, H TOIXOGRAFIA STON ELLADIKO XVRO KAI STIS PERIOXES ELLHNIKVN EPIDRASEVN (apÒ touw proÛstorikoÊw °vw touw ne≈terouw xrÒnouw). SUNEDRIAKO KENTRO <<PETROS M. NOMIKOS>> : YHRA : 17-20 OKTVBRIOU 2003 = H KAYHMERINH. TEXNES, KURIAKH 12 OKTVBRIOU 2003, 12 (TELEUTAIA SELIDA).

Paliad°lh-SaatsÒglou, XrusoÊla, BERGINA, O TAFOS TOU FILIPPOU. H TOIXOGRAFIA ME TO KUNHGI [t∞w §n ÉAyÆnaiw ÉArxaiologik∞w ÑEtaire€aw, 2004].

PERIEXOMENA, A. TO MNHMEIO [TO MNHMEIO KAI H PROSOCH TOU, H TOIXOGRAFIA], B. TO ZVGRAFIKO ERGO [H PARASTASH, PRAGMATOLOGIKA STOIXEIA, EIKONOGRAFIKA YEMATA, TEXNOTROPIKES PARATHRHSEIS], G. ZHTHMATA ERMHNEIAS KAI XRONOLOGHSHS [H ISTORIKOTHTA THS PARASTASHS, H XRONOLOGHSH THS TOIXOGRAFIAS, TO PROBLHMA TOU ZVGRAFOU]. (épÚ O MENTVR, teËxow 72, ÉOkt≈briow 2004 [p€sv §j≈fullo]) [this writer has a copy of BERGINA]

Prag, John, under Musgrave, Jonathan, and Prag, John, above. Reilly, L. C., “The Hunting Frieze from Vergina,” JHS 113 (1993) 160-162. SEG 53.1 (2003=2008) 99-100, No. 266. Dedicatory vase inscription DionÊsƒ ka‹ ÉArt°µidi, ca. 250-200. <<Macedonian elements>>. Sideris, Athanasios, “Les tombes de Derveni: quelques remarques sur la toreutique,” Revue Archéologique 2000 – Fascicule 1, 3-36.

P. 20: 18.Carte de distribution des coupes et canthares en bronze du IVe siècle av. J.-C. NOTE. An impressive concentration is shown in the Haliakmon-Axios basin. Pp. 31-36, ABREVIATIONS [=bibliography] P. 36, Addendum

Slowikowski, Synthia Sydnor, Sport and culture in the ancient Macedonian society [a Pennsylvania State University dissertation, 1988=UMI Dissertation Services, 1996] 95-100.

Sport association is another type of evidence indicating that Tomb II is Philip’s. The New York Times, Tuesday, 25 April 2000, Section F: Science, p. 6=Antonis Bartsiokas, "The Eye

Injury of King Philip II and the Skeletal Evidence from the Royal Tomb II at Vergina," Science , 21 April 2000, pp. 411 and 511-514 (vidi). Again it is maintained that the tomb belongs to Philippos Arridaios rather than to Philip II, but D€ullow [=Diodoros, 19.52.5, and Athenaios 155a] may have implied that Philippos Arridaios, his wife Eurydike and her mother Kynna (Kynane) were buried together (one tomb), although this may be cancelled out by Diodoros' ¶ti d¢ KÊnnan, but Athenaios has ka‹ µet' aÈt«n tØn KÊnnan; there is also

no hint of cremation. In Philip II's tomb, only two skeletons have been found, which have undergone cremation. But be that as it may, Bartsiokas stresses that the bones show no injuries which Philip is said to have suffered, and this is his strongest "evidence" if true, although Philip's injuries may not have affected the bone (only nerves and muscles), contrary to the ancients who may be reporting exaggerations [however, Arridaios himself had been stabbed or speared to death (§kkent∞sai), and perhaps his bones should show signs of injury (Diodoros, 19.11.5 and 7) . Moreover, even though the bones were enclosed in a larnax, their coloration must have undergone some change for being underground for some 2300+ years [moisture must have penetrated them], and then being exposed to the present environmental conditions in late 1977. Moreover, the bones would have been washed after cremation and before burial. It is not known what Olympias did with the bodies of Eurydike and Arridaios after their murder. She probably gave them a simple burial in the manner of Klytaimnestra's burial of Agamemnon [Aischylos, Oresteian Trilogy], with perhaps some mutilation of their bodies. In any case, it can be stated from Diodoros and Athenaios [=Diyllos] that Kassandros buried the bodies of Eurydike and Arridaios and not cremated bones devoid of flesh, although cremation may be implied in kayãper ¶yow ∑n to›w basileËsi (Diodoros). It would have been indicated, if Kassandros was only involved with bones [Ùstç], in whatever state. Diyllos, however, wrote that Kassandros buried the king and queen [=Diodoros: toÁw basile›w; Athenaios: tÚn basil°a ka‹ tØn bas€lissan], which conveys the sense that Kassandros was burying bodies and not bones (above) [cf. Diodoros, 19.44.2: kaÊsaw tÚ s«µa ka‹ katay°µenow efiw égge›on tå Ùstç (Antigonos>Eumenes)]. Bartsiokas mentions that the bodies of Eurydike and Arridaios would have been buried for about six (6) months [p. 513] before cremation and internment, but is this enough time for the bone degreasing/drying [complete decomposition of flesh] stressed therein? This raises many questions that have to be dealt with, before being definitive that Tomb II is not Philip II's. Naturally, it is tempting to rush to solve the "mystery", if there is a mystery, of Tomb II successfully, before someone else does. In any event, there are "holes" in Tomb II that can be exploited/interpreted variously. One of them being the woman in the second chamber (above), who is given a secondary role to the occupant of the first chamber, and this indicates that they are not equal in position. Diodoros twice [19.35.1 and 52.5] names Eurydike before Philippos [Arridaios], which would suggest that she was the dominant one, as indicated by the clash between Olympias and Eurydike who met the former in full armor [Douris=Athenaios 560f: thn d¢ EÈrud€khn Makedonik«w kayvplisµ°nhn] and other instances, where Eurydike is merged with Arridaios=basile›w [Diodoros, 19.11.1: EÈrud€kh, t∞w basile€aw proesthku›a, 4: ÉOluµpiåw t«n basilik«n svµãtvn kurieÊsasa, and 52.5: toÁw basile›w, …, ¶yacen (Kãssandrow)]. In other words, if the woman in the second chamber was Eurydike she would have been placed next to Arridaios (if it is Arridaios in the

first chamber) as an equal and not given a secondary position. Therefore, this has to be taken into account, and the possibility that the occupants of Tomb II are not husband and wife but some other relation, especially since they have been placed separately. Moreover, the woman's bones, or what remains of them, should undergo the same scrutiny as the bones of Philip II [the bones of Philip II, unless shown conclusively (beyond speculation) otherwise]. As to the manner of how Arridaios and Eurydike died, Diodoros, 19.11.3-7; cf. also Justin, 14.5.9-10, and ibid. 1-4, for cordiality between Eurydike and Kassandros. Manolis Andronikos in identifying Tomb II as that of Philip II was led to this by the tomb's Alexandrian-Philippian themes/motifs, besides the great tumulus that covered the tomb, pointing to a very important personality being buried there. For now, one can consult Kapetanopoulos (above) about details of Philip's burial, and this would be elaborated upon as circumstances demand/require, with one remark about the woman in the second chamber that probably she could not be Kleopatra, if Olympias did to her and her child what Pausanias reports [Arkadika, vii.7]. NOTE: Diodoros, 16.34.5: §n d¢ tª poliork€& taÊt˙ [Mey≈n˙] sun°bh tÚn F€lippon efiw tÚn ÙfyalµÚn plhg°nta tojeʵati diafyar∞nai tØn ˜rasin.

