Τεύχος 193, Δέφτερη Ανάγνωση 27 Μαρτίου - 3 Απριλίου 2016

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1 Δέφτερη Ανάγνωση Εναλλακτική Πληροφόρηση Website: http://2ha-cy.blogspot.com/ Facebook: www.facebook.com/DefteriAnaynosi Twitter: www.twitter.com/DefteriAnaynos1 Ειδήσεις για τη βδομάδα και σχόλια για τις εξελίξεις Περιεχόμενα του τεύχους 28 Μαρτίου – 4 Απριλιου 2016: Τεύχος 193 [Ενδιάμεση έκδοση] ΤΟΠΙΚΑ Ο διάβολος βρίσκεται στις λεπτομέρειες, σελ.3 Τεκμήρια ταξικού πολέμου: Courses τζαι νοσοκομούθκια… πώς κατασκευάζονται θεάματα με «διαρροές», και η αβάσταχτη ανασφάλεια των διορισμένων της εξουσίας που αναζητούν νομιμοποίηση απέναντι στους ιθαγενείς, σε σπουδές που δεν έχουν καν… σελ. 7 Απροβίβαστη διοίκηση; Ανεξάρτητος διεθνής οίκος αξιολογεί κάτω απο τη βάση την διοίκηση και την διεύθυνση της ιστορικής Αγγλικής Σχολής? σ.13 Καταγραφή περί σκουπιδιών: «Φτάσανε στον Μπόμπολα», αλλά στα μουλωχτά την έκανε με ελαφρά πηδηματάκια ο Κοκότσης;.. ο Χάσικος προσπαθεί να ξεχαστεί ο Οκτώβριος του 2015.. τεκμήρια εναντίον του Λουρουτζιατη από το ημερολόγιο των ραντεβού.. οι Βέργας – Μαληκκίδης… μετατρέπονται σε κωμωδία: μόλις καταθέσαν ότι τα είπαν όλα – και τώρα ξαφνικά βρέθηκαν και με άλλα ποσά μιζών που ξέχασαν στη χριστιανική τους ..ομολογία στο δικαστήριο.. όπου καταθέσαν σε βάρος άλλων, σελ. 17 Κυπριακή Διάλεκτος, Γλώσσα ή Ιδίωμα, σελ. 22

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Τεύχος 193, Δέφτερη Ανάγνωση 27 Μαρτίου - 3 Απριλίου 2016

Transcript of Τεύχος 193, Δέφτερη Ανάγνωση 27 Μαρτίου - 3 Απριλίου 2016

  • 1

    Website: http://2ha-cy.blogspot.com/ Facebook: www.facebook.com/DefteriAnaynosi

    Twitter: www.twitter.com/DefteriAnaynos1

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    Michalis Persianis As an old boy, I would like the BoD to do a great deal of

    explaining as this review, long awaited, only confirms our concerns. There seems to

    be little concern among the key guardians of the school's tradition of excellence

    about the downhill path the ES has been following in the last few years. The ES will

    soon be the Dartmouth of secondary education unless there is deliberate effort to

    reverse this path.

    Second Century of Excellence?

    The English School Governance and Management are assessed

    below border line by an Independent international agency

    The claim that the "Excellent among the excellent" were appointed to the Board of

    Governors, turns out to be a bad, sad joke, as it is now officially certified that they

    are undermining the welfare and safety of students, 1100 of them ... while the

    "pledge" by President Anastasiades proves to be a constant value [parents and

  • 14

    teachers and the Turkish Cypriot leader, are still awaiting for the President to honor

    his promise made last July, of replacing the English School Board of Governors..]

    From the English School PTA facebook1:

    The main findings of the Independent Schools Inspectorate on The English

    School.

    Grade: SATISFACTORY on Governance, Leadership and Management2

    he quality of governance, leadership and management is satisfactory.

    Frequent changes in the leadership of the school have resulted in the board of

    Management involving itself in detail and consequently negating its ability to

    oversee the quality of education and implementation of policies, including

    safeguarding, The lack of a formal complaints procedure for parents has led to

    confusion of role and resulted in a small minority of parents in the

    questionnaire reporting that the school had not handled complaints well. A

    minority of parents did not agree that the school was well governed. The

    academic leadership has relied on the excellent learning attitudes of pupils to

    achieve their excellent academic results, rather than seeking to improve the

    overall good quality of teaching through a school wide appraisal scheme. The

    pastoral leaders have not taken sufficiently-firm action in confronting some

    key issues.