Tripodi, Bruno, Cacce reali macedoni Tra Alessandro I e Filippo V, Pelorias 3, Di.SC.A.M., 1998, especially 55-109. [22-2-2000] Wootton, W., “Another Alexander Mosaic: Reconstructing the Hunt Mosaic from Palermo,” JRA 15 (2002) 264-274.

NOTE. Could the <<Persian>> [pp. 269, 271, 272, 274], for example, be just a doËlow instead? His depiction in the mosaic lacks any heroic imagery, while his indicated fear/terror would fit the behavior of a servant or subordinate.

Worthington, Ian, Philip II of Macedonia [Yale University Press, 2008] 234-241, APPENDIX 6: THE VERGINA ROYAL TOMBS.

===================== Herodotos, 7.124-126: (124) ÑO µ¢n dØ nautikÚw stratÚw aÈtoË per‹ ÖAjion potaµÚn ka‹ pÒlin Y°rµhn ka‹ tåw µetajÁ pÒliaw toÊtvn periµ°nvn basil°a §stratopedeÊeto, J°rjhw d¢ ka‹ ı pezÚw stratÚw §poreÊeto §k t∞w ÉAkãnyou tØn µesÒgaian tãµnvn t∞w ıdoË, boulÒµenow §w tØn Y°rµhn épik°syai: §poreÊeto d¢ diå t∞w Paionik∞w ka‹ Krhstvnik∞w §p‹ potaµÚn Xe€dvron, ˘w §k Krhstvna€vn érjãµenow =°ei diå Mugdon€hw x≈rhw ka‹ §jie› parå tÚ ¶low tÚ §pÉ ÉAj€ƒ potaµ“. (125) Poreuoµ°nƒ d¢ taÊt˙ l°ont°w ofl §peyÆkanto tªsi sitofÒroisi kaµÆloisi. katafoit°ontew går ofl l°ontew tåw nÊktaw ka‹ le€pontew tå sf°tera ≥yea êllou µ¢n oÈdenÚw ëptonto oÎte Ípozug€ou oÎte ényr≈pou, o„ d¢ tãw kaµÆlouw §kerãizon µoÊnaw. yvµãzv d¢ tÚ a‡tion, ˜ ti kot¢ ∑n t«n êllvn tÚ énagkãzon épexoµ°nouw toÁw l°ontaw tªsi kaµÆloisi §pit€yesyai, tÚ µÆte prÒteron Ùp≈pesan yhr€on µÆtÉ §pepeir°ato aÈtoË. (126) Efis‹ d¢ katå taËta tå xvr€a ka‹ l°ontew pollo‹ ka‹ bÒew êgrioi, t«n tå k°rea Íperµegãyea §st‹ tå §w ÜEllhnaw foit°onta. oÔrow d¢ to›si l°ousi

§st‹ ˜ te diÉ ÉAbdÆrvn =°vn potaµÚw N°stow ka‹ ı diÉ ÉAkarnan€hw =°vn ÉAxel“ow: oÎte går tÚ prÚw tØn ±« toË N°stou oÈdaµÒyi pãshw t∞w ¶µprosye EÈr≈phw ‡doi tiw ín l°onta, oÎte prÚw •sp°rhw toË ÉAxel–ou §n tª §pilo€pƒ ±pe€rƒ, éllÉ §n tª µetajÁ toÊtvn t«n potaµ«n g€nontai. (127) ÑVw d¢ §w tØn Y°rµhn ép€keto ı J°rjhw, ·druse aÈtoË tØn stratiÆn. This Herodotos reference is mentioned above. LEONTES. The zvfÒrow of xruså §lãsµata [tain€ai] from Sindos shows a variety of animals: deer (§lãfi)-dog-wild boar-lion(=Òdaj)lion-wild boar-hare (lag[v]Úw)-bird (éetÒw), drawing and description in Aikaterine Despoine, Elãsµata S€ndou µe zvfÒro z≈vn in MURTOS. MNHMH IOULIAS BOKOTOPOULOU (Yes/n€kh 2000) 278-279 [277-304 (efikÒnew, 299-304)]; the xruså §lãsµata come from a tomb which dates from 545-535 B.C. (ibid., 285). The animals depicted are associated with hunting [see Despoine, 288-289], and the scene indicates that lion hunting was known in Makedonia well before the date of the tomb at Sindos. Thus, the lion hunt in Philip II’s façade (above) is not without precedent and it’s not necessarily attributable to a late oriental influence [Alexander on].

NOMISMATA/COINS. Cf. Elizabeth Carney, <<Hunting and the Macedonian elite: sharing the rivalry of the chase (Arrian 4.13.1)>> in The Hellenistic World: New Perspectives, ed. Daniel Ogden [The Classical Press of Wales and Duckworth, 2002] 61 (cited also above, under Carney, Elizabeth, <<Hunting ...>>). For example, coins with lion on the reverse issued by Alexander I, Perdikkas II, Amyntas III, Aeropos, Perdikkas III, Philip II, Kassandros/Cassander [not illustrated, but below].

Amyntas III, didrachmon. Obverse: Rider/hunter with broken hunting spear, Reverse: Lion gnawing broken part of spear. Undoubtedly, the didrachmon commemorates a hunting event in Makedon of Amyntas’ reign [ca. 393-370/369 B.C.]. Illustration from SNG Vol: III 1399

[Online]. See Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, The Collection of the American Numismatic Society, Part 8, Macedonia II: Alexander I-Philip II (The American Numismatic Society, New York, 1994) Plate 4, under Amyntas III, No. 99. The motif of <<lion with broken spear in its jaws>> reappears in coins of Perdikkas III; see Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, The Collection of the American Numismatic Society, Part 8, Macedonia II: Alexander I-Philip II [cited above] Plate 5, under Perdikkas III, Nos. 114 [struck over No. 113] and 115-119 [overstruck/restruck]. Recently this writer bought a Perdikkas III coin with <<lion with broken spear in its jaws>> on the reverse. [12-Feb-2007 – later two others] Katerini Liampi, Argilos. A Historical and Numismatic Study, KERMA I (Athens 2005) 190, 208, and 361 (Index). Cf. Diodoros, 18.27.3: t«n dÉ éjÒnvn tå pro°xonta xrusç kateskeÊasto protoµåw ¶xonta leÒntvn sibÊnhn Ùdåj katexoÊsaw [Alexander’s èrµãµaja, 18.26-28].

Pella mosaics: "Stylized/heroized" lion/stag hunt scenes in MAKEDONIA 4000 XRONIA ELLHNIKHS ISTORIAS KAI POLITISMOU, GEN. EPOPTEIA M. B. SAKELLARIOU (AYHNA 1992) 128-129, No. 88, and 183, No. 117

[GNVSIS EPOHSEN], respectively (excellent color illustrations).

NOTE: There is an unpublished [stone] relief closely depicting the stag hunting scene in a sort of miniature, which this writer noticed in the summer of 1992 [14-VIII-92]. The relief's existence was made known to Despoina Diamantourou of KEPA, who agreed to publish it.

DESPOINA PAPAKVNSTANTINOU-DIAMANTOUROU, <<PROXVRAEI TO ANAGLUFON;>>, KERMATIA FILIAS tiµhtikÚw tÒµow gia ton Ivãnnh Tourãtsoglou, UPOURGEIO POLITISMOU | NOMISMATIKO MOUSEIO | AyÆna 2009, 379-385, µetå fvtografi«n.

CORRIGENDA: Page 379, under SUMMARY (typographical errata)

3rd line: deer, in place of beer. 4th line: according, in place of accoirding. 6th line: before, in place of befor. 7th line: scholars, in place of scolars. 9th line: two, in place of tow. 10th line: the, in place of tha.  [7 Dek/Dec 2009]

Entered under EpigrAttika.htm and MakArxaiologika.htm, too, herein. The relief is republished by Ada Cohen in her Art in the Era of Alexander: Paradigms of Manhood and their Cultural Traditions [Cambridge University Press, 2010] 36-38, 39, Fig. 8, with no citing of Despoina Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou’s article [the bibliography therein includes publications of 2009]. (22 ÉIoul€ou/July 2011)

******************** Xenophon, On Hunting (KUNHGETIKOS), 11.1-4: (1) L°ontew d°, pardãleiw, lÊgkew, pãnyhrew, êrktoi ka‹ tîlla ˜sa §st‹ toiaËta yhr€a èl€sketai §n j°naiw x≈raiw per‹ tÚ Pãggaion ˆrow ka‹ tÚn KittÚn tÚn Íp¢r t∞w Makedon€aw, tå dÉ §n t“ ÉOlʵpƒ t“ Mus€ƒ ka‹ §n P€ndƒ, tå dÉ §n tª NÊs˙ tª Íp¢r t∞w Sur€aw ka‹ prÚw to›w êlloiw ˆresin, ˜sa oÂã tÉ §st‹ tr°fein toiaËta. (2) èl€skontai d¢ tå µ¢n §n to›w ˆresi farµãkƒ diå dusxvr€an ékonitik“. ... (3) tå d¢ aÈt«n kataba€nonta efiw tÚ ped€on t∞w nuktÚw épokleisy°nta µetå ·ppvn ka‹ ˜plvn èl€sketai, efiw k€ndunon kayistãnta

toÁw aflroËntaw. (4) ¶sti d¢ oÂw aÈt«n ka‹ ÙrÊgµata poioËsi perifer∞, µegãla, bay°a, §n µ°sƒ le€ponta k€ona t∞w g∞w. §p‹ d¢ toËton efiw nÊkta §p°yesan dÆsantew a‰ga ka‹ ¶frajan kÊklƒ tÚ ˆrugµa Ïl˙, ktl. Xenophon reference mentioned above.

ÖOluµpow-P€ndow. Cf. Borza, Eugene N./Palagia, Olga, <<The Chronology of the Macedonian Royal Tombs at Vergina>>, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 122 (2007) 95-96 [above].

Dio Chrysostom, 21. PERI KALLOUS, D. (1) ... âH dein™Ún l°geiw, efi Àsper futÒn ti µ z“on §klelo€pasi t“ xrÒnƒ ofl kalo€, oÂon dÆ fasi to™Áw l°ontaw paye›n to™Áw §n tª EÈr≈p˙: oÈ g™år ¶ti aÈt«n e‰nai t™Ú g°now: prÒteron d™¢ ∑san ka™‹ per™‹ Makedon€an ka™‹ §n êlloiw tÒpoiw: efi oÏtvw o‡xetai d™Ø kãllow §j ényr≈pvn.

Dio Chrysostom, 32. PROS ALEJANDREIS, (63) ÖExv d¢ ka‹ êllon efipe›n lÒgon ényr≈pou FrugÚw ékoÊsaw, Afis≈pou suggenoËw, deËro §pidhµÆsantow, ˘n efiw ÉOrf°a ka‹ ͵çw ¶legen. ... ¶fh to€nun §ke›now per€ te Yrñkhn ka‹ Makedon€an tÚn ÉOrf°a µelƒde›n, kayãper e‡rhtai, kéke› tå z“a prosi°nai aÈt“, polÊ ti pl∞yow, o‰µai, pãntvn t«n [=t«n pãntvn] yhr€vn. ple›sta d¢ §n aÈto›w e‰nai toÊw te ˆrniyaw ka‹ tå prÒbata. toÁw µ¢n går (64) l°ontaw ka‹ tå toiaËta diå tØn élkØn ka‹ tØn égriÒthta duspistÒtera e‰nai, ka‹ tå µ¢n oÈdÉ ˜lvw pelãzein, tå dÉ eÈyÁw époxvre›n, oÈx ≤dÒµena t“ µ°lei. tå d¢ pthnå ka‹ tå prÒbata µçllÒn te prosi°nai ka‹ µhk°tÉ épallãttesyai: tå µ°n, o‰µai, diå tÚ eÎhyew ka‹ tØn filanyrvp€an, t«n d¢ Ùrn€yvn µousikÚn dÆpou tÚ g°now aÈtÚ ka‹ filƒdÒn. z«ntow µ¢n oÔn ÉOrf°vw sun°pesyai aÈt“ pantaxÒyen ékoÊonta [aÈtoË] ıµoË ka‹ neµÒµena: ka‹ går §ke›non ¶n te to›w ˆresi ka‹ per‹ tåw nãpaw tå pollå diatr€bein: époyanÒntow d¢ §rhµvy°nta ÙdÊresyai ka‹ xalep«w f°rein: Àste tØn µht°ra aÈtoË KalliÒphn diå tØn prÚw tÚn uflÚn eÎnoian ka‹ fil€an afithsaµ°nhn parå DiÚw tã s≈µata aÈt«n µetabale›n efiw ényr≈pvn tÊpon, tåw µ°ntoi cuxåw diaµ°nein, oÂai prÒteron ∑san. (65) XalepÚn oÔn ≥dh §st‹ tÚ leipÒµenon toË lÒgou, ka‹ d°doika (prÚw) ͵çw saf«w aÈtÚ efipe›n. ¶lege går §j §ke€nvn g°now ti fËnai MakedÒnvn, ka‹ toËto aÔyiw [=eÈyÁw] Ïsteron µetå ÉAlejãndrou diabån §nyãde ofik∞sai. ka‹ diå toËto dØ tÚn t«n ÉAlejandr°vn d∞µon êgesyai µ¢n ÍpÚ ”d∞w, …w oÈd°naw êllouw, kín ékoÊsvsi kiyãraw ıpoiasoËn, §jestãnai ka‹ fr€ttein katå µnƵhn tØn ÉOrf°vw. e‰nai d¢ t“ trÒpƒ koËfon ka‹ énÒhton, …w §k toioÊtou sp°rµatow: §pe‹ toÊw ge êllouw MakedÒnaw éndre€ouw ka‹ poleµikoÁw gen°syai ka‹ tÚ ∑yow beba€ouw. (66) ÖElege d¢ ka‹ per‹ t«n kiyarƒd«n t«n parÉ Íµ›n ßteron [=Ïsteron] toioËtÒn tina lÒgon. ...: diÚ µØ dÊnasyai pantãpasin §kb∞nai tØn aÍt«n fÊsin, éllå µikrÚn µ°n ti

dias–zein t∞w ÉOrf°vw didaskal€aw, tÚ polÁ dÉ aÈto›w §µµ°nein kÊneion toË µ°louw. (67) TaËta µ¢n §ke›now ¶paizen ı FrÊj. §g∆ dÉ Íµ›n boÊloµai Lakedaiµon€vn ¶rgon efipe›n, …w §ke›noi proshn°xyhsan éndr‹ kiyarƒd“ ... [from Loeb III, 234, 236]