    Grades used in ISI evaluations in general seem to be as follows:

    1. Excellent

    2. Good

    3. Satisfactory

    4. Inadequate

    1 https://www.facebook.com/parents.staff/ 2 https://www.englishschool.ac.cy/board-of-management

  • 15

    It is important to view the grades in comparison to those of other schools inspected

    by the same independent body. Here is a comparative chart for all the European

    Independent Schools outside the UK inspected by ISI in 2015.

    How to Ensure A Third Century of Excellence at The English School, Nicosia.

    Observations on Governance at The English School

  • 16

    by Grahan Gamble, (ex) English School Headmaster, April 2014

    extract:

    ..what is wanted for this purpose is a summation of how governance is amiss

    at The English School and the main consequences of that. The present

    situation has probably been brought about by the appointment to the Board of

    persons who are unwilling or unable to understand their roles as governors of

    the school, NOT managers of it. The Board of The English School, Nicosia,

    urgently needs members who are impartial and who have the personality, the

    wisdom and the qualities of character to build fruitful, trusting, mutually

    respectful relationships with the Head of School and his or her management

    team.

    .

    The independent evaluation of the English School in fact tallies with the

    concerns about Governance expressed by the last Headteacher, Mr. Graham

    Gamble. At a meeting at the President Anastasiadess office he warned that if

    the Board is not replaced, the historic school which used to be a jewel of the

    whole region, will soon turn into a piece of coal, in the hands of the

    Government which appointed it. What was replaced in the end, was not the

    non-credible Board but the headmaster himself!

  • 17

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  • 37

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    he may be another filthy-rich guy (and boy, do they understand rich guys!), he's against the

    trade deals and the tax cuts that have made the rich richer and the working guys madder and,

    yes, poorer. Inflation-adjusted median household income in this country has dropped 10

    percent between 1999 and 2014. Foreign trade with Pacific Rim countries cost 2 million jobs

    in 2015, god only knows how many million more before that. 9 Last September Mr Trump released a tax plan that calls for higher taxes on the wealthy - a

    suggestion that would have disqualified any other recent Republican candidate. . He is not a deficit hawk, and has promised to protect welfare programmes such as social security and

    Medicare.

    Since deficit reduction was the litmus test of true conservatism in the 2012 campaign, Mr

    Trump's position is pretty staggering.

  • 38

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    working-class men who are white. People without a college education who feel that the

    economic policies of free trade and low taxes on the wealthy have not helped them.

    And they are quite right. Manufacturing wages in America have been almost stagnant since

    the 1970s. If you are a 55-year-old auto worker who has lost your job to an immigrant or - far

    more likely - a robot, you don't just feel left behind by the forces of globalisation and low

    taxes, you really have been left behind.

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    have not helped the working class here to adjust to a globalised economy and a technological

    revolution.

  • 39

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    A Coup in Brazil?

    Brazils right is determined to remove Dilma Rousseff from power and

    cripple any movements to her left.

    by Alfredo Saad-Filho

    A major trade union protest against Dilma Rousseff's potential impeachment in So

    Paulo on December 16, 2015. Robson B. Sampaio / Flickr

    Every so often, the bourgeois political system runs into crisis. The machinery of the

    state jams; the veils of consent are torn asunder; and the tools of power appear

    disturbingly naked. Brazil is living through one of those moments it is dreamland

    for social scientists; a nightmare for everyone else.

    Dilma Rousseff was elected president in 2010, with a 56-44 percent majority against

    the right-wing, neoliberal Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) opposition

    candidate. She was reelected four years later with a diminished yet convincing

    majority of 52-48 percent, or a difference of 3.5 million votes.

  • 52

    Dilmas second victory sparked a heated panic among the neoliberal and US-aligned

    opposition. The fourth consecutive election of a president affiliated to the center-left

    Workers Party (PT) was bad news for the opposition, among other reasons because

    it suggested that PT founder Lus Incio Lula da Silva could return in 2018. Lula had

    been president between 2003 and 2010 and, when he left office, his approval ratings

    hit 90 percent, making him the most popular leader in Brazilian history.

    This threat of continuity suggested that the opposition could be out of federal office

    for a generation. They immediately rejected the outcome of the vote. No credible

    complaints could be made, but no matter; it was resolved that Dilma Rousseff would

    be overthrown by any means necessary. To understand what happened next, we

    must return to 2011.