Pausanias, Attika, 1.27. (7) T«n d¢ §n Troiz∞ni lÒgvn, oÓw §w Yhs°a l°gousin, §st‹n …w ÑHrakl∞w §w Troiz∞na §ly∆n parå Pity°a kataye›to [=katãyoito] §p‹ t“ de€pnƒ toË l°ontow tÚ d°rµa, §s°lyoien d¢ parÉ aÈtÚn êlloi te Troizhn€vn pa›dew ka‹ YhseÁw ßbdoµon µãlista gegon∆w ¶tow: toÁw µ¢n d¢ loipoÁw pa›daw, …w tÚ d°rµa e‰don, feÊgontãw fasin o‡xesyai, Yhs°a d¢ ÍpejelyÒnta oÈk êgan sÁn fÒbƒ parå t«n diakÒnvn èrpãsai p°lekun ka‹ aÈt€ka §pi°nai spoudª, l°onta e‰nai tÚ d°rµa ≤goʵenon. (8) ˜de µ¢n t«n lÒgvn pr«tow §w aÈtÒn §sti Troizhn€oiw: ... (9) én°yesan d¢ ka‹ êllo Yhs°vw ¶rgon, ka‹ ı lÒgow oÏtvw §w aÈtÚ ¶xei. Krhs‹ tÆn te êllhn g∞n ka‹ tØn §p‹ potaµ“ Teyr€ni taËrow §luµa€neto. pãlai d¢ êra tå yhr€a fober≈tera ∑n to›w ényr≈poiw, …w ˜ tÉ §n Neµ°& l°vn ka‹ ı Parnãssiow ka‹ drãkontew t∞w ÑEllãdow pollaxoË ka‹ w per€ te Kalud«na ka‹ ÉErʵanyon ka‹ t∞w Koriny€aw §n Kroµu«ni, Àste ka‹ §l°geto tå µ¢n éni°nai tØn g∞n, tå d¢ …w flerå e‡h ye«n, tå d¢ ka‹ §w tiµvr€an ényr≈pvn éfe›syai. ka‹ toËton ofl Kr∞tew tÚn taËron ... (Loeb text)

NOTE. Cf. l°onta tÚn kaloʵenon Kiyair≈nion [below], for the l°vn ka‹ ı Parnãssiow. [8-V-2006]

Pausanias, Attika, I.41. (3) oÈ pÒrrv d¢ toË ÜUllou µnƵatow ÖIsidow naÚw ka‹ parÉ aÈtÚn ÉApÒllvnÒw §sti ka‹ ÉArt°µidow: ÉAlkãyoun d° fasi poi∞sai épokte€nanta l°onta tÚn kaloʵenon Kiyair≈nion. ÍpÚ toÊtou toË l°ontow diafyar∞nai ka‹ êllouw ka‹ Megar°vw fas‹ toË sfet°rou basil°vw pa›da EÎippon, tÚn d¢ presbÊteron t«n pa€dvn aÈt“ T€µalkon ¶ti prÒteron époyane›n ÍpÚ Yhs°vw, strateÊonta §w ÖAfidnan sÁn to›w DioskoÊroiw: Megar°a d¢ gãµon te Íposx°syai yugatrÚw ka‹ …w diãdoxon ßjei t∞w érx∞w, ˜stiw tÚn Kiyair≈nion l°onta épokte€nai: diå taËta ÉAlkãyoun tÚn P°lopow §pixeirÆsanta t« yhr€ƒ krat∞sa€ te ka‹ …w §bas€leuse tÚ flerÚn poi∞sai toËto, ÉAgrot°ran ÖArteµin ka‹ ÉApÒllvna ÉAgra›on §ponoµãsanta. (4) taËta µ¢n oÏtv gen°syai l°gousin: §g∆ d¢ grãfein µ¢n §y°lv MegareËsin ıµologoËnta, oÈk ¶xv d¢ ˜pvw eÏrvµai pãnta sf€sin, éllå époyane›n µ¢n l°onta §n t« Kiyair«ni ÍpÚ ÉAlkãyou pe€y0µai, Megar°vw d¢ T€µalkon pa›da t€w µ¢n §w ÖAfidnan §lye›n µetå t«n DioskoÊrvn ¶grace; p«w dÉ ín éfikÒµenow énairey∞nai noµ€zoito ÍpÚ Yhs°vw, ˜pou ka‹ ÉAlkµån poiÆsaw üsµa §w toÁw DioskoÊrouw, …w ÉAyÆnaw ßloien ka‹ tØn Yhs°vw égãgoien µht°ra afixµãlvton, ˜µvw Yhs°a fhs‹n aÈtÚn épe›nai; (5) ... (6)... ÉAlkãyou µ¢n ka‹ toË l°ontow, e‡te §n t“ Kiyair«ni aÈtÚn e‡te ka‹ •t°rvyi épokte€naw naÚn ÉAgrot°raw ÉArt°µidow ka‹ ÉApÒllvnow §po€hsen ÉAgra€ou, §w tosÒnde ¶stv µnƵh: §k toÊtou d¢ toË fleroË katioËsi Pand€onÒw §stin ≤r“on. ... (Loeb text)

NOTE. For the l°onta tÚn kaloʵenon Kiyair≈nion, cf. l°vn ka‹ ı Parnãssiow above. [8-V-2006]

Pausanias, Korinthiaka. II.3. (8) ..., ˆnoµa d° ofl M∞don e‰nai: ÑEllãnikow d¢ aÈtÚn PolÊjenon kale› ka‹ patrÚw ÉIãsonÒw fhsin e‰nai. (9) ¶ph d¢ ¶stin §n ÜEllhsi Naupãktia ÙnoµazÒµena: pepo€htai d¢ §n aÈto›w ÉIãsona §j ÉIvlkoË µetå tÚn Pel€ou yãnaton §w KÒrkuran µetoik∞sai ka€ ofl M°rµeron µ¢n tÚn presbÊteron t«n pa€dvn ÍpÚ lea€nhw diafyar∞nai yhreÊonta §n tª p°ran ±pe€rƒ. F°rhti d¢ oÈd°n §stin §w µnƵhn proske€µenon. [20-9-2006] Pausanias, VI, HLIAKVN B, 5. (4) Pagkrat€ou µ¢n dØ ka‹ êlloiw ≥dh gegÒnasin §pifane›w n›kai: Pouludãµanti d¢ tãde éllo›a parå toÁw §p‹ t“ pagkrat€ƒ stefãnouw Ípãrxontã §stin. ≤ ÙreinØ t∞w Yrñkhw, ≤ ¶ndon N°stou potaµoË toË =°ontow diå t∞w ÉAbdhrit«n, ka‹ êlla yhr€a, §n d¢ aÈto›w par°xetai ka‹ l°ontaw, o„ ka‹ t“ strat“ pote §piy°µenoi t“ J°rjou tåw égoÊsaw kaµÆlouw tå sit€a §luµÆnanto. (5) otoi pollãkiw, ofl l°ontew ka‹ §w tØn per‹ tÚn ÖOluµpon plan«ntai x≈ran: toÊtou d¢ toË ˆrouw ≤ µ¢n §w Makedon€an pleurã, ≤ d¢ §p‹ YessaloÁw ka‹ tÚn potaµÚn t°traptai tÚn PhneiÒn: §ntaËya ı Pouludãµaw l°onta §n t“ ÉOlʵpƒ, µ°ga ka‹ êlkiµon yhr€on, kateirgãsato oÈden‹ §skeuasµ°now ˜plƒ. proÆxyh d¢ §w tÚ tÒlµhµa filotiµ€& prÚw tå ÑHrakl°ouw ¶rga, ˜ti ka‹ ÑHrakl°a ¶xei lÒgow krat∞sai toË §n Neµ°& l°ontow. (6) ßteron d¢ §p‹ toÊtƒ ya˵a Ípel€peto ı Pouludãµaw §w µnƵhn: ... (Loeb text)

L°vn <> Pouludãµaw > KÒragow <> Di≈jippow. A parallel? See in this web site <<makglossikaMerosA2.htm>>, under Di≈jippow. (9 June 2008)

Aelian, On Animals 12.40. Tiµ«si d¢ êra Delfo‹ µ¢n lÊkon, Sãµioi d¢ prÒbaton, ÉAµpraki«ta€ ge µØn tÚ z“on tØn l°ainan: tå d¢ a‡tia t∞w •kãstou tiµ∞w efipe›n oÈk ¶stin ¶jv t∞sde spoud∞w. Delfo›w µ¢n xrus€on flerÚn sesulhµ°non ka‹ §n t“ Paranas“ [=Parnass“] katorvrugµ°non én€xneuse lÊkow [=ı lÊkow], Saµ€oiw d¢ ka‹ aÈto›w toioËto xrus€on klap¢n prÒbaton éneËre, ka‹ §nteËyen MandrÒboulow ı Sãµiow tª ÜHr& prÒbaton énãyhµa én∞ce: ka‹ tÚ µ¢n Pol°µvn l°gei tÚ prÒteron , tÚ d¢ ÉAristot°lhw tÚ deÊteron. ÉAµpraki«tai d°, §pe‹ tÚn tÊrannon aÈt«n Fa@lon diespãsato l°aina, tiµ«si tÚ z“on a‡tion aÈto›w §leuyer€aw gegenhµ°non. Miltiãdhw d¢ tåw ·ppouw tåw tr‹w ÉOlʵpia éneloµ°naw ¶yacen §n Keraµeik“, ka‹ EÈagÒraw d¢ ı Lãkvn ka‹ §ke›now ÉOluµpion€kaw ·ppouw ¶yace µegaloprep«w. [Loeb text] (13 Oct. 2006) Konon, The Narratives of Konon, Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, Band 163, edited by Malcolm Kenneth Brown [K.G. Saur, Leipzig 2002] 75, 4. ÖOlunyow

ÑH to€nun dÉ diÆghsiw tå per‹ ÉOlÊnyou t∞w pÒlevw ka‹ StruµÒnow toË Yr&k«n basileÊsantow épagg°llei, o ka‹ ı pãlai ÉHioneÁw potaµÚw §p≈nuµow: ka‹ ˜ti pa›dew aÈt“ tre›w gegÒnasi, Brãggaw ka‹ ÑR∞ssow ka‹ ÖOlunyow: ka‹ ÑR∞ssow µ¢n §p€ Tro€an Pri㵃 sustrateÊsaw énaire›tai xeir‹ DioµÆdouw, ÖOlunyow d¢ l°onti suståw •kous€vw ßn tini kunhges€ƒ ynÆskei. Ka‹ Brãggaw ı édelfÚw pollå katolofurÒµenow tØn suµforån ÖOlunyon Ÿper §teleÊthse tÒpƒ yãptei, efiw Siyon€an d¢ éfikÒµenow pÒlin ¶ktisen eÈda€µona ka‹ µegãlhn, ÖOlunyon aÈtØn épÚ toË paidÚw Ùnoµãsaw.

--------------------------------- Benson, J.L., <<Human Figures, the Ajax Painter, and Narrative Scenes in Earlier Corinthian Vase Painting>> in The Ages of Homer. A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, eds. Jane b. Carter and Sarah P. Morris [University of Texas Press, Austin, 1995] 334-362, No. 20. Cf. pp. 353, Fig. 20.16c, 344-345, Fig. 20.12a-d, 356, Fig. 20.17a, 357, Fig. 20.17e, 358, Fig. 20.18a-b, and 359, Fig. 20.19 [scenes of hunting and animals: boar, lions, etc.]. Cohen. Ada, <<Alexander and Achilles---Macedonians and «Mycenaeans»>> in The Ages of Homer. A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, eds. Jane b. Carter and Sarah P. Morris [University of Texas Press, Austin, 1995] 483-505, No. 30. Discussion of hunting themes/scenes. Heckel, Waldemar, <<Mazaeus, Callisthenes and the Alexander Sarcophagus>>, Historia 55.4 (2006) 385-396 [hunting scenes/themes in passing]. ===================== Alexander-Makedones hunting while campaigning in Asia: Aelian, VH 12.39: Perd€kkaw ı Maked∆n ı sustrateusãµenow ÉAlejãndrƒ oÏtvw êra ∑n eÎtolµow, Àw pote efiw spÆlaion parelye›n ¶nya e‰xen eÈnØn l°aina µÒnow: ka‹ tØn µ¢n l°ainan oÈ kat°labe, toÊw ge µØn skʵnouw aÈt∞w koµ€zvn pro∞lye ka‹ ¶dojen §p‹ toÊtƒ yauµãzesyai ı Perd€kkaw. NOTE: This may have taken place in Makedon, but sustrateusãµenow may favor Asia. Athenaios, XII.539d: Leonnãtƒ d¢ ka‹ MenelムfilokunÆgoiw oÔsin aÈla›ai stad€vn •katÚn ±koloÊyoun, aÂw peristãntew tåw yÆraw §kunÆgoun. [see below, Plutarch, Alex. 40.l] Plutarch. Alex. 23.3: pollãkiw d¢ pa€zvn (=ÉAl°jandrow) ka‹ él≈pekaw §yÆreue ka‹ ˆrniyaw, …w ¶sti labe›n §k tvn §fhµer€dvn. Plutarch, Alex. 40.1: Fil≈t& d¢ prÚw yÆraw stad€vn •katÚn aÈla€aw gegon°nai. [see above, Athenaios, XII.539d] Plutarch, Alex. 40.4-5: §p°teinen (=ÉAl°jandrow) oÔn ¶ti µçllon aÈtÚw •autÚn §n ta›w strate€aiw ka‹ to›w kunhges€oiw, kakopay«n ka‹ paraballÒµenow, Àste ka‹ Lãkvna presbeutØn paragenÒµenon aÈt“ l°onta katabãllonti µ°gan efipe›n: "Kal«w ge, ÉAl°jandre, prÚw tÚn l°onta ±g≈nisai per‹ tçw basile€aw." (5) toËto tÚ kunÆgion KraterÚw efiw DelfoÁw én°yhken, efikÒnaw xalkçw poihsãµenow toË l°ontow ka‹ t«n kun«n ka‹ toË basil°vw t“ l°onti sunest«tow ka‹ aÍtoË prosbohyoËntow, œn tå µ¢n LÊsippow ¶plase, tå d¢ Levxãrhw. Plutarch, Alex. 41.2-3: Peuk°st& µ¢n ¶grace (=ÉAl°jandrow) µeµfÒµenow ˜ti dhxye‹w Íp' êrktou to›w µ¢n êlloiw ¶gracen, aÈt“ d¢ oÈk §dÆlvsen. "ÉAllå nËn ge," fhs€, "grãcon p«w ¶xeiw, ka‹ µØ tin°w se t«n sugkunhgetoÊntvn §gkat°lipon, ·na d€khn d«si." to›w d¢ per‹ ÑHfaist€vna diå prãjeiw tinåw époËsin ¶gracen ˜ti paizÒntvn aÈt«n prÚw fixneʵona t“ Perd€kkou dorat€ƒ peripes∆n KraterÚw toÁw µhroÁw §tr≈yh. [Plutarch, Alex. 72.3: toË d¢ p°nyouw parhgor€& t“ pol°µƒ xr≈µenow (=ÉAl°jandrow), Àsper §p‹ yÆran ka‹ kunhg°sion ényr≈pvn §j∞lye ka‹ tÚ