    Dilma inherited a booming economy from Lula. Alongside China and other middle-

    income countries, Brazil bounced back vigorously after the global crisis. GDP

    expanded by 7.5 percent in 2010, the fastest rate in decades, and Lulas hybrid

    neoliberal, neo-developmental economic policies seemed to have hit the perfect

    balance: sufficiently orthodox to enjoy the confidence of large sections of the internal

    bourgeoisie and the formal and informal working class, and heterodox enough to

    deliver the greatest redistribution of income and privilege in Brazils recorded history.

    For example, the real minimum wage rose by 70 percent and 21 million (mostly low-

    paid) jobs were created in the 2000s. Social provision increased significantly,

    including the world-famous Bolsa Famlia conditional cash transfer program, and the

    government supported a dramatic expansion of higher education, including quotas

    for blacks and state school pupils.

    For the first time, the poor could access education as well as income and bank loans.

    They proceeded to study, earn, and borrow, and to occupy spaces, literally,

    previously the preserve of the upper-middle class: airports, shopping malls, banks,

    private health facilities, and roads, with the latter clogged up by cheap cars

    purchased on seventy-two easy payments. The government enjoyed a comfortable

    majority in a highly fragmented Congress, and Lulas legendary political skills

    managed to keep most of the political elite on his side.

  • 53

    Then everything started to go wrong. Dilma Rousseff was chosen by Lula as his

    successor. She was a steady pair of hands and a competent manager and enforcer.

    She was also the most left-wing president of Brazil since Joo Goulart, who was

    overthrown by a military coup in 1964. However, she had no political track record

    and, as will soon become evident, lacked essential qualities for the job.

    Once elected, Dilma shifted economic policies further away from neoliberalism. The

    government intervened in several sectors seeking to promote investment and output,

    and put intense pressure on the financial system to reduce interest rates, which

    lowered credit costs and the governments debt service, releasing funds for

    consumption and investment. A virtuous circle of growth and distribution seemed

    possible.

    Unfortunately, the government miscalculated the lasting impact of the global crisis.

    The US and European economies stagnated, Chinas growth faltered, and the so-

    called commodity super-cycle vanished. Brazils current account was ruined.

    Even worse, the US, UK, Japan, and the eurozone introduced quantitative easing

    policies that led to massive capital outflows towards middle-income countries. Brazil

    faced a tsunami of foreign exchange that overvalued the currency and bred

    deindustrialization. Economic growth rates fell precipitously.

    The government doubled its interventionism through public investment, subsidized

    loans, and tax rebates, which ravaged the public accounts. Their frantic and

    seemingly random interventionism scared away the internal bourgeoisie: local

    magnates were content to run government through the Workers Party, but would

    not be managed by a former political prisoner who overtly despised them.

    And her antipathy was not only reserved for the capitalists: the president had little

    inclination to speak to social movements, left organizations, lobbies, allied parties,

    elected politicians, or her own ministers. The economy stalled and Dilmas political

    alliances shrank, in a fast-moving dance of destruction. The neoliberal opposition

    scented blood.

    For years, the opposition to the PT had been rudderless. The PSDB had nothing

    appealing to offer while, as is traditional in Brazil, most other parties were gangs of

    bandits extorting the government for selfish gain. The situation was so desperate

  • 54

    that the mainstream media overtly took the mantle of opposition, driving the anti-PT

    agenda and literally instructing politicians what to do next. In the meantime, the

    radical left remained small and relatively powerless. It was despised by the

    hegemonic ambitions of the PT.

    The confluence of dissatisfactions became an irresistible force in 2013. The

    mainstream media in Brazil is rabidly neoliberal and utterly ruthless: it is as if Fox

    News and its clones dominated the entire US media, including all TV chains and the

    main newspapers. The upper-middle class was their obliging target, as they had

    economic, social, and political reasons to be unhappy.

    Upper-middle class jobs were declining, with 4.3 million posts vanishing in the 2000s.

    In the meantime, the bourgeoisie was doing well, and the poor advanced fast: even

    domestic servants got labor rights. The upper-middle class felt squeezed

    economically, and excluded from their privileged spaces. It was also dislocated from

    the state.

    Since Lulas election, the state bureaucracy had been populated by thousands of

    cadres appointed by the PT and the Left, to the detriment of better-educated,

    whiter, and, presumably, more deserving upper-middle class competitors. Mass

    demonstrations erupted for the first time in June 2013, triggered by left-wing

    opposition against a bus fare increase in So Paulo.

    Those demonstrations were fanned by the media and captured by the upper-middle

    class and the Right, and they shook the government but, clearly, not enough to

    motivate it to save itself. The demonstrations returned two years later. And then in

    2016.

    After the decimation of the state apparatus by the pre-Lula neoliberal

    administrations, the PT sought to rebuild selected areas of the bureaucracy. Among

    them, for reasons that Lula may soon have plenty of time to review and to regret,

    the Federal Police and the Federal Prosecution Office (FPO). In addition, for overtly

    democratic reasons, but more likely related to corporatism and capacity to make

    media-friendly noises, the Federal Police and the FPO were granted inordinate

    autonomy; the former through mismanagement, while the latter has become the

  • 55

    fourth power in the republic, separate from and checking the executive, the

    legislature, and the judiciary.

    The abundance of qualified job seekers led to the colonization of these well-paying

    jobs by upper-middle class cadres. They were now in a constitutionally secure

    position, and could bite the hand that had fed them, while loudly demanding,

    through the media, additional resources to maul the rest of the PTs body.

    Corruption was the ideal pretext. Since it lost the first democratic presidential

    elections, in 1989, the PT moved steadily towards the political center. In order to

    lure the upper-middle class and the internal bourgeoisie, the PT neutralized or

    expelled the partys left wing, disarmed the trade unions and social movements,

    signed up to the neoliberal economic policies pursued by the previous administration,

    and imposed a dour conformity that killed off any alternative leadership.

    Only Lulas sun could shine in the party; everything else was incinerated. This

    strategy was eventually successful and, in 2002, Little Lula Peace and Love was

    elected president. (This was an actual campaign slogan.)

    For years the PT had thrived in opposition as the only honest political party in Brazil.

    This strategy worked, but it contained a lethal contradiction: in order to win

    expensive elections, manage the executive, and build a workable majority in

    Congress, the PT would have to get its hands dirty. There is no other way to do

    politics in Brazilian democracy.

    We only need one more element, and our mixture is ready to combust. Petrobras is

    Brazils largest corporation and one of the worlds largest oil companies. The firm has

    considerable technical and economic capacity, and it was responsible for the

    discovery, in 2006, of gigantic deep-sea oil fields hundreds of miles from the

    Brazilian coast. Dilma Rousseff, as Lulas minister of mines and energy, was

    responsible for handling exploration contracts in these areas including large

    privileges for Petrobras. The enabling legislation was vigorously opposed by PSDB,

    the media, the oil majors, and the US government.

    In 2014, Sergio Moro, a previously unknown judge in Curitiba, a southern state

    capital, started investigating a currency dealer involved in tax evasion. This case

    eventually spiraled into a deadly threat against Dilma Rousseffs government. Judge

  • 56

    Moro is good looking, well educated, white, and well paid. He is also very close to

    the PSDB.

    His Lava Jato (car wash) operation unveiled an extraordinary tale of large-scale

    bribery, plunder of public assets, and funding for all major political parties, centered

    on the relationship between Petrobras and some of its main suppliers precisely the

    stalwarts of the PT in the oil, shipbuilding, and construction industries.

    It was the perfect combination, at the right time. Judge Moros cause was picked up

    by the media, and he obligingly steered it to inflict maximum damage on the PT,

    while shielding the other parties. Politicians connected to the PT and some of Brazils

    wealthiest businessmen were summarily jailed, and would remain locked up until

    they agreed to a plea bargain implicating others. A new phase of Lava Jato would

    ensnare them, and so on.

    The operation is now in its twenty-sixth phase; many have already collaborated, and

    those who refused to do so have received long prison sentences, to coerce them

    back into line while their appeals are pending. The media turned Judge Moro into a

    hero; he can do no wrong, and attempts to contest his sprawling powers are met

    with derision or worse.

    He is now the most powerful person in the country, above Dilma, Lula, the speakers

    of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate (both sinking in corruption and other

    scandals), and even the Supreme Court justices, who have either been silenced or

    are quietly supportive of Moros crusade.

    Petrobras has been paralyzed by the scandal, bringing down the entire oil chain.

    Private investment has collapsed because of political uncertainty and the politically

    driven investment strike against Dilmas government. Congress has turned against

    the government, and the judiciary is overwhelmingly hostile.

    After years of sniping, the media has been delighted to see Lula fall under the Lava

    Jato juggernaut, even if the allegations are often far-fetched: does he actually own a

    beachside apartment that his family does not use, is that small farm really his, who

    paid for the lake and the mobile phone masts nearby, and how about those pedalos?