Kossa€vn ¶ynow katestr°feto, pãntaw ≤bhdÚn éposfãttvn. toËto d¢ ÑHfaist€vnow §nagisµÚw §kale›to.] [Plutarch, Alex. 73.3: ±n≈xlei d' aÈtÚn (=ÉAl°jandron) shµe›a pollã. ka‹ går l°onta t«n trefoµ°nvn µ°giston ka‹ kãlliston ¥µerow ˆnow §pely∆n ka‹ lakt€saw éne›len.] Diodoros, 17.115.3: katå d¢ tØn tr€thn periforån kateskeÊasto (=ÉAl°jandrow) z–vn pantodap«n pl∞yow kunhgouµ°nvn [ÑHfaist€vnow tafØ, 324/3 B.C.]. Julian, Gevrg€ƒ Kayolik“, 377 b-c: sÁ d' éllå tÚn éf' ·ppou yhr«nta ÉAl°jandron, efi doke›, skÒpei, o tÚ µ°tron §st‹ pçn ˆnuxow oÈ µe›zon. oÏtv d' §f' •kãstou tÚ ya˵a t∞w t°xnhw k°xutai, Àste ı µ¢n ÉAl°jandrow ≥dh tÚ yhr€on bãllei ka‹ tÚn yeatØn fobe›, di' ˜lou dusvp«n toË sxƵatow, ı d¢ ·ppow, §n êkr& t«n pod«n tª bãsei tØn stãsin feÊgvn, §n tª t∞w §nerge€aw klopª tª t°xn˙ kine›tai. [by Pheidias, 3rd c. B.C.] ------------------------------------ Kãssandrow efiw kunÆgia Diodoros, 18.

49.(3) §jap°steile d¢ ka‹ prÚw Ptoleµa›on lãyr& presbeutãw, tÆn te fil€an énaneoʵenow ka‹ parakal«n ... ıµo€vw d¢ ka‹ prÚw toÁw êllouw ≤geµÒnaw ka‹ pÒleiw §j°peµce toÁw protrecoµ°nouw •aut“ suµµaxe›n. aÈtÚw d¢ kunhg€an §p‹ pollåw ≤µ°raw susthsãµenow énÊpopton •autÚn §po€ei t∞w épostãsevw. (4) Polup°rxvn d¢ paralab∆n tØn t«n basil°vn §piµ°leian ka‹ sunedreÊsaw ... 54. (2) ır«n d¢ tØn t«n MakedÒnvn ırµØn kekliµ°nhn prÚw tÚn Polup°rxonta t«n µ¢n f€lvn oÂw §p€steue katÉ fid€an prosdialegÒµenow §j°peµpen §p‹ tÚn ÑEllÆsponton énupÒptvw, aÈtÚw dÉ §fÉ ≤µ°raw tinåw sxolãsaw §p‹ t∞w x≈raw ka‹ kunÆgia sunistãµenow §g°nnhse per‹ aÍtoË diãlhcin …w oÈk éntipoioʵenow t∞w érx∞w. (3) …w dÉ eÈtrep∞ pãnta ∑n aÈt“ tå prÚw tØn épodhµ€an, ¶layen énazeÊjaw §k t∞w Makedon€aw. katantÆsaw dÉ efiw tØn XerrÒnhson kéke›yen énazeÊjaw par∞lyen efiw ÑEllÆsponton. ...

------------------------------------- Polybios, 31.29 (1) LoipoË d' ˆntow toË katå tØn éndre€an <µ°rouw> ka‹ kurivtãtou sxedÚn §n pãs˙ µ¢n polite€& µãlista d' §n tª ÑR≈µ˙, µeg€sthn ¶dei ka‹ tØn êskhsin per‹ toËto tÚ µ°row poiÆsasyai. (2) kalÚn µ¢n oÔn ti prÚw taÊthn tØn §pibolØn aÈt“ ka‹ diå t∞w tÊxhw §g°neto sun°rghµa. (3) t«n går §n Makedon€& basilik«n µeg€sthn poiouµ°nvn spoudØn per‹ tåw kunhges€aw ka‹ MakedÒnvn éneikÒtvn toÁw §pithdeiotãtouw tÒpouw prÚw tØn t«n yhr€vn sunagvgÆn, (4) taËta sun°bh tå xvr€a tethr∞syai µ¢n §piµel«w, kayãper ka‹ prÒteron, pãnta tÚn toË pol°µou xrÒnon, kekunhg∞syai <d¢> µhd°pote t«n tettãrvn §t«n diå toÁw perispasµoÊw: √ ka‹ yhr€vn Íp∞rxe plÆrh pantodap«n. (5) toË d¢ pol°µou labÒntow kr€sin, ı LeÊkiow kall€sthn Ípolaµbãnvn ka‹ tØn êskhsin ka‹ tØn cuxagvg€an Ípãrxein to›w n°oiw tØn per‹ tå kunhg°sia, toÊw

te kunhgoÁw sun°sthse toÁw basilikoÁw t“ Skip€vni ka‹ tØn §jous€an tØn per‹ tå kunhg°sia par°dvke toÊtƒ pçsan: (6) ∏w §pilabÒµenow ı proeirhµ°now ka‹ noµ€saw oflone‹ basileÊein, §n toÊtƒ kateg€neto pãnta tÚn xrÒnon, ˜son §p°µeine tÚ stratÒpedon µetå tØn µãxhn §n tª Makedon€&. (7) genoµ°nhw d¢ µegãlhw §nyousiãsevw per‹ toËto tÚ µ°row, …w katã te tØn ≤lik€an ékµa€vw ¶xontow aÈtoË ka‹ katå fÊsin ofike€vw diakeiµ°nou, kayãper eÈgenoËw skÊlakow, §p€µonon aÈtoË sun°bh gen°syai tØn per‹ tåw kunhges€aw ırµÆn. (8) diÚ ka‹ paragenÒµenow efiw tØn ÑR≈µhn ka‹ proslab∆n tÚn toË Polub€ou prÚw toËto tÚ µ°row §nyousiasµÒn, §f' ˜son ofl loipo‹ t«n n°vn per‹ tåw kr€seiw ka‹ toÁw xairetisµoÁw §spoÁdazon, katå tØn égorån poioʵenoi tØn diatribÆn, ka‹ diå toÊtvn sunistãnein •autoÁw §peir«nto to›w pollo›w, (9) §p‹ tosoËton ı Skip€vn §n ta›w kunhges€aiw énastrefÒµenow ka‹ laµprÚn ée€ ti poi«n ka‹ µnƵhw êjion kall€v dÒjan §jef°reto t«n êllvn. Loeb text Polybios is speaking of Publius Scipio [Skip€vni] Aemilianus and his father Lucius [LeÊkiow] Aemilius Paullus.