    No matter: in a display of bravado and power, Moro even detained Lula for

    questioning on March 4. He was taken to the So Paulo airport and would have been

  • 57

    flown to Curitiba, but the judges plan was halted by fear of the political fallout. Lula

    was questioned at the airport, then released. He was livid.

    In order to shore up her crumbling administration and protect Lula from prosecution,

    Dilma Rousseff appointed Lula her chief of staff (the presidents chief of staff has

    ministerial status and can be prosecuted only by the Supreme Court). The right-wing

    conspiracy went into overdrive. Moro (illegally) released the (illegal) recording of a

    conversation between President Dilma and Lula, pertaining to his investiture. Once

    suitably misinterpreted, their dialogue was presented as proof of a conspiracy to

    protect Lula from Moros determination to jail him.

    Large right-wing upper-middle class masses poured into the streets, furiously, on

    March 13. Five days later, the Left responded with not-quite-as-large demonstrations

    of its own against the unfolding coup. In the meantime, Lulas appointment was

    suspended by a judicial measure, then restored, then suspended again. The case is

    now in the Supreme Court. At the moment, he is not a minister, and his head is

    posed above the block. Moro can arrest him at short notice.

    Why is this a coup? Because despite aggressive scrutiny, no presidential crime

    warranting impeachment proceedings has emerged. Nevertheless, the political right

    has thrown the kitchen sink at Dilma Rousseff. They rejected the outcome of the

    2014 elections and appealed against her alleged campaign finance violations, which

    would remove from power both Dilma and vice president Michel Temer, now the

    effective leader of the impeachment.

    The Right simultaneously started impeachment procedures in Congress. The media

    has attacked the government viciously, neoliberal economists impartially beg for a

    new administration to restore market confidence, and the Right will resort to street

    violence as necessary. Finally, the judicial charade against the PT has broken all the

    rules of legality, yet it is cheered on by the media, the Right, and even by the

    Supreme Court justices.

    Yet the coup de grce is taking a long time coming. In the olden days, the military

    would have already moved in. Today, the Brazilian military are defined more by their

    nationalism (a danger to the neoliberal onslaught) than by their right-wing faith and,

  • 58

    anyway, the Soviet Union is no more. Under neoliberalism, coups dtat must follow

    legal niceties, as was shown in Honduras, in 2009, and in Paraguay, in 2012.

    Brazil is likely to join their company, but not just now: large sections of capital want

    to restore the hegemony of neoliberalism; those who once supported the PTs

    national development strategy have fallen into line; the media is howling so loudly it

    has become impossible to think clearly; and most of the upper-middle class has

    descended into a fascist odium for the PT, the Left, the poor, and blacks.

    Their disorderly hatred has become so intense that even PSDB politicians are booed

    in anti-government demonstrations. And, despite the relentless attack, the Left

    remains reasonably strong, as was demonstrated on March 18. The Right and the

    elite are powerful and ruthless but they are also afraid of the consequences of

    their own daring.

    There is no simple resolution to the political, economic, and social crises in Brazil.

    Dilma Rousseff has lost political support and the confidence of capital, and she is

    likely to be removed from office in the coming days. However, attempts to imprison

    Lula could have unpredictable implications and, even if Dilma and Lula are struck off

    the political map, a renewed neoliberal hegemony cannot automatically restore

    political stability or economic growth, nor secure the social prominence that the

    upper-middle class craves.

    Despite strong media support for the impending coup, the PT, other left parties, and

    many radical social movements remain strong. Further escalation is inevitable. Watch

    this space.

    https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/03/dilma-rousseff-pt-coup-golpe-petrobras-

    lavajato/

  • 59

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  • 83

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  • 84

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  • 85

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  • 87

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    Cyprus link to one of Donald Trumps advisers - http://in-cyprus.com/cyprus-link-

    one-donald-trumps-advisers/

    Greek-Cypriot among advisers to Donald Trump campaign -

    http://www.sigmalive.com/en/news/international/143198/greekcypriot-among-

    advisers-to-donald-trump-campaign

    - http://www.philenews.com/el-

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    credential -

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/checkpoint/wp/2016/03/21/meet-the-men-

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    This Is A Joke, Right? Trump Taps Model Foreign Policy Adviser -

    http://twitchy.com/2016/03/21/this-is-a-joke-right-trump-taps-model-foreign-policy-

    adviser/

  • 88

    Meet the men shaping Donald Trump's foreign policy views -

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  • 89

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