See Diodoros, 31.27.8, above. EURIPIDES, IKETIDES (SUPPLIANTS), lines 980-1073 [Lines 980-989: (XOROS) ka‹ µØn yalãµaw tãsdÉ §sor« dØ / Kapan°vw ≥dh tʵbon yÉ flerÚn / µelãyrvn tÉ §ktÚw / Yhs°vw énayƵata nekro›w, / kleinÆn tÉ êloxon toË katafyiµ°nou / toËde keraun“ p°law EÈãdnhn, / µn âIfiw ênaj pa›da futeÊei. / t€ potÉ afiyer€an ßsthke p°tran, / µ t«nde dÒµvn Íperakr€zei, / tÆndÉ §µba€nousa k°leuyon; - Lines 1069-1073: (EUADNH) ˜µoion: oÈ går µØ k€x˙w µÉ •l∆n xer€. / ka‹ dØ pare›tai s«µa, so‹ µ¢n oÈ f€lon, / ≤µ›n d¢ ka‹ t“ suµpurouµ°nƒ pÚsei / (XOROS) fi≈, gÊnai, deinÚn ¶rgon §jeirgãsv. / (IFIS) épvlÒµhn dÊsthnow, ÉArge€vn kÒrai. (Loeb text)]. Euadne (Evadne) throwing herself into Kapaneus’ (Capaneus’) pyre. A similar act at the cremation/burial of Philip II, with reference to the young woman’s remains/ashes in the second chamber of Philip II’s tomb?

Pausanias, Messeniaka II.7. ÉAfare› d¢ t«n pa€dvn presbÊterow µ¢n ka‹ éndreiÒterow ÖIdaw, ne≈terow d¢ ∑n LugkeÊw, ... Lugk°vw µ¢n dØ pa›da oÈk ‡sµen genÒµenon, ÖIda d¢ Kleopãtran yugat°ra §k MarpÆsshw, ∂ Meleãgrƒ sun–khsen. ı d¢ tå ¶ph poiÆsaw tå KÊpria Prvtesilãou fhs€n, ˘w ˜te katå tØn Trƒãda ¶sxon ÜEllhnew épob∞nai pr«tow §tÒlµhse, Prvtesilãou toÊtou tØn guna›ka Polud≈ran µ¢n tÚ ˆnoµa, yugat°ra d¢ Meleãgrou fhs‹n e‰nai toË Ofin°vw. efi to€nun §st‹n élhy°w, afl guna›kew atai tre›w osai tÚn ériyµÚn épÚ MarpÆsshw érjãµenai proapoyanoËsi pçsai to›w éndrãsin •autåw §pikat°sfajan. A NOTE. Philip’s last wife was Kleopatra who, according to Pausanias, Arkadika VII.7, §p‹ d¢ Fil€ppƒ teleutÆsanti Fil€ppou pa›da nÆpion, gegonÒta d¢ §k Kleopãtraw édelfid∞w ÉAttãlou, toËton tÚn pa›da ıµoË tª µhtr‹ ÉOluµpiåw §p‹ skeÊouw xalkoË purÚw Ípobeblhµ°nou di°fyeiren ßlkousa: xrÒnƒ d¢ Ïsteron ka‹ ÉArida›on ép°kteinen. [12-4ou-2007] JUSTIN, 9.7.12: Post haec Cleopatram, a qua pulsa Philippi matrimonio fuerat

[==Olympias], in gremio eius prius filia interfecta, finire vitam suspendio coegit; spectaculoque pendentis ultionem potita est, ad quam per parricidium festinaverat [text, Ares Publishers, Chicago, 1992]. Justin differs from Pausanias as far as the sex/gender of the child is concerned; Pausanias, or his source, identifies it as a boy, but perhaps confusion intruded here because of the word pa›w which can be both masculine and feminine. Moreover, there is not enough chronological allowance for two births, and Satyros below mentions only a daughter. Satyros gives the child’s name as Europe=Athenaios, 13.557, <<(b) ... (c) ... (d) .... §p‹ pãsaiw dÉ ¶ghµe (=F€lippow) Kleopãtran §rasye‹w tØn ÑIppostrãtou µ¢n édelfÆn, ÉAttãlou d¢ édelfid∞n: ka‹ taÊthn §peisãgvn tª ÉOluµpiãdi ëpanta tÚn b€on tÚn •autoË sun°xeen. ... (e) ka‹ µetå taËta ÉOluµpiåw µ°n efiw MolottoÁw [=µolottÚn C] ¶fugen, ÉAl°jandrow dÉ efiw ÉIllurioÊw. ka‹ ≤ Kleopãtra dÉ §g°nnhse t“ Fil€ppƒ yugat°ra tØn klhye›san EÈr≈phn>>. Satyros or Athenaios stops with the girl’s name, and this may indicate that Satyros was unaware of what Pausanias and Justin report about the end of Kleopatra and her infant daughter. Diodoros, 17.2.3: ... ¶xvn d¢ t∞w basile€aw ¶fedron ÖAttalon tÚn édelfÚn [sic] Kleopãtraw t∞w §pigaµhye€shw ÍpÚ Fil€ppou toËton ¶krinen [=ÉAl°jandrow] §k toË z∞n µetast∞sai: ka‹ går §tÊgxane paid€on §k t∞w Kleopãtraw gegonÚw t“ Fil€ppƒ t∞w teleut∞w toË basil°vw Ùl€gaiw prÒteron ≤µ°raiw. If Kleopatra is the woman in Philip II’s tomb, as identified, this may explain why no traces of the child survived the pyre, only days old [but it had been given a name; also below]. Plutarch, Alexander 10.4: ÉEpe‹ d¢ Pausan€aw ÉAttãlou gn≈µ˙ ka‹ Kleopãtraw Íbrisye‹w ka‹ µØ tux∆n d€khw éne›le F€lippon, tÚ µ¢n ple›ston efiw ÉOluµpiãda t∞w afit€aw peri∞lyen, …w yuµouµ°nƒ t“ nean€skƒ prosegkeleusaµ°nhn ka‹ parojÊnasan, ¶yige d° tiw ka‹ ÉAlejãndrou diabolÆ. l°getai går §ntuxÒntow aÈt“ toË Pausan€ou µetå tØn Ïbrin §ke€nhn ka‹ époduroµ°nou proen°gkasyai tÚ t∞w Mhde€aw fiaµbe›on:

tÚn dÒnta ka‹ gƵanta ka‹ gaµouµ°nhn. oÈ µØn éllå ka‹ toÁw sunait€ouw t∞w §piboul∞w énazhtÆsaw §kÒlase, ka‹ tØn Kleopãtran épodhµoËntow aÈtoË t∞w ÉOluµpiãdow »µ«w µetaxeirisaµ°nhw ±ganãkthse.

Plutarch’s account places Pausanias’ suffered Ïbriw within the time/space of Kleopatras’ marriage to Philip.

The source of the savagery of Olympias against Kleopatra and her child, as reported by Pausanias and Justin herein, is not traceable, but Plutarch above refers to a savage treatment of Kleopatra by Olympias, which displeased Alexander. No doubt the reported treatment of Kleopatra reflects strong hostility toward Olympias, as Philip’s assassination was blamed on her [Plutarch above]. On the other hand, there may be a misunderstanding of an act of Kleopatra’s upon/soon after Philip’s assassination, that is, she killed herself

in the manner of the three women mentioned by Pausanias, for example. Then cremation takes place and burial with Philip. This would be natural since she was his last wife and a Makedonissa [and probaly she had been trained in the military arts]. As to the child, the explanation would be that it did not survive the pyre being only days old [as above; or it was not cremated and buried with its mother]. This line of thought may explain how the savagery attached to Olympias came about. In other words, Olympias’ ill-will toward Kleopatra and the latter’s cremation may have given rise to the story of Kleopatra and her child being burnt alive by Olympias in a firy cauldron, although Justin has Kleopatra hanging herself after Olympias kills the child in its mother’s lap. [14/15-4ou-2007] Cf., for example, Elizabeth Carney, Olympias, Mother of Alexander the Great [Routledge, New York, 2006] 44 and 157, note 7.

Kallimachos, Epigrams, XXII. ÉH“oi Melãnippon §yãptoµen, ±el€ou d¢ / duoµ°nou Basil∆ kãtyane paryenikØ / aÈtoxer€: z≈ein går édelfeÚn §n pur‹ ye›sa / oÈk ¶tlh. d€duµon dÉ o‰kow §se›de kakÚn / patrÚw ÉArist€ppoio, katÆfhsen d¢ KurÆnh / pçsa tÚn eÎteknon x∞ron fidoËsa dÒµon. (Loeb) Elias Kapetanopoulos Central Connecticut State University NOTE: The above may be expanded/ improved accordingly. ========================================= 10 Septeµbr€ou/10 September 2010  OSTA/Bones, TOMB II ELEUYEROTUPIA, ParaskeuÆ 10 Septeµbr€ou 2010, <<Ta ostã e€nai tou Fil€ppou BÉ>>, N. KONTRAROU-RASSIA [Online]. KAYHMERINH, 10-09-10 [Online], Sto F€lippo thw Makedon€aw anÆkei o basilikÒw tãfow thw Berg€naw. TA NEAonline, DHMOSIEUYHKE: ParaskeuÆ 10 Septeµbr€ou 2010, H Anyrvpolog€a cÆfise up°r tou basiliã Fil€ppou. TA NEAonline, DHMOSIEUYHKE: ParaskeuÆ 10 Septeµbr€ou 2010, <<Den anÆkoun ston eteroyalÆ adelfÒ [=adelfoÊ] tou M.Alejãndrou ostã pou br€skontai sthn Berg€na>> | ÄEreuna bretanik«n panepisthµ€vn. =TO BHMA (below) TO BHMA, AyÆna – ParaskeuÆ 10 Septeµbr€ou 2010, ÄEreuna bretanik≈n panepisthµ€vn | <<Den anÆkoun ston eteroyalÆ adelfÒ [=adelfoÊ] tou M.Alejãndrou ostã pou br€skontai sthn Berg€na>> [Online]. =TA NEA (above) See Int J Med Sci 2010; 7:s1-s15 ©Ivyspring International Publisher Research Paper

The Occupants of Tomb II at Vergina. Why Arrhidaios and Eurydice must be excluded Jonathan Musgrave , A. J. N. W. Prag, Richard Neave, Robin Lane Fox, Hugh White  = http://www.medsci.org/v07p00s1.htm ========================= 2008 AIA Annual Meeting, Chicago Preliminary Schedule of Paper Sessions Session: 4I: The Chronology of the Royal Macedonian Tombs at Vergina Type: Colloquium Timeslot: Saturday, January 5, 1:30 PM - 4:30 PM Organizer(s): Eugene Borza, Emeritus, The Pennsylvania State University, and Olga Palagia, The National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Session Papers 1.

Two Royal Couples and Tomb II at Vergina, Elizabeth Carney, Clemson University

2.

Underworld and Royal Hunt: The Wall Paintings from Tombs I and II, Olga Palagia, The National and Kapodistrian University of Athens

3.

The Royal Paraphernalia of Alexander the Great? Eugene N. Borza, Emeritus, The Pennsylvania State University

4.

The Royal Skeletal Remains at Vergina, Antonis Bartsiokas, Democritus University of Thrace.

5.

Whose Pottery? The Ceramics from the Vergina Tombs, Susan I. Rotroff, Washington University at St. Louis

19 December 2007 = AIA, 109th Annual Meeting ABSTRACTS, vol. 31 [2007 > 2008] 128‐130. [12 February 2008] See EYNOSONLINE, E-LIFE >> EPISTHMES, 30/4/2008, above. ======================= MAKEDONIA, Tetãrth [Online]: Sunex€zei na d€nei stoixe€a o tãfow tou Fil€ppou BÉ / ÅEna upa€yrio hliakÚ parathrhtÆrio, pou br€sketai sƵera sthn perioxØ thw Boulgar€aw kai dhµiourgÆyhke, Úpvw Úla de€xnoun, apÚ to yrakikÚ fÊlo tvn Odrus≈n, apeikon€zetai sthn toixograf€a tou µakedonikoÁ tãfou tou Fil€ppou B / ... / Thn P°µpth 13 Mart€ou stiw 5.45 to apÒgeuµa h D. Ignatiãdou kai o I. Seiradãkhw ya parousiãsoun Òla ta n°a dedoµ°na sxetikå µe thn en lÒgv toixograf€a sto arxaiologikÚ sun°drio pou ya filojene€tai sto ArxaiologikÚ Mouse€o Yessalon€khw. / Mar 12, 2008

ELEUYEROTUPIA, t°xnew, FÊllo Tetãrthw / 12 – 03 – 2008 [Online]: O F€lippow µe ton zvgrãfo tou sto hliakÚ asteroskope€o.

================= 

NOTE. Could there be an allegorical nuance in the depiction of young Alexander ready to strike as Philip slays the lion? That is, the “lion”may be an allegorization of Philip’s victories/conquests, while Alexander was keeping Makedon safe, having been left in charge by Philip. And the Alexander shown in the fresco above is about sixteen years old (Plutarch, Alexander 9.1: Fil€ppou d¢ strateÊontow §p‹ Buzant€ouw, ∑n µ¢n •kkaidek°thw ÉAl°jandrow, époleifye‹w d¢ kÊriow §n Makedon€& t«n pragµãtvn ka‹ t∞w sfrag€dow, Ma€dvn te toÁw éfest«taw katestr°cato, ka‹ pÒlin •l∆n aÈt«n toÁw µ¢n barbãrouw §jÆlase, suµµ€ktouw d¢ katoik€saw ÉAlejandrÒpolin proshgÒreusen). In any case, hunting has an association with war. 19 Mart€ou/March 2009  ================ Elias Kapetanopoulos Professor Dr. (Greece-Rome) Department of History Central Connecticut State University New Britain, CT 06050-4010 (USA) Telephone: (860) 832-2820 (office) (860) 832-2804 (fax) (860) 229-9960 (home) E-mail: Kapetanopoulos@ccsu.edu Home Page: http://www.history.ccsu.edu/elias/elias.htm Areas of Research: Attic epigraphy-Athenian institutions of the Roman period (200 B.C.-3rd c. A.D.), and early Makedon(ia)/Makedones. *<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<><>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=<>=

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